This article offers a critical review of the few existing scholarly attempts to conceptualize & theorize the study of peacekeeping operations. It reveals that even though the study of peacekeeping operations is burgeoning, most of the available literature is idiosyncratic & atheoretical. Although some authors have recently utilized various concepts from international relations theory for analysis of peacekeeping operations, the potentially diverse international peacekeeping theories are yet to be fully integrated into international relations theory. After inspecting future research agendas outlined by the leading experts in the field, the author critiques the recent calls for a "macrotheory" of international peacekeeping. Adapted from the source document.
Cilj magistrskega dela je ugotoviti, ali je skupna zunanja in varnostna politika Evropske unije primeren okvir za izvajanje mirovnih operacij. V prvem sklopu sem preučil pogodbeni razvoj, institucionalni okvir ter glavni strateški dokument SVOP. V drugem sklopu sem se osredotočil na same vojaške operacije SVOP, v okviru katerega sem preučil zgodovino in razvoj operacij, vpliv vojaških operacij na podobo EU kot varnostnega akterja ter način planiranja in financiranja vojaških operacij. Na koncu drugega sklopa sem izpostavil tudi ključne izzive, ki se pojavljajo pri vzpostavljanju in izvajanju mirovnih operacij v sklopu SVOP. V tretjem sklopu sem se osredotočil na operacijo EUFOR Althea. V začetku sklopa na kratko opišem zgodovino samega konflikta in predstavim grožnje varnosti in stabilnosti Bosne in Hercegovine, nato pa se osredotočim na samo operacijo in opišem njen mandat, proces planiranja, obseg sil in njihovo organizacijo ter naloge, ki jih izvajajo. Tudi v tem sklopu na koncu izpostavim pomanjkljivosti in kritike, ki so se pojavile skozi obdobje izvajanja operacije. Pri analizi operacije Althea sem ugotovil, da se le-ta giblje med delno uspešno in uspešno. Pri primernosti SZVP za izvajanje mirovnih operacij sem ugotovil, da ima ta za izvajanje res širokega spektra mirovnih operacij kar nekaj pomanjkljivosti. Ker sta SZVP in z njo SVOP medvladne narave, je opaziti, da se področja, ki so v pristojnosti samih institucij EU, razvijajo hitreje od področij, na katerih imajo večjo prisotnost same države članice. Moja glavna ugotovitev je, da je SZVP primerna predvsem za izvajanje manjših in manj intenzivnih mirovnih operacij. ; The aim of the master's thesis is to determine whether the common foreign and security policy of the European Union is an appropriate framework for the launching of peacekeeping operations. The first content set analyses the contractual development, institutional framework, and the main strategic document of CSDP. In the second set, I focus on the CSDP military operations. In this context, I examine the history and development of operations, the impact of military operations on the image of the EU as a security actor, and the way in which military operations are planned and financed. At the end of the second set, I also point out the key challenges that arise in the establishment and implementation of CSDP peacekeeping operations. In the third set, I focus on the EUFOR Althea operation. At the beginning of this final set, I briefly describe the history of the conflict and the threats to security and stability of Bosnia and Herzegovina, followed by the focus on the operation itself—its mandate, planning process, force and organization as well as the tasks carried out. Furthermore, this section points out the shortcomings and criticisms that arise during the course of operation. Analysing operation Althea, I have found out that it ranges from semi-successful to successful. With regard to the suitability of CFSP for the conduct of peacekeeping operations, I have found that it has quite a few shortcomings for the conduct of a considerably wide array of peacekeeping operations. As CFSP and CSDP are intergovernmental in nature, it can be observed that the areas under the responsibility of the EU institutions are evolving faster than the areas where the majority of the responsibility lies upon the member states. My main finding is that CFSP is particularly suitable for carrying out smaller and less intensive peacekeeping operations.
This article discusses the growing role of China in UN peacekeeping operations since 1989. First, the reasons for the non-engagement of China after its admission to the UN and its Security Council in 1971 are described to stress the difference of the Chinese behavior after the end of the Cold War. Second, the increasing Chinese activity in UN peacekeeping is shown by describing China's gradually changing behavior in three areas: voting in the Security Council, personnel contributions to peacekeeping operations and financial contributions to the UN peacekeeping budget. In the end, the article suggests that China's growing role in UN PKO could be understood as an important part of China's peaceful rise policy. Adapted from the source document.
