Suchergebnisse

Im Februar 2000 fand im Institut für USA- und Kanadastudien der Russischen Akademie der Wissenschaften ein internationales Seminar zum Thema: "Peacebuilding nach dem Ende des Kalten Kriegs" statt. Die Vorträge und Diskussionsbeiträge werden im Wortlaut wiedergegeben. Es werden sowohl generelle Probleme des Peacebuilding als auch die Politik Rußlands in diesem Bereich thematisiert. (BIOst-Mrk)

В рассматриваемый статье показано, что российская научно-педагогическая печать последней трети XIX – начала ХX в. в полной мере отражала состояние отечественного педагогического сознания, а именно наличие в нем различных позиций по вопросу о системе ценностей и идеале воспитания подрастающих поколений россиян. Актуальность исследования обусловлена тем фактом, что приоритетной задачей Российской Федерации на нынешнем этапе ее социокультурного развития выступает формирование новых поколений, обладающих знаниями и умениями,которые отвечают требованиям XXI века, разделяющих традиционные нравственные ценности, готовых к мирному созиданию и защите Родины. Ключевым инструментом решения этой задачи является воспитание. И анализ опыта предыдущих эпох в этом процессе представляется очень важным. Источниковой базой исследования стала отечественная научно-педагогическая печать последней трети XIX – начала ХX в., насчитывавшая около 300 изданий. Применяя для ее анализа различные методы исследования (культурно-историческую генетику, концепции модернизации общества и образования, социокультурный подход к исследованию прошлой педагогической реальности, а также парадигмальный подход к изучению педагогических феноменов прошлого), автор установил, что вроссийском образовательном пространстве посредством воспитания воспроизводились два полярных мировидения и порожденные ими ценностные системы: социоцентризм (сфокусированный на реализации традиционалистски-консервативного, соборного идеала воспитания) и антропоцентризм (нацеленный на осуществление либерального идеала воспитания). Результаты исследования позволили сделать вывод о том, что раскол педагогического сознания и образовательного пространства страны породил стремление ученых и педагогов-практиков ликвидировать данную ситуацию посредством выработки дуалистического идеала воспитания. Все вышеназванные идеалы и системы ценностей получили свою аргументацию на страницах отечественных научно-педагогических изданий рубежа XIX–ХX столетий.
The article shows that the Russian scientific and pedagogical press of the last third of the 19th– early 20th century fully reflected the state of Russian pedagogical consciousness, namely the presence in it of different positions on the issue of the system of values and the ideal of education of the younger generations of Russians. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that the priority task of the Russian Federation at the current stage of its socio-cultural development is the formation of new generations with knowledge and skills that meet the requirements of the 21st century and who will share traditional moral values and ready for peaceful creation and defense of the Motherland. Education is the key tool for solving this problem. And analyzing the experience of previous eras in this process is very important. The source base of the study was the national scientific and pedagogical press of the last third of the 19th - early 20th century, which numbered about 300 publications. Applying various research methods for its analysis (cultural-historical genetics, concepts of modernization of society and education, sociocultural approach to the study of the past pedagogical reality, as well as the paradigmatic approach to the study of pedagogical phenomena of the past), the author found that in the Russian educational space through education reproduced two polar worldviews and value systems generated by them: sociocentrism (focused on the implementation of the traditionalist-conservative, conciliarity ideal of education) and anthropocentrism (aimed at the implementation of the liberal ideal of education). The author came to the conclusion that the split of pedagogical consciousness and educational space of the country gave rise to the desire of scientists and pedagogical practitioners to eliminate this situation through the development of dualistic ideal of education. All the above-mentioned ideals and value systems received their argumentation on the pages of Russian scientific and pedagogical publications of the turn of the 19th – 20thcenturies.

