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Since 1999, in the aftermath of the tragic failures in Rwanda and
Srebrenica, the UN Security Council (UNSC) has readily and consistently
entrusted UN peacekeeping operations (UNPKOs) with robust mandates and the
authority to use force beyond self-defense for the protection of civilians.
In the ensuing decades, it has also sought to provide more robust resources
including vehicles, weapons, equipment, and technologies to enable UNPKOs to
implement and fulfill their mandates. What is only now being addressed,
however, is the need for more robust performance. This presentation
describes the mindset, understanding, and attitudes that are required to
achieve an effective level of performance.

United Nations peacekeeping has proven remarkably effective at reducing the death and destruction of civil wars. But how peacekeepers achieve their ends remains under-explored. This book presents a typological theory of how peacekeepers exercise power. If power is the ability of A to get B to behave differently, peacekeepers convince the peacekept to stop fighting in three basic ways: they persuade verbally, induce financially, and coerce through deterrence, surveillance and arrest. Based on more than two decades of study, interviews with peacekeepers, unpublished records on Namibia, and ethnographic observation of peacekeepers in Lebanon, DR Congo, and the Central African Republic, this book explains how peacekeepers achieve their goals, and differentiates peacekeeping from its less effective cousin, counterinsurgency. It recommends a new international division of labor, whereby actual military forces hone their effective use of compulsion, while UN peacekeepers build on their strengths of persuasion, inducement, and coercion short of offensive force.

Peace operations remain a principal tool for managing armed conflict and protecting civilians. The fully revised, expanded and updated third edition of Understanding Peacekeeping provides a comprehensive and up-to-date introduction to the theory, history, and politics of peace operations. Drawing on a dataset of nearly two hundred historical and contemporary missions, this book evaluates the changing characteristics of the contemporary international environment in which peace operations are deployed, the strategic purposes peace operations are intended to achieve, and the major challenges facing today's peacekeepers. All the chapters have been revised and updated, and five new chapters have been added – on stabilization, organized crime, exit strategies, force generation, and the use of force. Part 1 summarizes the central concepts and issues related to peace operations. Part 2 charts the historical development of peacekeeping, from 1945 through to 2020. Part 3 analyses the strategic purposes that United Nations and other peace operations are intended to achieve – namely, prevention, observation, assistance, enforcement, stabilization, and administration. Part 4 looks forward and examines the central challenges facing today's peacekeepers: force generation, the regionalization and privatization of peace operations, the use of force, civilian protection, gender issues, policing and organized crime, and exit strategies.

Seit dem Zeitpunkt ihrer Gründung im Jahre 1945 unterliegen die Vereinten Nationen, aufgrund ihres einzigartigen Charakters, einer kontinuierlichen Abfolge aus Krise und Reform. Insbesondere in der heutigen Zeit, in welcher die Welt eine Dynamik durchlebt, geraten die Peacekeeping- Einsätze der Vereinten Nationen an ihre Grenzen. Aufgrund der Komplexität der multidimensionalen Einsätze können oftmals vorort unvorhersehbare Problematiken in den Einsatzgebieten auftreten. Diese können einerseits struktureller sowie andererseits administrativer Natur sein. Darüber hinaus resultieren diese häufig aus der Vagheit und Intransparenz des Sicherheitsratmandates, was in der Folge den Bruch und den Verstoß gegen die Menschenrechte verursachen. Die vorliegende Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit der Rolle und der Effektivität des Menschenrechtsschutzes der Zivilbevölkerung, im Rahmen der Peacekeeping- Einsätze und soll die damit einhergehenden Herausforderungen und Schwierigkeiten veranschaulichen. Sie soll Aufschluss darüber geben, welcher Rang den Menschenrechten bei der Umsetzung der Friedensmandate zukommen und ihr Verhältnis zu der UN- Charta aufzeigen. Weiters wird die einschlägige Staatenpraxis, den kodifizierten Prinzipen und Befugnissen der Vereinten Nationen gegenübergestellt, um schließlich Parallelen zwischen dem geltenden Völkerrecht und der Umsetzung der Vereinten Nationen ziehen zu können. ; Since its inception in 1945, the United Nations, because of its unique nature, has been subject to a continuous succession of crisis and reform. Especially in today's dynamic world, the United Nations peacekeeping operations are reaching their limits. Due to the complexity of multidimensional missions, unpredictable problems can often arise in the field. These can be of a structural or administrative nature. In addition, these often result from the vagueness and intransparency of the Security Council mandate, which subsequently causes the breach and violation of human rights. The present paper deals with the role and effectiveness of human rights protection for the civilian population in peacekeeping operations and is intended to illustrate the challenges and difficulties involved. It should provide information on the rank of human rights in the implementation of peace mandates and their relationship to the UN Charter. Furthermore, the relevant state practice, the codified principles and powers of the United Nations are compared in order to draw parallels between the applicable international law and the implementation of the United Nations. ; vorgelegt von Antonia Zaponig ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Diplomarbeit, 2019 ; (VLID)3498010

The article is dedicated to analysis of current processes in Mali. The author examine efforts of Malian state, France, as former metropole, and state that include Mali in its traditional zone of influence, and the whole international community to de-escalate the conflict. Results of this particular research showed multiple layers of the conflict.