UN peacekeeping operations are viewed as a relevant instrument of conflict resolution in the post-Cold War era. A significant part of them operates in Africa, the place with the largest "demand" for conflict resolution. Why are some operations successful, while others not? What are the determinants of their success? The author focuses on six determinants relevant for the outcome of peacekeeping operations: support of the UN Security Council, a clear & feasible mandate, equipment & size of the operation, duration of the operation, will of the belligerents to end the conflict peacefully & support of an African regional organization. Based on case studies representing ten UN peacekeeping operations in Africa, the author evaluates the determinants of success & thus shows the difficult striving of UN peacekeeping for success. Adapted from the source document.
This article offers a comprehensive analysis of the perils & benefits of peacekeeping privatization by approaching two key questions. Firstly, can private military companies (PMCs) take on peacekeeping functions consistent with the UN Charter's primary objective "to save future generations from the scourge of war?" And secondly, is peacekeeping privatization really an option for bridging the UN's peacekeeping capabilities-expectations gap? PMCs' past performances here offer no clear-cut answers for the first question. Critics have doubted their cost-effectiveness, accountability & legitimacy, while proponents have argued their cost-effectiveness, feasibility & professionalism over their UN and/or regional counterparts. On the second question, PMCs posses many capabilities necessary for peacekeeping operations that the UN often lacks. Yet the question remains how far privatization should extend, with the danger of it going too far too fast, causing PMC peacekeeping to become a substitute for, rather than an enhancement of, UN action. Adapted from the source document.
This article provides an analysis of the of United Nations (UN) peacekeeping, one of the hottest topics in international politics of the post-cold war era. Numerous books, articles, and Ph.D. thesis have already been written about UN peacekeeping operations. Although differing vastly in their scope and quality, most of the recent critiques have pointed out the pressing need to re-define and strengthen the cold war era concept of UN peacekeeping so that it becomes a viable conflict resolution method in the 21st century. Some scholars have, however, expressed serious doubts about the actual conflict resolution capabilities of UN peacekeeping operations. They argue that premature, short-tenn and under funded UN peacekeeping operations may well do more damage than good. One of the few things the majority of conflict resolution scholars and practitioners can nowadays agree on is that no UN intervention can bring peace to a place where it is not wanted.This article aims to enrich the current peace research by introducing an alternative analytical approach to the study of the UN peacekeeping. It is divided into seven sections. The introduction is followed by a theoretical section where I briefly summarize two basic theoretical approaches to the study of the UN peacekeeping (Conflict Management & Conflict Resolution). The third section provides an analysis of the changing nature of armed conflicts in the post-cold war period. The fourth section deals with the adjustments that were made to the concept of UN peacekeeping operations in reaction to the changes in the nature of current armed conflicts. The analytical concept Capabilities versus Expectations Gap is introduced in the fifth chapter, followed by the core section of this article -- the analysis of the United Nations peacekeeping using the analytical concept Capabilities versus Expectations Gap. The analytical concept Capabilities versus Expectations Gap was first introduced by Christopher Hill in 1992 as a handy tool for analyzing the evolving European Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). The unique advantage of this concept is that it provides a sensible assessment of both the actual and potential UN capabilities. By comparing these with the existing UN expectations, the Capabilities versus Expectations Gap analysis of UN peacekeeping enables us to sketch a more realistic picture of what the UN is capable of doing in the area of conflict resolution than that presented either by its more enthusiastic supporters or by the demanders among the UN Member States. Consequently, building further on this realistic picture of the UN conflict resolution capabilities, I attempt to answer the key research question of this article: Is the UN, with the current level of its conflict resolution capabilities, capable of providing high quality treatment to as many conflicts as it nowadays attempts to provide? Based on the findings of the Capabilities versus Expectations Gap analysis of the UN peacekeeping problematic, I argue that since the end of the cold war, the UN has several times attempted to carry out more peacekeeping operations than it was capable of performing well in light of the current level of its conflict resolution capabilities. In other words, the most important conclusion of this article is that there is a gap between the UN capabilities and expectations in the area of conflict resolution and that the only option how to bridge this gap in the foreseeable future is to decrease the excessive UN expectations to meet the currently available UN capabilities. As paradoxical as it may sound, in practical terms this means that the United Nations is nowadays more likely to succeed in meeting its basic function ("to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war") by carrying out fewer but high quality peacekeeping operations. Adapted from the source document.
