In this paper the author performs analysis of United Nations peacekeeping legal regulation. The author's goal ‒ to analyze legal basis of different kinds of peacekeeping operations, fundamental peacekeeping principles and disclose typical problems in practice. The work is divided in two parts. First part begins with section devoted to historical development of peacekeeping missions ‒ from the Cold War to the present, and classification of peacekeeping missions. In the second section the author analyses legal basis of different types of peacekeeping operations. The third section comprises separation of powers of the main United Nations organs, while conducting security policy. Furthermore, the author analyses The Charter of The United Nations and the practice of The International Court of Justice. The fourth section consists of content analysis of three substantial peacekeeping principles. In the second part the practical peacekeeping challenges are analysed. The author reviews Official United Nations documents and raises problems related to application of legal basis and fundamental principles of traditional peacekeeping in Congo and wider peacekeeping operations in Bosnia and Afghanistan. The second part is concluded by legal analysis of Lithuanian participation in peacekeeping operations: a) national legislation related to the participation in peacekeeping operations b) Lithuania's leadership in one of Afghanistan province – Ghor ‒ reconstruction. At the end, the author represents final conclusions of the analysis of legal basis and practical problems. The most frequent problem is the breach of fundamental peacekeeping principles when forces used exceed the necessary amount and are inadequate to situation on the ground.
In this paper the author performs analysis of United Nations peacekeeping legal regulation. The author's goal ‒ to analyze legal basis of different kinds of peacekeeping operations, fundamental peacekeeping principles and disclose typical problems in practice. The work is divided in two parts. First part begins with section devoted to historical development of peacekeeping missions ‒ from the Cold War to the present, and classification of peacekeeping missions. In the second section the author analyses legal basis of different types of peacekeeping operations. The third section comprises separation of powers of the main United Nations organs, while conducting security policy. Furthermore, the author analyses The Charter of The United Nations and the practice of The International Court of Justice. The fourth section consists of content analysis of three substantial peacekeeping principles. In the second part the practical peacekeeping challenges are analysed. The author reviews Official United Nations documents and raises problems related to application of legal basis and fundamental principles of traditional peacekeeping in Congo and wider peacekeeping operations in Bosnia and Afghanistan. The second part is concluded by legal analysis of Lithuanian participation in peacekeeping operations: a) national legislation related to the participation in peacekeeping operations b) Lithuania's leadership in one of Afghanistan province – Ghor ‒ reconstruction. At the end, the author represents final conclusions of the analysis of legal basis and practical problems. The most frequent problem is the breach of fundamental peacekeeping principles when forces used exceed the necessary amount and are inadequate to situation on the ground.
The main objective of this study is to analyze how public diplomacy implemented in peacekeeping operations by the Lithuanian army representatives influences country's image. The subject gives a rise to a problem which needs a deeper analysis: it is vital to find out if attention drawn to public diplomacy by the state officials is sufficient, to consider the benefit it brings to the image formation process. In pursuance of purposeful analysis it is necessary to define the limits of the research – this study does not analyze all peacekeeping operations but focuses only on the NATO-led international operations in which Lithuanian soldiers are employed, i.e. the operations of Afghanistan, Iraq and Kosovo. The Kosovo operation is already finished for us as the last squad was sent on 2009, but the participation in this mission still has an influence to Lithuania's image. This study presents the conception of public diplomacy, characterizes its main dimensions and instruments, analyzes the influence of public diplomacy on shaping an external and internal country image and reveals how the participation of Lithuanian army representatives in international peacekeeping operations contributes to the image of the state. The survey data comparisons and analysis of the results showed a public confidence in Lithuanian Armed Forces and support to country's membership in NATO. Although citizens witness the negative aspects of partaking in peacekeeping operations, i.e. an increase in spending of the state budget, threats to the employed relatives, psychological inconvenience emerging because of the separation of families for a half year etc., but all in all Lithuania's participation in NATO operations are supported and welcomed by the citizens. The results confirmed the hypothesis that Lithuanian peacekeepers are shaping a positive attitude to the country in the society, promote pride in their own state and contribute to national image building. The boom of public diplomacy was stimulated by innovations in communication technologies, political revolutions that induced many autocratic countries become democratic, and revolution in the arena of international relations, which showed that national image and reputation has become as important as military power or economic opportunities. An analysis of the benefits of public diplomacy in national image formation should encourage discussions about the use of this communication tool for the best effect in Lithuania's image building.
