Since 1999, in the aftermath of the tragic failures in Rwanda and Srebrenica, the UN Security Council (UNSC) has readily and consistently entrusted UN peacekeeping operations (UNPKOs) with robust mandates and the authority to use force beyond self-defense for the protection of civilians. In the ensuing decades, it has also sought to provide more robust resources including vehicles, weapons, equipment, and technologies to enable UNPKOs to implement and fulfill their mandates. What is only now being addressed, however, is the need for more robust performance. This presentation describes the mindset, understanding, and attitudes that are required to achieve an effective level of performance.
United Nations peacekeeping has proven remarkably effective at reducing the death and destruction of civil wars. But how peacekeepers achieve their ends remains under-explored. This book presents a typological theory of how peacekeepers exercise power. If power is the ability of A to get B to behave differently, peacekeepers convince the peacekept to stop fighting in three basic ways: they persuade verbally, induce financially, and coerce through deterrence, surveillance and arrest. Based on more than two decades of study, interviews with peacekeepers, unpublished records on Namibia, and ethnographic observation of peacekeepers in Lebanon, DR Congo, and the Central African Republic, this book explains how peacekeepers achieve their goals, and differentiates peacekeeping from its less effective cousin, counterinsurgency. It recommends a new international division of labor, whereby actual military forces hone their effective use of compulsion, while UN peacekeepers build on their strengths of persuasion, inducement, and coercion short of offensive force.
Seit dem Zeitpunkt ihrer Gründung im Jahre 1945 unterliegen die Vereinten Nationen, aufgrund ihres einzigartigen Charakters, einer kontinuierlichen Abfolge aus Krise und Reform. Insbesondere in der heutigen Zeit, in welcher die Welt eine Dynamik durchlebt, geraten die Peacekeeping- Einsätze der Vereinten Nationen an ihre Grenzen. Aufgrund der Komplexität der multidimensionalen Einsätze können oftmals vorort unvorhersehbare Problematiken in den Einsatzgebieten auftreten. Diese können einerseits struktureller sowie andererseits administrativer Natur sein. Darüber hinaus resultieren diese häufig aus der Vagheit und Intransparenz des Sicherheitsratmandates, was in der Folge den Bruch und den Verstoß gegen die Menschenrechte verursachen. Die vorliegende Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit der Rolle und der Effektivität des Menschenrechtsschutzes der Zivilbevölkerung, im Rahmen der Peacekeeping- Einsätze und soll die damit einhergehenden Herausforderungen und Schwierigkeiten veranschaulichen. Sie soll Aufschluss darüber geben, welcher Rang den Menschenrechten bei der Umsetzung der Friedensmandate zukommen und ihr Verhältnis zu der UN- Charta aufzeigen. Weiters wird die einschlägige Staatenpraxis, den kodifizierten Prinzipen und Befugnissen der Vereinten Nationen gegenübergestellt, um schließlich Parallelen zwischen dem geltenden Völkerrecht und der Umsetzung der Vereinten Nationen ziehen zu können. ; Since its inception in 1945, the United Nations, because of its unique nature, has been subject to a continuous succession of crisis and reform. Especially in today's dynamic world, the United Nations peacekeeping operations are reaching their limits. Due to the complexity of multidimensional missions, unpredictable problems can often arise in the field. These can be of a structural or administrative nature. In addition, these often result from the vagueness and intransparency of the Security Council mandate, which subsequently causes the breach and violation of human rights. The present paper deals with the role and effectiveness of human rights protection for the civilian population in peacekeeping operations and is intended to illustrate the challenges and difficulties involved. It should provide information on the rank of human rights in the implementation of peace mandates and their relationship to the UN Charter. Furthermore, the relevant state practice, the codified principles and powers of the United Nations are compared in order to draw parallels between the applicable international law and the implementation of the United Nations. ; vorgelegt von Antonia Zaponig ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Diplomarbeit, 2019 ; (VLID)3498010
Peacekeeping, one of the major innovations in United Nations history, has been regarded as an activity falling under 'Chapter Six and a half' of the un Charter. Many have also urged that peacekeeping be made more robust and to engage with military force against 'spoilers'. This article questions these two myths – 'Chapter Six and a half' and 'robust peacekeeping' – and argues that providing ambiguous half-half mandates and expecting peacekeepers to engage robustly has created a lot of confusion. It advocates for clarity and distinction between peacekeeping and military engagement, and recommends to delegate these two roles to two fully separate actors, well equipped and trained to exercise them professionally.
