自2003年始,反坝运动席卷中国,被誉为"第一次公众参与开始影响中国工程决策"。相关研究多将之归功于中国近年来迅猛发展的公民社会与NGO力量。但在金沙江边村落,却出乎意料地形成可持续的、无(正式)组织及去精英化、本土民众自主广泛参与的反坝集体行动,并成功令当地水坝建设中止至今。本个案的独特性,无法单独通过社会运动或底层抗争理论对中国集体抗争的分析,而得到解释。 ; 在中国特殊政治环境下,尤其在严重缺乏自组织空间的底层乡土社会,农民广泛参与的集体抗争如何得以成为可能?带着这一问题,本研究整合社会运动研究和底层抗争研究两种理论框架,以实践论引领下的拓展个案研究法为研究方法论,对金沙江-虎跳峡流域的反坝集体行动展开深入研究。 ; 论文首先还原当地反坝抗争的真实经历以及底层行动者的实践逻辑,并通过对抗争的政治机会空间拓展、组织动员、框架与意义建构等三个关键过程深入分析,探讨集体行动的内在特征及发生机制。 ; 本论文发现:在全国反坝热潮背后,金沙江边逐渐形成一类独特的、既由本土社区主导又与全国性的反坝社会运动接壤的、多元去中心化的新型底层抗争生成机制/模式。三种结构性生成力量在背后起到关键作用:一是本土性社会文化因素;二是介入本土社区并与之发生紧密互动的外界公民社会力量;三是国家力量(包括"抽象国家"与"具体国家")的影响及其与本土的互动。 ; 以上因素在型塑独特的本土集体抗争模式的同时,也在底层乡村社区催生一批本土中层集体行动者骨干,推动广泛、具有潜在秩序的草根民众的"公民性"参与,孕育出更富于弹性、更多元异质的社会力以及本土化的公民社会行动空间,由此产生的底层自下而上的变革动力,有可能超越此前公民社会组织主导的社会运动与封闭乡村社区内相对无组织无序的底层抗争的两分,为中国底层变迁乃至公民社会发展预示新的路向。 ; Recent anti-dam movements in quasi-authoritarian China have triggered unprecedented public debate. Most existing researches focus on professional NGOs, intellectuals, media and other high-profile civil society forces, and propose an exogenous elite-driven model for understanding the movement and ensued social changes. ; However, the Jinsha River anti-dam protest revealed a different picture: endogenously grown and widely participated activism is blooming in the local communities, in the absence of formal movement organizations and without the leadership of outside NGOs. It is such local activism, working together with civil society forces from outside, that successfully blocked the dam construction. ; How could such indigenous activism with broad participation emerge within the highly restricted political space of contemporary China? To answer this question, I propose an integrated approach combining the perspectives of the social movement literature and the resistance studies. The major research methodology is the Extended Case Method (ECM) based on the Theory of Practice. ; This thesis firstly attempts to describe the generative process of local anti-dam protest activism and the practical logic of indigenous activists from a bottom-up perspective. It ...