The main objective of this study is to analyze how public diplomacy implemented in peacekeeping operations by the Lithuanian army representatives influences country's image. The subject gives a rise to a problem which needs a deeper analysis: it is vital to find out if attention drawn to public diplomacy by the state officials is sufficient, to consider the benefit it brings to the image formation process. In pursuance of purposeful analysis it is necessary to define the limits of the research – this study does not analyze all peacekeeping operations but focuses only on the NATO-led international operations in which Lithuanian soldiers are employed, i.e. the operations of Afghanistan, Iraq and Kosovo. The Kosovo operation is already finished for us as the last squad was sent on 2009, but the participation in this mission still has an influence to Lithuania's image. This study presents the conception of public diplomacy, characterizes its main dimensions and instruments, analyzes the influence of public diplomacy on shaping an external and internal country image and reveals how the participation of Lithuanian army representatives in international peacekeeping operations contributes to the image of the state. The survey data comparisons and analysis of the results showed a public confidence in Lithuanian Armed Forces and support to country's membership in NATO. Although citizens witness the negative aspects of partaking in peacekeeping operations, i.e. an increase in spending of the state budget, threats to the employed relatives, psychological inconvenience emerging because of the separation of families for a half year etc., but all in all Lithuania's participation in NATO operations are supported and welcomed by the citizens. The results confirmed the hypothesis that Lithuanian peacekeepers are shaping a positive attitude to the country in the society, promote pride in their own state and contribute to national image building. The boom of public diplomacy was stimulated by innovations in communication technologies, political revolutions that induced many autocratic countries become democratic, and revolution in the arena of international relations, which showed that national image and reputation has become as important as military power or economic opportunities. An analysis of the benefits of public diplomacy in national image formation should encourage discussions about the use of this communication tool for the best effect in Lithuania's image building.
The main objective of this study is to analyze how public diplomacy implemented in peacekeeping operations by the Lithuanian army representatives influences country's image. The subject gives a rise to a problem which needs a deeper analysis: it is vital to find out if attention drawn to public diplomacy by the state officials is sufficient, to consider the benefit it brings to the image formation process. In pursuance of purposeful analysis it is necessary to define the limits of the research – this study does not analyze all peacekeeping operations but focuses only on the NATO-led international operations in which Lithuanian soldiers are employed, i.e. the operations of Afghanistan, Iraq and Kosovo. The Kosovo operation is already finished for us as the last squad was sent on 2009, but the participation in this mission still has an influence to Lithuania's image. This study presents the conception of public diplomacy, characterizes its main dimensions and instruments, analyzes the influence of public diplomacy on shaping an external and internal country image and reveals how the participation of Lithuanian army representatives in international peacekeeping operations contributes to the image of the state. The survey data comparisons and analysis of the results showed a public confidence in Lithuanian Armed Forces and support to country's membership in NATO. Although citizens witness the negative aspects of partaking in peacekeeping operations, i.e. an increase in spending of the state budget, threats to the employed relatives, psychological inconvenience emerging because of the separation of families for a half year etc., but all in all Lithuania's participation in NATO operations are supported and welcomed by the citizens. The results confirmed the hypothesis that Lithuanian peacekeepers are shaping a positive attitude to the country in the society, promote pride in their own state and contribute to national image building. The boom of public diplomacy was stimulated by innovations in communication technologies, political revolutions that induced many autocratic countries become democratic, and revolution in the arena of international relations, which showed that national image and reputation has become as important as military power or economic opportunities. An analysis of the benefits of public diplomacy in national image formation should encourage discussions about the use of this communication tool for the best effect in Lithuania's image building.