The aim of the paper is to examine interconnections between the process of state-building and the process of nation-building during a period of post-conflict reconstruction. The specific case of the current reconstruction process in Kosovo is exceptional due to extensive international support expressed through political and economic means. Regardless of efforts towards reform made by powerful members of the international community, future sustainability may be questioned. An alternative to the currently favoured institutional approach is provided by the work of Barry Buzan on the state, which puts an emphasis on the idea of the state, assuming integration between territorial, societal and political aspects. The conclusion presented in this article might be used as a lesson learnt from previous mistakes in work dealing with ethnically divided societies, for which it is not sufficient to provide institutional structures without an adequate socio-political reconstruction of existing conditions. If a society is not adequately adapted to the newly-established situation, the institutional structures will not be able to fulfil their key functions completely. Furthermore, it has to be clear that any possible reconstruction of institutional bases must be attempted only with a deep consideration of specific local conditions; otherwise its sustainability is doubtful. ; The aim of the paper is to examine interconnections between the process of state-building and the process of nation-building during a period of post-conflict reconstruction. The specific case of the current reconstruction process in Kosovo is exceptional due to extensive international support expressed through political and economic means. Regardless of efforts towards reform made by powerful members of the international community, future sustainability may be questioned. An alternative to the currently favoured institutional approach is provided by the work of Barry Buzan on the state, which puts an emphasis on the idea of the state, assuming integration ...
Non-governmental organizations participate more than two decades on post-conflict reconstruction & peace-building. They participated on reconstruction of Bosnia & Herzegovina, Angola & Haiti. Existing experiences with post-conflict reconstruction shows that NGOs play a positive roles in the process. On the basis of analysis of post-conflict reconstruction in various countries the author thinks that the positive relationship between NGOs & governments by the post-conflict reconstruction & peace-building is weakening. Why after more than decade of successful evolution of relationship between NGOs & governments in the process of post-conflict reconstruction the skepticism about this relationship emerges? On the case study of post-conflict reconstruction of Afghanistan the possible answer will be offered. Adapted from the source document.
The presented article aims to analyze & compare military peace support operations conducted by the EU (PSO EU). These operations are treated as the benchmark test of the implementation capability of the European Security & Defense Policy project, a project which is limited by the member states' capacities & their political will. Also the relationship between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization & the European Union must be analyzed & the unsettled state of the European allies' capabilities, as well as the crucial role of NATO to ensure a common defense must be further looked into. Nevertheless, one should still keep in mind that no effective military action could be taken without disposable well-equipped, tailored & trained operational capabilities. Concerning the European Union & its member states, this finding has still not been sufficiently put into practice. Adapted from the source document.
