Classi e comuni rurali nel medio evo italiano; saggio di storia economica e giuridica
Vol. 2, pub. without series note, Firenze, O. Gozzini, 1908 (cover dated 1909) ; Bibliographical footnotes. ; Mode of access: Internet.
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Vol. 2, pub. without series note, Firenze, O. Gozzini, 1908 (cover dated 1909) ; Bibliographical footnotes. ; Mode of access: Internet.
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In: Piccola biblioteca Einaudi 234
In: Il politico: rivista italiana di scienze politiche ; rivista quardrimestrale, Band 21, Heft 2, S. 339-358
ISSN: 0032-325X
Italian sociol'ts of the late 19th cent have described the Maffia above all as a soc plague. This has limited the study of a phenomena. The Maffia is certainly related to the lingering traces of feudalism which characterize Sicily (thus explaining, for example, the recourse to extralegal violence). But its vigor in the second half of the 19th cent must be attributed principally to the alliance of the new landed bourgeoisie, enriched by the purchase of noble & Church properties, with the traditional aristocracy. The Maffia, recruited from peasant circles, serves to defend this dominating class by retarding the formation of a middling peasantry. The exploitation by the 'mafiosi' of both the large land owners & the peasants is extremely profitable, permitting some of them to enter the ranks of the bourgeoisie. This soc role added to the control of the administration explains the strong position of the Maffia in Sicily. IPSA.
At the beginning of 1921, the Soviet state was in a very unfavorable situation in which the destructions of the First World War were added to those of the civil war, leading to a dramatic economic crisis. At the X Congress of the Russian Communist Party, Lenin explained for the first time the need to give the country a profound change in economic policy. Even for the defeat of the revolution in Western Europe, simultaneously with the turn of the Comintern towards the "United Front" and the direct support for anti-colonial struggles, it became necessary to develop socialism at the national level. The NEP meets the need for an organic alliance between the socialist economy and the peasantry, between industry and the countryside, necessary for the survival of the revolution itself. It should therefore be considered not only as a measure of economic policy, but as a hegemonic choice with a specific political objective: the economic and social alliance between the working class and peasants in the construction of socialism, with the aim of limiting as far as possible , the use of coercive means by Soviet power. Keywords: Lenin; New Economical Politicy; Hegemony; Socialist Transition.
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Nel XIII secolo entra in crisi l'istituzione dell'Impero: il potere politico di cui esso è depositario si frantuma in poteri limitati e particolari. In questo lavoro voglio mettere a confronto due percorsi di potere locale: da una parte la signoria della famiglia della Torre a Milano, una delle prime in Italia, punto di arrivo della lotta contro l'Impero per le libertà comunali; dall'altra i giudicati della Sardegna, istituzione derivante dalla disso- luzione dell'Impero Bizantino nell'isola. Di tutti e due esamino le modalità dell'acquisizione del potere, il contesto in cui hanno operato, il rapporto tra città e contado, la funzione del "popolo" nell'attribuzione del potere, la necessità di una legittimazione da parte dell'autorità imperiale. / ENGLISH: In the 13th century the Empire as political institution was in a state of crisis. The Holy Roman German Empire and the Byzantine Empire were reshaped by extensive fragmentation into regional districts with political autonomy, resulting in a more limited influence for both emperors. Here, I have compared two different paths toward local power, the "Seigniory" and the "Giudicati". The Seigniory of the family "della Torre" over Milan was one of the first in Italy and is a paradigm ofacquisition of political autonomy within the Holy Roman German Empire. Conversely, the "Giudicati" were local kingdoms that arose in Sardin ia from the decay of the Byzantine Empire. I discuss the ways by which these regional political institutions arose, their recognition by the emperor, the context in which they acted, the relations between city and peasantry, the role of the "people" in awarding the power.
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Riassunto: Nel XIII secolo entra in crisi l'istituzione dell'Impero: il potere politico di cui esso è depositario si frantuma in poteri limitati e particolari. In questo lavoro voglio mettere a confronto due percorsi di potere locale: da una parte la signoria della famiglia della Torre a Milano, una delle prime in Italia, punto di arrivo della lotta contro l'Impero per le libertà comunali; dall'altra i giudicati della Sardegna, istituzione derivante dalla dissoluzione dell'Impero Bizantino nell'isola. Di tutti e due esamino le modalità dell'acquisizione del potere, il contesto in cui hanno operato, il rapporto tra città e contado, la funzione del "popolo" nell'attribuzione del potere, la necessità di una legittimazione da parte dell'autorità imperiale. Abstract: In the 13th century the Empire as political institution was in a state of crisis. The Holy Roman German Empire and the Byzantine Empire were reshaped by extensive fragmentation into regional districts with political autonomy, resulting in a more limited influence for both emperors. Here, I have compared two different paths toward local power, the "Seigniory" and the "Giudicati". The Seigniory of the family "della Torre" over Milan was one of the first in Italy and is a paradigm of acquisition of political autonomy within the Holy Roman German Empire. Conversely, the "Giudicati" were local kingdoms that arose in Sardinia from the decay of the Byzantine Empire. I discuss the ways by which these regional political institutions arose, their recognition by the emperor, the context in which they acted, the relations between city and peasantry, the role of the "people" in awarding the power
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