Th e transition of the Narodniks to the terrorist tactics is still a very debatable issue in Russian historiography. One of the pioneers of the terrorist direction was V.A. Ossinsky (1852–1879). Th e Executive Committee of the Rus-sian Social-Revolutionary Party (henceforth EC RSRP) was established on his initiative in the spring of 1878. Th e history of this revolutionary group, which was active throughout the South of Russia in 1878 and early 1879, has not yet been suffi ciently studied, although it heralded the transition of most of the revolution-ary Narodniks to political struggle, including terror. Th e purpose of this study is to reconstruct the previously little-known or completely unknown pages of the history of the EC RSRP, its structure and composition. Th e author examines politi-cal views of V.A. Ossinsky and his entourage, contacts of the members of the EC RSRP with other opposition movements in Little Russia, including liberals and representatives of the Gromada, the eff ectiveness of the EC RSRP and its infl u-ence on the administrative spheres of the South of Russia. He concludes that the transition of the part of Narodniks to political terror in the late 1870s occurred largely due to the lawless and repressive policy of the authorities and the radicals' awareness of the futility of peaceful ways of struggle. Th e systematic use of terror-ism by the EC RCRP together with an active propaganda campaign and other acts of defi ance against the authorities (armed resistance during arrests, proclamation campaign, jailbreaks, organization of demonstrations and riots, etc.) made this organization truly dangerous in the eyes of the government. Th e actions of the EC RSRP and the very death of V.A. Ossinsky had a signifi cant impact on the future of the entire Russian revolutionary movement. Th e EC RSRP was in fact a forerun-ner of the Executive Committee of the Narodnaya Volya, which subsequently car-ried out the assassination of Emperor Alexander II, and its activity undoubtedly infl uence the fate of the Russian monarchy.

Проблема возможности мирного и взаимовыгодного объединения народов в составе единого государства неизменно актуальна в мировой истории. В этой связи весьма полезен опыт объединения казахского и русского народов. Целью данной статьи является определение основных черт модернизации казахских институтов власти в структуре Западно-Сибирского генерал-губернаторства. В основу работы положены результаты анализа историографии и архивных документов Исторического архива Омской области, которые позволили подтвердить гипотезу о том, что в сравнении c классическими империями Западного мира Российская развивалась и функционировала как «империя наоборот». Модернизация традиционных институтов власти казахов в составе ЗападноСибирского генерал-губернаторства с 1822 г. осуществлялась поэтапно и с учетом местной специфики. Российские власти способствовали демократизации традиционной системы управления, постепенно ослабляя влияние казахской аристократии, терявшей доверие населения. При этом предпочтение отдавалось талантливым выходцам из народа, заслужившим авторитет в народной среде своей добросовестной работой на руководящих должностях в администрации или в качестве традиционного судьи – бия. Поскольку вектор административно-политической интеграции был направлен в сторону унификации, то с 1868 г. позиции имперской администрации стали укрепляться. На уездном уровне представителей казахской аристократии – султанов – заменили уездные начальники – российские офицеры, наделенные всей полнотой военной, полицейской, административной и судебной власти. При уездном начальнике находились два помощника – старший и младший, причем последний обычно был казахом. В то же время на волостном уровне большое влияние, особенно в хозяйственно-экономических вопросах, имели выбранные из числа казахов волостные управители, а в сфере суда свой вековой авторитет среди казахского населения продолжали сохранять казахские бии. Исследование модернизации казахских институтов власти в структуре Западно-Сибирского генерал-губернаторства позволяет утверждать, что в отличие от классических империй, осуществлявших колонизацию, базировавшуюся на выкачивании ресурсов и навязывании единственно возможной системы своих законов, своей цивилизации, Российская империя формировалась на основе принципов интеграции народов внутри многонационального государства. Анализ административной модернизации, проводимой в казахской степи, подтверждает, что политика Российской империи была направлена, в том числе, на диалог двух культур и народов, целью которого являлось не вытеснение или уничтожение, а разумный компромисс и успешное сотрудничество.
The problem of the possibility of peaceful and mutually beneficial unification of peoples as a part of a single state is always relevant in world history. In particular, the example of the unification of the Kazakh and Russian peoples is valuable. The purpose of this article is to identify the main features of the modernization of Kazakh institutions of power in the structure of the West Siberian Governorate-General. The work is based on the results of the analysis of historiography and archival documents from the Historical Archive of Omsk Oblast that allowed us to confirm the hypothesis that if compared with the classical empires of the Western world, the Russian Empire developed and functioned as an "empire on the contrary." After 1822, modernization of the traditional institutions of power of the Kazakhs as a part of the West Siberian Governorate-General was carried out in stages, taking into account local specifics. The Russian authorities promoted the democratization of the traditional system of governance, gradually weakening the influence of the Kazakh aristocracy, which was already losing the trust of the people. At the same time, preference was given to talented representatives of the ordinary people who had earned authority in the society by their conscientious work on leading positions in the administration or as traditional judges called biys. Since the vector of administrative and political integration was directed towards unification, after 1868, the positions of the imperial administration were getting stronger and stronger. At the uyezd level, the representatives of the Kazakh aristocracy, sultans, were replaced by uyezd chiefs. They were Russian officers, who were endowed with full military, police, administrative, and judicial power. Every uyezd chief had a senior assistant and a junior assistant, and the latter was usually a Kazakh. At the same time, at the volost level, volost rulers were chosen from among the Kazakh population. They usually had great influence, especially in administrative and economic issues. In the sphere of the court, Kazakh biys continued to maintain their longlasting authority among the Kazakh population. The study of the modernization of Kazakh institutions of power in the structure of the West Siberian Governorate-General shows that unlike the classical empires that carried out colonization based on pumping out resources of a colonized country and imposing the only possible system of their own laws and their civilization, the Russian Empire was formed on the basis of the principles of integration of peoples within a multinational state. The analysis of the administrative modernization carried out in the Kazakh steppe confirms that, among other things, the policy of the Russian Empire was aimed at a dialogue between two cultures and peoples, the purpose of which was not displacement or destruction, but reasonable compromise and successful cooperation.