Abstract. This research aims to give insight into the processes of public interaction between the police and antigovernment protesters during the Coronavirus Crisis in Poland by evaluating crowd control mechanisms. It addresses the research question: where does the model of anti-government protest policing developed by the Polish Police during the Covid-19 pandemic lie on a continuum of antinomic ideal types of escalated force and negotiated management? The research is embedded in studies on protest policing and draws on an intertextual qualitative analysis of police statements and media news. It shows that the policing of protests was closer to escalated force. However, a hybrid model was involved that combined elements of coercion and negotiation. In terms of protecting the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and police tolerance for community disruption, this particular form of policing is close to escalated force. Still, the communication between the police and the assembly participants, the extent and manner of the arrests closely mirrored both models. One dimension, the extent and nature of the force used, indicated negotiated management. Keywords: protest policing, contention, contentious politics, de-democratisation, Coronavirus Crisis, Poland
Članek poskuša konceptualizirati odnos med individualnim (stro-kovnim) in strukturnim v obdobju razmeroma korenitih sprememb v družbi. Izzivalna in razkrivajoča dialektika takih odnosov je analizirana s kombinacijo avtoetnografskih razmislekov, ob naslonitvi na arhivske dokumente, ki prikazujejo spremembe v delovanju strokovnega sveta v državi, ki je doživela tri temeljne miroljubne prehode in se tudi spopadla z njimi: prehod iz samoupravnega socialističnega gospodarstva v tržno gospodarstvo, prehod iz enopartijskega socialističnega sistema v repre-zentativno liberalno demokracijo in prehod iz republike, ki je bila del zvezne države, v neodvisno državo. Strokovni svet Socialistične republi-ke Slovenije (takrat še del Socialistične republike Jugoslavije), pozneje preimenovan v Strokovni svet Republike Slovenije (takrat že liberalna demokracija s tržnim gospodarstvom in z neodvisno državo), lahko slu-ži kot primer produktivnega prepletanja individualnega (strokovnega) in strukturnega pri oblikovanju in izvajanju preobrazbe izobraževalnega sistema. Kontekstualizirani prikaz in ocena premikov, ki so skupaj pri-pomogli k nastanku neodvisne države in njenega oblikovanja izobraže-valnega sistema, opisuje zapletenost in pomen refleksivnega upravljanja v času tranzicije, ki sama po sebi v ospredje postavlja vrsto pomembnih vprašanj ter vabi in podpira spremembe v izobraževalnem sistemu. Ta-kšne priložnosti država in njeni edukatorji ne bi smeli zamuditi. ; This article attempts to conceptualise the relationship between the indi-vidual (professional) and the structural in a period of relatively radical changes in society. The challenging and revealing dialectic of such rela-tions is analysed through the combination of auto-ethnographic reflec-tions and archival documents showing the changes in the functioning of a council of experts in a country that experienced and coped with three fundamentally peaceful transitions: the transition from a self-managed socialist economy to a market economy, the transition from a one-party socialist system to a representative liberal democracy, and from a re-public that was part of a federal state to an independent state. The Ex-pert Council of the Socialist Republic of Slovenia (then still part of the Socialist Republic of Yugoslavia), later renamed the Expert Council of the Republic of Slovenia (at that time a liberal democracy with a mar-ket economy and an independent state), can serve as an example of the productive intertwining of individual (expert) and the structural in the formulation and the implementation of the functional transformation of the educational system. The contextualised account and assessment of the shifts that together helped bring about the independent state and its education system formation outlines the complexity and importance of reflexive governance in the times of transition, which, in itself, brings to the fore a number of relevant issues and invites and supports change in the educational system. Such an opportunity should not be missed by the country and its educators.
Mediacija je postopek alternativnega reševanja sporov, ki je primerna za skoraj vse vrste sporov, v katerih si stranke želijo obdržati nadzor nad procesom ter izidom njihovega spora. Mediator namreč ne sprejme končne odločitve v postopku, temveč strankam le pomaga, da najdejo skupni jezik, se zbližajo v stališčih in rešitev najdejo same. Pri tem pa mediatorju pomagajo mediacijske tehnike. Mediacijske tehnike so osnova in bistvo mediatorjevega dela, brez njihove uporabe pa je situacija ista, kot če bi se pogovarjali stranki sami brez mediatorja, saj je mediatorjev prispevek zanemarljiv. Osnovni mediacijski tehniki sta aktivno poslušanje ter povzemanje, zanemarljiva pa niso niti ločena srečanja, ki so hkrati ena izmed največjih prednosti mediacijskega postopka v primerjavi s pravdnim. Čeprav se na papirju zdi enostavna, je uporaba mediacijskih tehnik v praksi vse prej kot preprosta, vendar pa lahko z njihovo pravilno, natančno ter vztrajno uporabo