Suchergebnisse

A one-day roundtable examining the UK's relationship with UN peace operations in the context of Brexit was held on 7 September 2018 at RUSI. Organised by the British International Studies Association (BISA) Peacekeeping and Peacebuilding Working Group in partnership with RUSI, the roundtable took as its starting point the broader question of the role of multilateral institutions in UK foreign and defence policy after the UK formally leaves the EU, and sought to identify and understand the role of peace operations within the framework of the 'Global Britain' agenda.Some 30 delegates from academia and the policy and NGO sectors provided perspectives on how different forms of engagement with UN peace operations could strengthen the UK government's commitment to supporting a rules-based international system. The roundtable provided an opportunity for more focused policy discussions pertaining to how the UK commits to UN operations, what the commitment should look like, and what opportunities and challenges exist in the varying ways in which the UK can approach UN operations. This conference report captures the key issues and themes discussed by participants.

Article II (4) of the UN Charter forbids the use of might by member state against the national sovereignty or political freedom of any country. The deployment of peacekeeping missions and peacekeeping operations has therefore been the traditional province of the UN. However, the emergence of local peacekeeping assignments towards the end of the 20th Century brought in some controversies that preoccupied the attention of some scholars. Such controversies range from the legality of such operations in international law. This thesis probes into the efficacy of the regionalization of peacekeeping operations in Africa with reference to the current debate about legitimacy and cooperation with the United Nations. Keywords: Regionalization of Peacekeeping, Legal Positivism Theory, Process Theory, Effectiveness of Operations, Legality of Operations. ; ÖZ: Kuruluşundan bugüne, Birleşmiş Milletler (BM) uluslararası hukukta güç kullanımına yetki vermek için ayrıcalık ve yegane sorumluluk. BM Şartı'nın 2 (4) maddesi, üye devletin aleyhine olan güç kullanımını yasaklamaktadır. herhangi bir devletin toprak bütünlüğü veya siyasi bağımsızlığı. Barışı koruma misyonlarının ve barışı koruma operasyonlarının konuşlandırılması, Birleşmiş Milletler'in geleneksel eyaleti olmuştur. Bununla birlikte, 20. yüzyılın sonlarına doğru bölgesel barışı koruma misyonlarının ortaya çıkması, bazı bilginlerin dikkatini çeken bazı tartışmalara neden oldu. Bu tür tartışmalar BM ve barışı koruma operasyonları yürüten bölgesel kurumlar arasındaki işbirliğinden, uluslararası hukukta bu tür operasyonların yasallığına kadar uzanmaktadır. Bu tez, Birleşmiş Milletler ile meşruiyet ve işbirliği hakkındaki mevcut tartışmalara istinaden Afrika'daki barışı koruma operasyonlarının bölgeselleştirilmesinin etkinliğini ortaya koymaktadır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Barışı Koruma Bölgeselleşmesi, Hukuki Pozitivizm Teorisi, Süreç Teorisi, Operasyonların Etkinliği, Operasyonların Yasallığı. ; Master of Arts in Diplomacy and Conflict Management. Institute of Graduate Studies and ...

United Nations (UN) peacekeeping is carried out by a complex bureaucratic organisation – the UN peacekeeping bureaucracy. This organisation is necessary for the work of UN peacekeeping operations. It is also a dynamic social entity, which produces its own processes, rules and procedures capable of making sense of the complex post-war recovery issue. This thesis explores how organisational processes within the UN peacekeeping bureaucracy work. It does so by cumulating three independent articles under this general research question. The first article develops a theoretical framework of analysis through introducing two core concepts of organisational sociology, 'coupling' and 'communication', to the study of UN peacekeeping. It argues that the interconnection between these two concepts define a dynamic organisational space in which UN officials interact and shape peacekeeping activities. The second and third articles present the results of a qualitative case study: the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) and its headquarters, the Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO). Through the use of interpretative methods, the second article particularly identifies general strategies used by UN officials to organise and influence peacekeeping activities within UNMIL and DPKO. The third article investigates the disconnection between the organisational perspective of UNMIL and that of DPKO, and analyses the use of communication practices in protection against intra-organisational interferences. The results of these articles reveal that the UN peacekeeping bureaucracy is more than a rationalised organisation functioning to fulfil a specific goal or mandate. Rather, its organisational processes rely on the creativity and flexibility of its individual member as well as their ability to make their work influential within the organisation. This thesis also shows that the UN peacekeeping bureaucracy includes a high degree of organisational diversity, as it incorporates multiple perspectives and autonomous local frameworks in which UN ...