Countries that are the most attractive for Russian medical tourists in peacetime and when political tensions arise are considered in this article. The availability of medical services for Russians currently abroad is assessed due to the sanctions policy applied by various countries, including Western ones, against Russia. One of the limiting factors in the access of outbound medical tourism for Russians is the situation with air traffic between Russia and countries where Russians prefer travelling to receive medical services. So, direct flights are currently carried out with limited number of countries; basically, Russian medical tourists can get there with transfers. At the same time, a number of countries have completely restricted the entry of Russians into their territories, including for tourism purposes. This inevitably leads to a shift in demand for outbound medical tourism for Russians across countries. The global market for medical tourism is actively developing now, and, in general, it is already quite capacious and competitive. This is due to different countries have a number of identical specializations in the field of medicine. Therefore, Russians have the opportunity to find alternative countries to receive medical services, including by turning to the domestic market, in particular for the treatment of cancer. As before, the Middle East (Israel) will be attractive for Russian medical tourists. Also, a shift in demand from Europe to the countries of South and Southeast Asia will be.

В качестве факторов, способствовавших нарастанию варваризации в Афинах второй полвины V в. до н.э., в статье указываются создание Афинской морской державы, движение софистов, конфликт поколений, Пелопоннесская война, наступление «эры демагогов». Обратное же движение в сторону деварваризации (с самого конца Vв. до н.э.) было связано в первую очередь с возрождением уважения к законности, с укреплением стабильности и порядка. Новая афинская демократия IV в. до н.э., которую одни специалисты считают «усовершенствованным» вариантом по сравнению с демократией предшествующего столетия, а другие, напротив, ее упадком, кризисом, была в основном свободна как от охлократических, так и от олигархических тенденций; она может с полным основанием быть определена как умеренная демократия, в отличие от радикальной демократии второй половины V в. до н.э. Конфликтов не то чтобы не было, но их старались разрешать мирным путем, по возможности достигая компромисса и избегая насилия.
The article cites as factors, which promoted the growth of barbarization in Athens in the last half of the 5thcentury B.C., the following ones: the emergence of the Athenian Empire, the sophistic movement, the conflict of generations, the Peloponnesian War, and the coming of the "era of demagogues". As to the reverse motion towards debarbarization (from the very end of the 5th century B.C.), it was connected, in the first instance, with revival of the lawfulness' authority and with strengthening order and stability. The new Athenian democracy of the 4thcentury B.C. (which is considered by some scholars an "improved" version as compared with democracy of the previous century, but by other scholars, on the contrary, its decline and crisis) was in general free from both ochlocratic and oligarchic tendencies; it may be with good reason defined as a moderate democracy, as distinct from the radical democracy of the last half of the 5thcentury B.C. It is not to say that there were no conflicts, but people sought to solve them by peaceful way, as far as possible, to reach compromises and to avoid violence.

Connectivity is one of the key trends of the 21st century, which Russia is fully embracing with its Greater Eurasian Partnership (GEP) in order to counteract the chaotic processes unleashed throughout the course of the ongoing systemic transition from unipolarity to multipolarity. This outlook sets forth the grand strategic task of integrating with some of the former countries of the erstwhile Soviet Union through the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and then further afield with the other regions of Eurasia in order to benefit from the growing cross-supercontinental trade between Europe and Asia. President Putin declared during the second Belt & Road Initiative (BRI) Forum in April 2019 that this Chinese-led project "rimes with Russia's idea to establish a Greater Eurasian Partnership" and that "The five EAEU member states have unanimously supported the idea of pairing the EAEU development and the Chinese Silk Road Economic Belt project". It naturally follows that the pairing of the EAEU with BRI would involve Russia improving its connectivity with the latter's flagship project of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) in South Asia, thereby endowing Pakistan with an important role in the GEP. The rapidly improving relations between Moscow and Islamabad, as well as the peacemaking efforts undertaken by those two states and other stakeholders in Afghanistan across 2019, raise the prospect of a future trade corridor traversing through the countries between them and thus creating a new axis of Eurasian integration that would complete the first envisaged step of bringing the EAEU and BRI closer together. In pursuit of this multilaterally beneficial outcome, it's important to explain the policymaking and academic bases behind it so as to prove the viability of this proposal.