Peacekeeping, conceptually, was designed to be traditionally defensive
in nature with a neutral, unarmed, multinational force maintaining or
monitoring peace. The first major example of a United Nations peacekeeping
force dates to the initial Arab-Israeli conflict with the UN Truce
Supervision Organization (UNSTO), established in May 1948. The peacekeepers
were there to observe and maintain the ceasefire and assist in any terms of
the armistice agreements following the initial fighting with the partition
of the British Mandate in Palestine and the later declaration of the State
of Israel. The Security Council Resolution
"Instruct[ed] the
United Nations Mediator in Palestine, in concert with the Truce Commission,
to supervise the observance of the above provisions, and decide[d] that they
shall be provided with a sufficient number of military observers." UNTSO was
followed by a variation, the United Nations Military Observer Group in India
and Pakistan, which was to observe and report violations of the ceasefire
along the contested border. Both of these original UN peacekeeping
operations are still in existence after seventy years. This original concept
of peacekeeping was based upon the United Nation's principle that the
organization would act to prevent conflict between states following the
atrocities committed during World War II through its neutrality. However,
the term "peacekeeping" is not found anywhere within the United Nations
Charter. It is instead inferred under both Chapter VI and Chapter VII powers
to resolve disputes.

In diesem Beitrag stellt Patrik Lehmann folgenden Text vor:Kaim, Markus (2021): Die deutsche Politik im VN-Peacekeeping. Eine Dienerin vieler Herren, Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, SWP-Studie 2021/S 07, 02.07.2021, doi:10.18449/2021S07, online unter: https://www.swp-berlin.org/publikation/die-deutsche-politik-im-vn-peacekeeping. In der Studie von Markus Kaim steht die deutsche Beteiligung an Friedensmissionen der Vereinten Nationen im Mittelpunkt. Zuerst gibt es einen Überblick über die deutschen Beiträge zu den Friedensmissionen. Im Anschluss wird anhand der Friedensmission in Mali aufgezeigt, welchen Begründungslinien die Bundesregierung in Bezug auf das Handeln in den Vereinten Nationen folgt.Deutsche Beiträge zum VN-Peacekeeping gibt es nicht viele, dies war der Situation geschuldet, dass BRD (Bundesrepublik Deutschland) und DDR (Deutsche Demokratische Republik) erst im Jahr 1973 den Vereinten Nationen (VN) beigetreten sind. Erst ab 1990 mit der Wiedervereinigung Deutschlands wurde die außenpolitische Souveränität gestärkt.Während des Ost-West-Konflikts hat die BRD nur einen kleinen Beitrag im Peacekeeping geleistet. Im Falle Zyperns war dies auch nur finanzielle und logistische Unterstützung. Die BRD ist in der Nachkriegszeit eher von einer Kultur der militärischen Zurückhaltung geprägt, was sich auch dadurch äußert, dass Unterstützung weniger auf der Basis von Truppenbereitstellung als auf anderen Wegen stattgefunden hat.Im Laufe der Zeit gab es immer stärkere Forderungen, sich ebenfalls an militärischen Maßnahmen im internationalen Krisenmanagement zu beteiligen. Ab etwa 1990 engagierte sich die BRD in mehreren Missionen, auch indem sie Bundeswehrkontingente bereitstellte. Zum Beispiel bei der Bildung einer Übergangsverwaltung in Namibia (1990) oder in Kambodscha (1992). Die Kontingente waren aber eher unterstützend bzw. es handelte sich um eine kleine Anzahl an Soldaten.Mit dem Einsatz der VN in Somalia (1993) beginnt die Phase einer stärkeren Beteiligung an der Friedenspolitik der VN. Die Beteiligung an den Auslandseinsätzen stieg deutlich, so wurden in Somalia etwa 1.700 Soldaten bereitgestellt. Zum Vergleich: In Namibia wurden lediglich 200 Soldaten zur Verfügung gestellt. Mit der Unterstützung in Somalia fand zum ersten Mal ein militärischer Auslandseinsatz der deutschen Bundeswehr statt. Die BRD beteiligte sich somit zum ersten Mal bei einer Operation, welche nicht eine humanitäre Operation traditioneller Prägung war.In etwa zeitgleich mit einer stärkeren Beteiligung Deutschlands in Friedensmissionen bekamen diese einige Dämpfer aufgrund von negativen Erfahrungen. Zu erwähnen sind hierbei der Völkermord in Ruanda (1994) und das Versagen der Schutzzone in Srebrenica (1995). Dies war ein Grund für die damalige Bundesregierung, sich vom aktiven Engagement zurückzuziehen. Zusätzlich beginnt die BRD stärker in anderen Foren, wie der NATO oder EU, Friedenssicherung zu unterstützen.Mit der Beteiligung der BRD an der Mission im Mali (2013) ist ein weiterer Trendwechsel zu erkennen. Seit 2013 beteiligt sich die Bundeswehr wieder stärker an multidimensionalen Missionen. Mittlerweile sind etwa 1.000 Soldaten der Bundeswehr Teil eines 11.000 starken VN-Kontingents. Warum hat sich die Bundesregierung dafür entschieden, sich wieder stärker an den Friedensmissionen der VN zu beteiligen?Zum einen möchte man wichtige Verbündete unterstützen. Ein Grund für den Einsatz in Mali war es, Frankreich zu unterstützen und so Solidarität mit einem Bündnispartner zu zeigen. Staaten sind also stärker daran interessiert, sich an Friedensmissionen zu beteiligen, wenn es auch im Interesse von Bündnispartnern liegt. Ein weiterer Grund ist die Einigung im Münchner Konsens, dass Deutschland mehr sicherheitspolitische Verantwortung übernehmen möchte. Durch die Wahl für einen Sitz im Sicherheitsrat wuchsen die Erwartungen an die BRD. Umsetzen konnte die BRD nicht viel, was unter anderem der Tatsache geschuldet ist, dass die USA sich unter Trump zurückgezogen hat.