Canadians have been comfortably living with the myth of Canada as a peacekeeping nation since the Suez Crisis of 1956. The myth is so compelling that many, too many, actually insist that our current role in Afghanistan is peacekeeping in the Pearsonian tradition. Faced with this durable myth the restructure, expansion and reequipping of our Army is made all the more politically challenging. Of all the countries in the world that would benefit from maintaining "an Army afloat", Canada stands at the head of the list. Paradoxically, unification and integration foisted on the Canadian Forces in the 70s has stood in the way of this imaginative development.

The degree to which peacekeeping missions impact perceived stress, cognitive performance and cortisol levels: a longitudinal study.Military deployment is often associated with stress. Learning more about deployment stress is relevant for developing both preventive and reactive strategies for managing stress. This study addresses stress before, during and after a peacekeeping mission. Data were collected on perceived stress and the stress biomarker cortisol. A total of 41 soldiers were assessed at three points (prior to deployment, during deployment and at homecoming). Soldiers' perceived stress, cognitive performance and biomarkers were measured. Contrary to our hypothesis that stress accumulates during deployment, leading to increased perceived stress and levels of cortisol (as measured in the morning by the cortisol awakening response, or CAR), and to decreased results on cognitive tests, the results show that the levels of perceived stress were lower during deployment than before and after deployment, as measured by the soldiers' pre- and post-deployment scores. The soldiers also had a reduced CAR response at homecoming compared to their pre-deployment levels. The results indicate that peacekeeping missions may contain stress-mitigating factors that have previously been underestimated. Further research addressing stress-mitigating factors might allow a deeper understanding of the deployment environment and, subsequently, new methods of promoting soldiers' well-being and maintaining high combat fitness.

The time is ripe for the development of a UN early warning tool that estimates the likelihood of instability, intercommunity clashes and armed violence in areas in which UN peacekeepers operate. However, this development would require at least some initial collaboration between the UN and the scientific world. Scientists have developed advanced analytical tools to predict armed violence in recent years.1 Yet, these conflict prediction tools still cannot be utilized to their full potential because of a relatively poor quality of conflict data. It is precisely in the area of high quality conflict data that the UN has a strong comparative advantage,2 especially now that the Situational Awareness Geospatial Enterprise (SAGE) system is being implemented. SAGE is a web-based database system that allows UN military, police and civilians in UN peace operations (both UN peacekeeping operations and special political missions) to log incidents, events and activities. The development of SAGE has made it possible to leverage state of the art methodological tools to enable predictive peacekeeping. This policy brief provides background to the recent turn to using data in UN peacekeeping missions, suggestions for what an early warning tool based on SAGE data would look like, and discusses the practical and ethical challenges of such an early warning tool. ; Predictive peacekeeping: opportunities and challenges ; publishedVersion

In early 2008, the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) released a hundred page document entitled: "United Nations Peacekeeping Operations: Principles and Guidelines". The Peacekeeping Best Practices Section of the UN DPKO and the Training for Peace Programme at NUPI, with support from the Royal Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, organized a seminar in Oslo, on 14-15 May 2008, with the aim of providing a small but globally representative group of researchers the opportunity to discuss the new doctrine with the drafters. The aim of the seminar was to create an opportunity for the research community to engage the authors of the doctrine, to facilitate a dialogue on the key issues contained in the doctrine, and to stimulate further knowledge development about the future of UN peacekeeping operations. ; Utenriksdepartementet

With the establishment of the United Nations, the international community gives some responsibilities to an organization and one of them is the peacekeeping operations. Although the UN Charter does not mention the concept of peacekeeping, the Security Council is the responsible to do peacekeeping operations. If there is no SC resolution, the peacekeeping operations are accepted as illegal by scholars. Although the UN has many different organs such as the General Assembly, The Secretary-General and Department of Peacekeeping Operations, these organs do not have an influential role in peacekeeping operations. The General Assembly only recommends any policy, and also the Charter gives only financial responsibility of the Assembly. The main aim of this article lightens the details of peacekeeping operations and identifies the roles of the UN Organs.

The paper explores the rules on attribution of conduct within the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations. Although there is now a prevailing judicial practice of employing the effective control test, the content of this test is not sufficiently clear. A review of the so-far scarce judicial practice demonstrates that different courts interpret the test in different ways. This leads to uncertainty on how to apply the effective control test in future cases, the number of which will undoubtedly increase, as the number of peacekeeping operations in the world rises. In this paper, several judicial decisions dealing with the issue of attribution in the context of peacekeeping operations are analyzed and compared. The conclusion highlights some of the essential flaws of the current system, which should be dealt with in order to achieve a more unified approach to tackling the attribution issue.