Agriculture, Rural village and Peasants (ARP) represent the production structure, social structure and cultural structure (3S) of rural China for thousands of years in its trinity. To find the long roots of Chinese civilization and to feel the creativity, splendour, diversity and regionality of Chinese traditional culture, it must be in the countryside relating to the ARP. However, China's rural areas have been constantly challenged by political, economic, technological changes and other cultures interruption. Especially after decades of modernization and urbanization, the three structural relationships of rural traditional harmony are gradually being resolved. The originality of the rural tradition and the cultural accumulation it bears are facing extinction. For a nation whose culture has been passed down for thousands of years, this will be an irreparable and huge loss. Fortunately, in 2005 the central government put forward the slogan of "Beautiful Villages", emphasizing the need to build beautiful and livable villages for farmers. The government's authorities have issued a series of support policies for this purpose. The national standard for "Beautiful Villages" was introduced in 2015. It supports the village protection and development plans for the newly established list of traditional Chinese villages and supports the pilots of rescue protection in various places. It requires traditional villages to rely on historical and cultural resources reasonably to carry out various development models such as cultural creativity, popular science education and leisure tourism. From the macro-level of management, it is proposed that government-led, government-invested, unified planning, development, management, management and management rights should be unified. At the same time as the promotion of cultural relics protection and basic implementation, attention is paid to protecting the interests of the people and social benefits. Over the past years, all sectors of society, including some enterprises and institutions, have responded positively, forming various forms of practice in rural villages protection and development. For example "characteristic vernacular villages", "characteristic folk villages", "modern new villages", "historical ancient villages", etc. They mainly make some useful attempts to solve various problems faced by the countryside through the combination of rural tourism, leisure agriculture and ecological agriculture. However, most of these practices are based on direct input from external funds and management. Many of them fail to reach out to the current issues of the ARP, and unable to face the problems of a poor 3S relationship. Therefore, how to combine the protection of the "post-cultural heritage" of the countryside with the exploration of the new form of the ARP and reconstruction of the 3S relationship under the new historical conditions and opportunities has become the theoretical and practical issues of rural protection and development. To realize the goal of "Beautiful Villages", it is very necessary to take action at both levels of strategic thinking and practical approach. It is necessary to make forward-looking explorations and practices in accordance with the actual conditions of rural areas in different regions.
家族、移民和革命,是考察中國的僑鄉社會,尤其是民國時期的僑鄉社會所不可或缺的三大元素。傳統的華人華僑研究,多把華僑與國民黨的革命活動聯繫起來,以突出華僑對國民黨革命的重要性。然而,這些研究往往忽略了華僑跟共產黨領導的革命的繫連。在當代的潮汕地區,爲了吸引華僑投資家鄉與促進僑鄉的文化旅遊發展,部分僑鄉重構鄉村參與共產黨革命的歷史,建立起「紅色僑鄉」。 ; 「紅色僑鄉」這個文化標籤的建立,成爲僑鄉、僑居地與國家之間的文化、政治關係的象徵符號。本文主要以廣東澄海後溝村為個案研究,由此討論僑鄉社會如何塑造自身的歷史與文化。本文嘗試指出,第一次國共合作破裂之後,共產黨在鄉村中秘密動員、組織農民階級對抗「地主階級」,鄉民參加革命能夠起到協調地域社區權力結構中力量的不平衡的作用。自20年代中后期在僑鄉社會中形成的關係網絡延續至抗日戰爭及解放戰爭,與海外移民網絡共同影響著鄉村的宗族和地域社會。當代僑鄉的紅色革命形象,是國家自上而下的意識形態工程所塑造的,也是地方家族、移民在追尋自身利益與政治認同的結果。 ; Lineage, migration and revolution are three major elements to study emigrant communities in China, especially in the Republican period. Traditional studies on overseas Chinese focus on the relationship between overseas Chinese and KuoMinTang's revolutionary activities and highlight the importance of overseas Chinese to KMT revolution. However, these studies often ignore the relationship between overseas Chinese and revolutionary activities led by Chinese Communist Party. In the Chaoshan region, some of the emigrant communities, in order to attract overseas Chinese investment and develop cultural tourism, attempt to establish a "Red Emigrant Community" status through reconstructing the history of village's participating in CCP's revolution. ; "Red Emigrant Community", or Hongse qiaoxiang, is a cultural label linking emigrant communities and the State. This thesis, using Hougou village as an example explores how emigrant communities shape their own "red" history and culture. After the first cooperation of KMT and CCP, CCP secretly began to mobilize and organize peasants against landlords in villages. Villager's participation in revolutionary activities could be seen as a balance of power in the local community. Together with their overseas networks, emigrant communities' revolutionary networks, which were formed in the 1920s and continued through the WWII and the Liberation, influenced villages' lineage and regional structures. Red Emigrant Community is not only a top-down National projects. It is a result of pursuing interests and seeking political identity by local ...