In February 2014, the United Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations produced a Strategic Review of the troubled United Nations-African Union Hybrid Operation in the Darfur region of Sudan (unamid). The Strategic Review faults many aspects of the operation; however, it finds that its mandate is the correct one, concludes that its staffing levels are sufficient and warmly welcomes what it sees as an improved relationship with the Sudanese government. This report may be contrasted with a Foreign Policy investigation published in April 2014, where journalist Colum Lynch provides an unvarnished analysis of the operation. Relying on documents leaked by Aicha Elbasri, former Spokesperson for unamid, the Foreign Policy investigation describes a troubled operation, failing in many of its tasks and mistrusted by parts of the populace. The Foreign Policy investigation portrays a force that routinely downplays or covers up its shortcomings and under-reports violence by the host state government against Darfuri civilians and unamid itself. It is argued that the functioning of unamid provides a vivid illustration of the difficulties associated with a militarised peacekeeping operation, especially when it is emplaced in a country that never wanted it there in the first place.
This article traces the history of Australian peacekeeping since its beginnings in September 1947. It shows that, while there have always been Australian peacekeepers in the field since 1947, the level of commitment in different periods has varied greatly. The article sets out to explain this phenomenon, chiefly in political terms. It argues that Australia's early involvement in the invention of peacekeeping owed much to External Affairs Minister H.V. Evatt's interest in multilateralism, but that under the subsequent conservative Menzies government a new focus on alliance politics produced mixed results in terms of peacekeeping commitments. By contrast, in the 1970s and early 1980s, for different reasons Prime Ministers Whitlam and Fraser pursued policies which raised Australia's peacekeeping profile. After a lull in the early years of the Hawke Labor government, the arrival of internationalist Gareth Evans as Foreign Minister signalled a period of intense peacekeeping activity by Australia. For different, regionally-focused reasons, Australia was again active in peacekeeping in the late 1990s and early 2000s. In recent years, however, Australia's heavy commitment to Middle East wars has reduced its peacekeeping contribution once again to a low level.
This article traces the history of Australian peacekeeping since its beginnings in September 1947. It shows that, while there have always been Australian peacekeepers in the field since 1947, the level of commitment in different periods has varied greatly. The article sets out to explain this phenomenon, chiefly in political terms. It argues that Australia's early involvement in the invention of peacekeeping owed much to External Affairs Minister H.V. Evatt's interest in multilateralism, but that under the subsequent conservative Menzies government a new focus on alliance politics produced mixed results in terms of peacekeeping commitments. By contrast, in the 1970s and early 1980s, for different reasons Prime Ministers Whitlam and Fraser pursued policies which raised Australia's peacekeeping profile. After a lull in the early years of the Hawke Labor government, the arrival of internationalist Gareth Evans as Foreign Minister signalled a period of intense peacekeeping activity by Australia. For different, regionally-focused reasons, Australia was again active in peacekeeping in the late 1990s and early 2000s. In recent years, however, Australia's heavy commitment to Middle East wars has reduced its peacekeeping contribution once again to a low level.
Peacekeeping, conceptually, was designed to be traditionally defensive in nature with a neutral, unarmed, multinational force maintaining or monitoring peace. The first major example of a United Nations peacekeeping force dates to the initial Arab-Israeli conflict with the UN Truce Supervision Organization (UNSTO), established in May 1948. The peacekeepers were there to observe and maintain the ceasefire and assist in any terms of the armistice agreements following the initial fighting with the partition of the British Mandate in Palestine and the later declaration of the State of Israel. The Security Council Resolution "Instruct[ed] the United Nations Mediator in Palestine, in concert with the Truce Commission, to supervise the observance of the above provisions, and decide[d] that they shall be provided with a sufficient number of military observers." UNTSO was followed by a variation, the United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan, which was to observe and report violations of the ceasefire along the contested border. Both of these original UN peacekeeping operations are still in existence after seventy years. This original concept of peacekeeping was based upon the United Nation's principle that the organization would act to prevent conflict between states following the atrocities committed during World War II through its neutrality. However, the term "peacekeeping" is not found anywhere within the United Nations Charter. It is instead inferred under both Chapter VI and Chapter VII powers to resolve disputes.