"September 2000." ; Not distributed to depository libraries in a physical form. ; "Published in cooperation with the Center for the Professional Military Ethic to enhance discussion of military professionalism within the Army and sister services"--P. iv. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 1 2

A letter report issued by the General Accounting Office with an abstract that begins "Last year, the U.N. Security Council passed a resolution expressing concern that the conflicts and instability associated with peacekeeping operations produce condition that could increase the spread of the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV). The resolution encouraged member states to educate peacekeeping personnel--including those who are HIV positive--on peacekeeping missions. The policies and guidance of the U.N. Department of Peacekeeping Operations discourage, but do not preclude, countries from sending individuals who are HIV positive on peacekeeping missions. This is consistent with the U.N. peacekeeper's code of conduct to do no harm. This is also consistent with the U.N.'s stated opposition to discrimination against those who are HIV positive. The number of HIV-positive peacekeepers is unknown because (1) the U.N. opposes mandatory HIV testing and collects no information on infection rates and (2) countries that contribute peacekeepers either do not test or do not share test results with the U.N. The U.N. has tried to reduce the spread of HIV during peacekeeping operations, but it faces immediate and long-term challenges. U.N. officials said that the U.N. has not given this effort enough priority and that it has been difficult to obtain funding for HIV prevention efforts. Moreover, little has been done to help civilian populations at risk of HIV infection from U.N. peacekeepers."

On 6 June 1982, Israel invaded Lebanon to fight the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO). Between August 1982 and February 1984, the US, France, Britain and Italy deployed a Multinational Force (MNF) to Beirut. Its task was to act as an interposition force to bolster the government and to bring peace to the people. The mission is often forgotten or merely remembered in context with the bombing of US Marines' barracks. However, an analysis of the Italian contingent shows that the MNF was not doomed to fail and could accomplish its task when operational and diplomatic efforts were coordinated. The Italian commander in Beirut, General Franco Angioni, followed a successful approach that sustained neutrality, respectful behaviour and minimal force, which resulted in a qualified success of the Italian efforts.

The determinants of a country's UN peacekeeping troop contribution have been persistently studied. Trade, as a crucial self-interest motivation, is one of the important explanatory variables in the extant literature. However, the existing literature presents mixed results on the influence of trade on peacekeeping troop contributions. To capture the effect of trade on contributions precisely, we need to model expectations about future trade volume in a better way. Countries are pressured by the economic and political risks caused by the trade disruption and lobby groups to send peacekeeping troops to enable future trade or secure future investments. Therefore, trade potential, rather than realized trade, drives peacekeeping troop contributions. A gravity model is used to measure the trade potential between the UN peacekeeping mission countries and contributors, and test its relationship with the UN peacekeeping participation. Based on this measurement and a dyadic troop contribution dataset covering the period from 1990 to 2012, this article demonstrates that the counter-factual predictive trade volume is a relevant predictor of UN peacekeeping troop contributions.

Australian peacekeeping has been redemptive, often occurring in the aftermath of complicity in crimes against peoples of our region. As with our Gallipoli trope, the most courageous and noble Australian military contributions often have arisen in the context of regional disasters we failed to help prevent. While Australia's contributions to UN peacekeeping were 10 times higher until our troops were moved to fighting in Iraq, escalated fighting in Afghanistan and regional peacekeeping in Solomon Islands, an enduring Australian contribution was made to the quality of UN peacekeeping. Peacekeeping has been effective in reducing war globally, and regionally in stabilising the former 'arc of instability' around Australia. The shift of security sector investment from this work to fighting invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq has therefore been poor public policy.

Recent surveys have demonstrated that Canadians value Canada's role as a peacekeeper and peacemaker in an international context. Additionally, research has demonstrated decreasing public support for Canada's involvement in military combat interventions in other parts of the world. However, awareness and understanding of nonviolent alternatives appear to be lacking. This survey examines Canadian public's awareness and understanding of unarmed civilian peacekeeping as an alternative to sending armed troops, and whether the public would support Canada in utilizing unarmed civilian peacekeepers (focusing on mediation, negotiation, relationship and peacebuilding activities) as part of its response to violent global conflicts. The results reveal that Canadians believe unarmed civilian peacekeeping would be more effective in tasks such as reducing human rights abuses, preventing further armed conflict and promoting lasting peace. Respondents also believe the practice would benefit Canada's reputation as a peacemaker and leader. This paper concludes with recommendations for proponents and advocates of the incorporation of unarmed civilian peacekeeping into the official policy of the Canadian government. 1 ; Peer reviewed ; Published