A number of international conflicts and identified new threats encouraged international organizations such as the United Nations and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation to develop the concept of international assistance force in order to contribute to the principle task of the United Nations and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization – to maintain international peace and security. Another concept, i.e. legality of the use of force, has to be developed hand in hand with these new developments. Naturally, the Security Council and the General Assembly of the United Nations were bound to respect the provisions of the UN Charter; however, certain functions attributed to the newly established UN peacekeeping force constituted a result of the development of the political climate. From the historical point of view, towards the development of international operations the authors of the article examine particular cases related to the use of international task forces and also the question of legality of use of force and review national legal regulation of the participation in international operations. With regard to the national regulation of Lithuanian participation in international operations, it must be noted that national legal basis enable to deploy national forces according to the provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania. This procedure is applicable to the cases of collective defence and other international operations. Thus, only Parliament is authorised to take decisions on the deployment of national military personnel to international operations. In order to deploy troops, the decision on participation in international operations, exercises and other military events is taken by Parliament upon the recommendation of the President. Then, Parliament adopts the decision by setting forth the maximum number of the military personnel able to take part in international operations, the maximum duration of participation, the geographical location (permissible places of dislocation). In order to allocate the troops for exact operation acting within the parliamentary mandate, the Minister of National Defence is taking the decision, which determines the exact number of the troops to be deployed, the defined time period of deployment of national forces and the exact place of deployment (where operations take place). It must be concluded that the current legal regulation corresponds to the constitutional principles and separation of powers. ; Pasibaigus Šaltajam karui smarkiai išaugęs tarptautinių konfliktų skaičius bei identifikuotos naujos grėsmės paskatino tarptautines organizacijas, tokias kaip Jungtinių Tautų organizacija (toliau – JTO) ir Šiaurės Atlanto sutarties organizacija (toliau – NATO) peržiūrėti Šaltojo karo metu taikytą jėgos panaudojimo praktiką, poreikį ir priemones reaguoti į konfliktus. Tokiomis priemonėmis kaip tik ir tapo vadinamieji "mėlynieji šalmai", kurie Jungtinių Tautų valstybių narių yra priskiriami Jungtinių Tautų Saugumo Tarybos sankcionuotoms operacijoms vykdyti. Nors priskirtos pajėgos vykdydamos tarptautines operacijas dėvi Jungtinių Tautų simboliką, tačiau jų pavaldumas savo valstybei išlieka visą laiką. Analizuodami valstybių dalyvavimo tarptautinių organizacijų sankcionuotose tarptautinėse operacijose teisinius pagrindus, straipsnio autoriai per jėgos panaudojimo prizmę analizuoja Jungtinių Tautų Saugumo Tarybos ir apskritai tarptautinių organizacijų vaidmenį sankcionuojant jėgos panaudojimą pagal Jungtinių Tautų Chartijos nuostatas bei tarptautinių operacijų vykdymo raidą. Straipsnyje taip pat detaliai apžvelgiami siuntimo į tarptautines operacijas nacionaliniai teisiniai pagrindai ir procedūros bei Lietuvos Respublikos praktika. Šis straipsnis yra skirtas visiems besidominties tarptautinėmis operacijomis ir jų sankcionavimo nacionaliniais ir teisiniais pagrindais. Straipsnio struktūra susideda iš trijų dalių. Pirmojoje šio straipsnio dalyje yra nagrinėjamas jėgos panaudojimas pagal Jungtinių Tautų Chartijos nuostatas, antroje ‒ aptariami dalyvavimo Jungtinių Tautų Organizacijos ir Šiaurės Atlanto Sutarties Organizacijos vadovaujamose tarptautinėse operacijose raida ir teisiniai pagrindai, o paskutinėje dalyje yra nagrinėjamas nacionalinis siuntimo į tarptautines operacijas reglamentavimas.
The article deals with the development of legal grounds of the European Union common defence policy in a draft Constitution for Europe. In order to identify trends in the legal regulation of the EU common defence policy, the author compares respective provisions of the draft European Constitution and the Treaty on European Union. The key Art. I-40 of the draft Constitution establishing specific provisions for implementing the common security and defence policy provides for significant changes, in comparison with the respective Art. 17 of the Treaty on European Union. Apart from that, the specific provisions of Art. I-40 of the European Constitution are developed by the more detailed provisions on the common security and defence policy which are contained in Section 2, Chapter II, Title V of Part III of the Constitution (from Art. III-210 to Art. III-214 thereof). Most of these provisions are new. However, they are based on the same principles, as stated in Art. 17(1) of the Treaty on European Union and Art. I-11(4), I-15(1) and