Introduction. The problem of repatriation of the Muslim population, so-called "Meskhetian Turks" exiled in 1944 from Samtskhe-Javakheti and acceptance of their national identity has long worried Georgian people. The opinions on this subject vary drastically. Depending on the political situation, this issue periodically emerges (possibly deliberately) as a controversy. Comparison and analysis of currently available written sources, special and general literature, documents, recently studied ethnographic materials finally provide an opportunity to define who the "Meskhetian Turks" are. In addition, they reveal who is benefiting from using this artificially created term and for what purpose.

Methods and materials. The materials concerning these problems and their classification are based on the methods developed by Ac.G. Chitaia, the founder of Georgian Ethnographic School. They contain different methods of complex-intensive as well as generalization and historical characters.

Analysis. Muslimized population (Tarakams, Kurds, Turks, and later Georgian Muslims) mostly lived in Akhalkalaki and Akhaltsikhe provinces before the exile. Prior to 1940, the religious and ethnic composition of the population was rather diverse. This area was inhabited by indigenous Christians and partly Islamized Georgians. They were later joined by sheltered Kurds, Turks, Armenians and Karapapakhs. Calling them "Meskhetian Turks" has a specific purpose and the term is artificially spread in Georgian society. This type of action does not happen in any other country. One may wonder if various governmental, non-governmental and international agencies that have appeared in Georgia like mushrooms after the rain, know about this fact. Or, maybe they know it but under the influence of the governing forces of "the new order" and wholesome funding they deliberately destroy the national identity and integrity of the centuries-old history of the Georgian nation. One should use the term "Muslimized Meskhetians" but never "Meskhetian Turks" (the diverse tribal muslim population exiled from Samtskhe-Javakheti) to refer to the population of several million indigenous muslimized Georgians who are living on their historic territory (Tao-Klarjeti, Kola- Artaani, Shavsheti, Lazistan, etc.), currently Turkey.

Results. The research process highlights the following: according to the results of the study, it becomes possible to develop a number of recommendations which will help the multiethnic population of Samtskhe-Javakhethi live in a peaceful way and accelerate the adaptation and integration processes.

Introduction. The article considers the problem of solving the Austrian issue by consolidating the country's neutrality in 1955 in the context of a possible modeling of the situation on the German issue. The consolidation of a neutral non-aligned status with Austria was the result of a broad domestic and foreign policy compromise. At the same time, the main features of the Austrian path to the neutrality of 1945–1955 are highlighted, making this one of the most well-known compromise precedents of the Cold War possible.

Methods and materials. The research of the model character of the "Austrian solution" of 1955 is possible only with regard to the intertwining historical contexts in which the development of the German and Austrian issues took place from 1945 to 1949. The author uses the comparative historical method in the article while comparing historical features of the development of the German and Austrian issues between 1945 and 1955 and comparing different views and concepts of historians. The information base of the article consists of narrative and documentary sources, as well as a wide range of scientific research works of Austrian, German and Russian researchers.

Analysis. The main internal reasons for the successful resolution of the Austrian issue are the existence of the pro-Western government elected in 1945, the unity of the main political forces of Austria in the matter of restoring sovereignty, and the personal role of Chancellor Julius Raab. The main international reasons are the change in the course of the USSR within the framework of the peaceful coexistence policy, as well as the reciprocal cooperation policy of the Western Allies. The author considers the problem both in historical and in historiographical perspectives.

Results. The possibility of applying the "Austrian solution" to the situation with the divided Germany became the subject of a sharp historiographical dispute, which was called "Model Debate" in Austria. Two famous historians, Rolf Steininger and Michael Gehler, developed a concept confirming the model character of the Austrian solution to the situation with Germany. Most of Austrian historians tend to view the successful resolution of the Austrian issue as a single precedent, or phenomenon, of the Cold War. When comparing the situation with Germany and the attempts to model the Austrian version of it, they point to the different potential and significance of the countries for the Western Allies and the USSR, different goals of foreign policy of victorious powers in the German and Austrian issues.