I advance and test a theoretical argument of how participation in UN peacekeeping affects the likelihood of coup attempts in troop-contributing countries (TCCs). The argument highlights the interplay between the economic incentives of militaries in poor TCCs and the UN's preference for contributors with stable civil–military relations. Fearing the loss of UN reimbursement funds, militaries for which such funds are important will avoid visible acts of military insubordination, such as coup attempts, that would place their future participation in UN peacekeeping at risk. I test this proposition against time-series cross-sectional data on 157 countries in the 1991–2013 period using panel regression and matching. The data show that countries where the armed forces are more dependent on peacekeeping revenues experience fewer coup attempts than comparable peers, even when taking coup-proofing measures and other alternative explanations into account. I also find that the coup-restraining effect is only observed in periods where member states contribute enough troops to award the UN a real choice over alternative contributors. The study introduces a novel theoretic logic, presents empirical results at odds with the existing literature, and suggests important policy implications with regard to UN vetting and standards for troop-contributing countries.

A one-day roundtable examining the UK's relationship with UN peace operations in the context of Brexit was held on 7 September 2018 at RUSI. Organised by the British International Studies Association (BISA) Peacekeeping and Peacebuilding Working Group in partnership with RUSI, the roundtable took as its starting point the broader question of the role of multilateral institutions in UK foreign and defence policy after the UK formally leaves the EU, and sought to identify and understand the role of peace operations within the framework of the 'Global Britain' agenda.Some 30 delegates from academia and the policy and NGO sectors provided perspectives on how different forms of engagement with UN peace operations could strengthen the UK government's commitment to supporting a rules-based international system. The roundtable provided an opportunity for more focused policy discussions pertaining to how the UK commits to UN operations, what the commitment should look like, and what opportunities and challenges exist in the varying ways in which the UK can approach UN operations. This conference report captures the key issues and themes discussed by participants.

Article II (4) of the UN Charter forbids the use of might by member state against the national sovereignty or political freedom of any country. The deployment of peacekeeping missions and peacekeeping operations has therefore been the traditional province of the UN. However, the emergence of local peacekeeping assignments towards the end of the 20th Century brought in some controversies that preoccupied the attention of some scholars. Such controversies range from the legality of such operations in international law. This thesis probes into the efficacy of the regionalization of peacekeeping operations in Africa with reference to the current debate about legitimacy and cooperation with the United Nations. Keywords: Regionalization of Peacekeeping, Legal Positivism Theory, Process Theory, Effectiveness of Operations, Legality of Operations. ; ÖZ: Kuruluşundan bugüne, Birleşmiş Milletler (BM) uluslararası hukukta güç kullanımına yetki vermek için ayrıcalık ve yegane sorumluluk. BM Şartı'nın 2 (4) maddesi, üye devletin aleyhine olan güç kullanımını yasaklamaktadır. herhangi bir devletin toprak bütünlüğü veya siyasi bağımsızlığı. Barışı koruma misyonlarının ve barışı koruma operasyonlarının konuşlandırılması, Birleşmiş Milletler'in geleneksel eyaleti olmuştur. Bununla birlikte, 20. yüzyılın sonlarına doğru bölgesel barışı koruma misyonlarının ortaya çıkması, bazı bilginlerin dikkatini çeken bazı tartışmalara neden oldu. Bu tür tartışmalar BM ve barışı koruma operasyonları yürüten bölgesel kurumlar arasındaki işbirliğinden, uluslararası hukukta bu tür operasyonların yasallığına kadar uzanmaktadır. Bu tez, Birleşmiş Milletler ile meşruiyet ve işbirliği hakkındaki mevcut tartışmalara istinaden Afrika'daki barışı koruma operasyonlarının bölgeselleştirilmesinin etkinliğini ortaya koymaktadır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Barışı Koruma Bölgeselleşmesi, Hukuki Pozitivizm Teorisi, Süreç Teorisi, Operasyonların Etkinliği, Operasyonların Yasallığı. ; Master of Arts in Diplomacy and Conflict Management. Institute of Graduate Studies and ...