I-40(1, 2) of the draft Constitution. Namely, under the Constitution, the common defence policy will remain an integral part of the common foreign and security policy and will continue to provide operational capabilities for the Union's external actions in a specific situation when diplomatic and economic actions will be insufficient in order to achieve the common foreign and security policy goals. As previously, the main aim of the common defence policy will be to increase civilian and military capabilities assigned for the implementation of the so-called Petersberg tasks (humanitarian and rescue, peacekeeping, crisis management and peacemaking operations). The draft Constitution also preserves sufficient legal guarantees to ensure compatibility with the activities of the NATO and corresponding legal obligations of a number of Member States. On the other hand, some new provisions of the Constitution can be assessed as the reflection of efforts of some EU countries to make the common defence policy more autonomous with respect to the NATO and the USA. Some of them may even raise a danger of duplication of the NATO's activities. With regard to implementation of the Petersberg tasks, the provisions of the Constitution remains generally unchanged in comparison with those of the Treaty on European Union, except a few provisions updating the Petersberg tasks and strengthening the institutional framework of the common defence policy. The new missions, such as joint disarmament operations, military advice and assistance tasks, conflict prevention and post-conflict stabilisation, were added to the range of Petersberg missions, in order to respond properly to the emerging new threats to the European security. In line with that, the solidarity clause is added by Art. I-42 which obliges the Member States to mobilise all instruments at their disposal in order to prevent terrorist threats and assist each other in case of disasters. The next novelty is that, in addition to the existent institutions of the common defence policy, the draft Constitution provides for the establishment of the European Armaments, Research and Military Capabilities Agency that will be subordinate to the Council of Ministers. Apart from the cooperation in the field of armaments, the Agency will also be responsible for supervision of the implementation by the Member States of their military capability commitments. On the one hand, that could significantly improve the fulfilment of the Union's defence policy objectives. On the other hand, there is a danger that the Agency can serve as one of the means for domination of certain Member States and, as a consequence, it can become a catalyst of different-speed and divided Europe in the field of defence policy. The subsequent novelty provided for in the draft Constitution is the possibility of the structured defence and military cooperation between certain Member States, which might be treated as a specific kind of enhanced cooperation. Despite of possible advantages of increase of the Union's military capability, this kind of cooperation could also result in a deeper division of Member States rather than a desired unity on the defence policy matters. ; Straipsnyje analizuojamos Sutarties dėl Konstitucijos Europai nuostatos, skirtos Europos Sąjungos bendrajai gynybos politikai. Šios nuostatos lyginamos su bendrąją gynybos politiką reglamentuojančiomis galiojančios Europos Sąjungos steigimo sutarties nuostatomis, įtvirtintomis Nicos sutartimi. Išryškinamos pagrindinės Europos Sąjungos bendrosios gynybos politikos teisinio reglamentavimo tendencijos Europos Konstitucijos projekte. Savo išvadoms pagrįsti, be lyginamojo, autorius taip pat taiko sisteminį, istorinį, teleologinį, loginį ir kitus tyrimo metodus. Pagrindinė autoriaus daroma išvada yra ta, kad Europos Konstitucijos projektas numato toliau stiprinti Europos Sąjungos bendrąją gynybos politiką jos autonomiškumo santykiuose su NATO didinimo linkme, nors ir iš esmės nekeičia šios politikos principų. Tokią išvadą lemia naujos, lyginant su galiojančia Europos Sąjungos steigimo sutartimi, Europos Konstitucijos projekto nuostatos, atspindinčios Europos Sąjungos bendrosios gynybos politikos institucijų stiprinimo bei struktūrinio karinio bendradarbiavimo plėtros tendencijas ir nustatančios galimybę valstybėms narėms prisiimti bendros gynybos įsipareigojimus. Pagal Europos Konstitucijos projektą taip pat sudaromos sąlygos Europos Sąjungai perimti visas Vakarų Europos Sąjungos funkcijas ir formaliai likviduoti šią organizaciją. Vis dėlto Europos Konstitucijos projekte išlieka pakankamos teisinės garantijos, kad Europos Sąjungos bendroji gynybos politika nepakeis NATO veiklos ir nepažeis valstybių, NATO narių, įsipareigojimų pagal Šiaurės Atlanto sutartį. Be to, dauguma naujų Europos Sąjungos bendrosios gynybos politikos nuostatų buvo suformuluotos siekiant veiksmingai reaguoti į naujus iššūkius tarptautinei taikai ir saugumui. Straipsnyje trumpai apžvelgiami ir Lietuvos dalyvavimo Europos Sąjungos bendrojoje gynybos politikoje pagrindai pagal nacionalinę teisę. Daroma išvada, kad Lietuvos nacionalinės teisės normos numato pakankamas sąlygas šaliai dalyvauti visose Europos Sąjungos ben-drosios gynybos politikos formose. Kita vertus, Lietuvai politiniu požiūriu gali būti netikslinga palaikyti visas galimas šios politikos raidos tendencijas.