dober mediator doseže, da so stranke pripravljene na prilagajanje in popuščanje. Uporaba tehnik je nujna tako v pravdnih kot gospodarskih mediacijah, kot tudi v drugih vrstah spora, pri tem pa je nujno slediti strankam ter ne »prehitevati«. Tudi sicer je mediacija postopek, ki je namenjen bolj strankam kot njihovim pravnim pooblaščencem, v kolikor pa so ti vseeno prisotni, je zaželeno, da sodelujejo z mediatorjem in ne otežujejo njegovega dela. Sodelovanje je mišljeno v smislu naklonjenosti dogovarjanju in poravnavanju ter spodbujanju strank k iskanju mirnih, stroškovno ugodnih ter predvsem bolj trdnih rešitev. Dogovor, sprejet v mediaciji, je namreč praviloma bolj trden in spoštovan, kot če je vsiljen s strani tretje osebe. ; Mediation is a process of alternative dispute resolution that is suitable for almost all types of disputes where parties want to have control over the process of resolution and the eventual outcome. The role of a mediator is not to arbitrate, but to facilitate discourse and mutual understanding between parties, and to assist them in negotiating a settlement. The essence of a mediator's work are mediation techniques. Without them, the process of mediation is reduced to parties attempting to resolve a conflict on their own, making a mediator's contribution negligible. Besides listening and summarizing, one of the most important techniques are separate meetings, which is also one of the biggest advantages of mediation over litigation. These mediation techniques seem simple in theory, but are difficult to apply in practice. By using them correctly, thoroughly, and persistently, a skilled mediator can steer parties towards being more agreeable and willing to compromise. The use of mediation techniques is necessary in both civil and commercial proceedings, as well as in other types of disputes. In using them, a mediator should always follow each party's lead and not rush the process. Mediation is designed for the benefit of parties themselves and not for their attorneys. If attorneys are present, they should cooperate with the mediator by being open to agreements and settlements, and by encouraging parties to reach peaceful, affordable, and firm solutions. Solutions reached with mediation namely tend to be firmer and are more likely to be respected than the ones imposed by a judge or someone else.
Magistrsko delo v ospredje postavlja razvojno tematiko, ki predstavlja enega izmed najpomembnejših področij Organizacije združenih narodov. Zametki oblikovanja organizacije segajo že v čas druge svetovne vojne, ustanovljena pa je bila po koncu vojne z namenom ohranjati mir in varnost v svetu. Čeprav je organizacija najbolj prepoznavna po mirovnih operacijah, pa največji delež sredstev nameni ekonomskemu in socialnemu razvoju. Razvojna desetletja, ki jih je organizacija postopno oblikovala in uresničevala, so prinesla velik premik v razumevanju koncepta razvoja (od strogo ekonomskega do multidisciplinarnega). Ta desetletja so nasledili Milenijski razvojni cilji. Bili so prvi merljivi cilji – s kazalniki je bilo mogoče meriti in ocenjevati njihov napredek. Leta 2015 so jih nasledili Cilji trajnostnega razvoja. Ne razvojna desetletja ne Milenijski razvojni cilji niso uspeli v celoti uresničiti zastavljenih ciljev. Vzroki za to so različni, magistrsko delo pa ponuja še dodaten vidik razumevanja delovanja Organizacije združenih narodov in njene nezmožnosti uresničevanja zastavljenih ciljev. Izmerjeno elektromagnetno polje organizacije pokaže, da organizacija zaradi nepretočnosti energij ni zmožna delovati skladno z zastavljenimi načeli in cilji, zapisanimi v Ustanovni listini. Ta problem pa je mogoče rešiti le s transformacijo zavesti ljudi in s srčno (ne le razumsko) zavezanostjo k uresničevanju ciljev. ; The Master's thesis focuses on the topic of development which represents one of the most important areas of the United Nations. The organization was formally established after the Second World War with the aim to preserve peace and security in the world, but its conception had already began during the war. Although the organization is best known for peacekeeping operations, it devotes the largest share of resources to economic and social development. The development decades, that the organization gradually developed and realised, were a major contribution to the understanding of the concept of development (from a strictly economic to multidisciplinary). These decades were followed by the Millennium Development Goals. They were the first measurable goals – with the help of indicators it was possible to measure and assess their progress. In 2015 they were replaced by the Sustainable Development Goals. Neither the development decades nor the Millennium Development Goals were able to fully realize the set goals. There are various reasons for this, but this Master's thesis offers an additional aspect of understanding the functioning of the United Nations and its inability to meet the set goals. The measured electromagnetic field of the organization shows that it is unable to function in accordance with the principles and goals written in the Charter due to a lack of energy flow. This problem can only be solved by transforming the people's consciousness and by a heartful (not only rational) commitment to the attainment of goals.
