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Vollständiger Text des 'Loi Nr. 65-LF-24' vom 12. Nov. 1965 (materielles Strafrecht) sowie vergleichende Gegenüberstellung von früheren Gesetzesbestimmungen aus Ost- bzw. West-Kamerun mit dem Bundesrecht. (DÜI-Etr)

The Model Penal Code has become the central document of American criminal justice. It has had some effect on law reform in over 35 states. More significantly, it provides the lingua franca of most people who teach criminal law in the United States. Most academics think that the precise definitions of culpability states in section 2.02(2) are really neat, and they applaud the liberal rules that restrict the use of strict liability to administrative fines. Indeed, all things considered, for a code drafted with almost total indifference to what might be learned from European models, the Model Penal Code is an impressive achievement. The Model Penal Code's popularity is due probably to the lack of competition. Among the materials conventionally regarded as authoritative in common law jurisdictions, there is not much of a choice. Most teachers have contempt for the cases that appear in the case books. When I ask law professors to name a case that expounds the law in a way that they admire, they throw up their hands. In most other fields – torts, contracts, constitutional law, even civil procedure – there are many judicial opinions that command respect. Not so in the criminal law. Nor do the existing codes provide much solace. The adaptations of the Model Penal Code in states like New York and Illinois lack the conceptual integrity of the model statute. And surely, no one would take a 19th century state code, such as the California Criminal Code, as the model for proper analysis. One could teach criminal law on the basis of theoretical articles and books. This is the way law is taught in all Continental jurisdictions and to a large extent in England and Canada, but for Americans, the use of real books to teach the law runs contrary to tradition. Books, however good they may be, are only secondary authority. They do not have the feel of the "real thing." Faute de mieux, the Model Penal Code offers itself to law teachers as an elegant and coherent alternative to the chaotic and ill-reasoned case opinions. The downside of the Model Penal Code's influence is that it has come to shape our understanding of what a code should do in the field of criminal justice. The resulting assumptions are what I call the dogmas of the Model Penal Code. I formulate these assumptions as propositions of ironic advice to a legislature.

Sentencing postponed is one of the new installations of IPC (The Islamic Penal Code) that its Basics of criminology have not been studied yet. Hence, human approach to punishment and reduce resort to punishments can cause decrease in crime and commits compatibility. Postponing the Sentence towards criminals in order to decriminalize and not resort to punishment is one of the institutions that can achieve to the Goals considered by Criminal Matters policymakers In order to reduce recidivism. Therefore Iranian legislator well as in order achieving the objectives of long-standing human means reducing crime rates, is trying to impose new facility with Reform-driven approach. Postponement of the sentence is one of the Facilities that in The Penal Code adopted 1392attracted the attention of Legislator postponing institution by delaying the sentence gives the opportunity to the offender to return to society, And once again resume a healthy social life. Postponing sentence is leniency that only is includes limited offenses with prescribed punishment. Crimes that because of their non-violent and light of them and less dangerous of their commits Faster and easier leads to reduce recidivism and offender rehabilitation. this study holds that by Documents library method (analytical descriptive), paid to the new installations Islamic Penal Code related to the postponed sentence of offenders and crimes and offenses that would be subject to such a ruling. It should be noted that the statistical community of this study is all books, articles, laws and reputable sites that researchers in the current study uses them.

The exclusion of criminal responsibility reasons are the causes why a person doesn't bear the criminal responsibility of committing a crime because he/she was unconscious, or unwilling, or both of them. The exclusion of criminal responsibility reasons don't nullify the criminal description of the conduct (still considered a crime), but the person committed the crime will not be punished because of subjective reasons according to the criteria determined by the legislature. Since the reasons of exclusion of criminal responsibility are subjective, no other person who commits a crime will enjoy the exclusion of criminal responsibility. According to the Jordanian Penal Code no. 16 of 1960, which is still in force in the West Bank, the exclusion of criminal responsibility reasons are: duress; necessity (both of them due to the lack of will); mental incompetence because of insanity; or being under the age of 9 years old; and intoxication (due to the lack of consciousness). Both the Jordanian and Palestinian legislatures don't consider the voluntary intoxication as exclusion of criminal responsibility reason. On the other hand, the Jordanian legislature, in contradiction to the Palestinian legislature, didn't tackle the partial loss of consciousness due to intoxication. The Jordanian legislature has made a mistake when dealt with the two expressions "exclusion of criminal responsibility reasons" and "contraindications of punishment" as synonyms, since the later is determined by the legislature according to the public interest. Furthermore, the Jordanian legislature mixed between the "exclusion of criminal responsibility reasons" and the "justification reasons". The justification reasons are objective circumstances occur at the time of committing the crime, the result of which is the demise of the criminal feature of the conduct, i.e. becomes justified; therefore each person takes part in committing the conduct enjoys the justification.

Given the current turmoil of demonstrations and social protests that use Internet social networks as means of dissemination and organization, it seems Westerns governments are testing or trying to develop new measures of social control via modification of their legal codes. This article explores the situation of Spain in this respect, through four short interviews with communication and new media professionals: Elvira Huelbes (Journalist at Cuarto Poder), Jaime Pastor (Political Sciencies Professor in UNED), Javier de la Cueva (Lawyer specialized in ICT)and Miguel Romero (Editor of Viento Sur). ; Las amplias y aceleradas transformaciones sociales y tecnológicas sucedidas de las últimas décadas están produciendo en la coyuntura de crisis importantes reacomodos globales en los sistemas productivos que empiezan a tener efectos políticos en la institucionalidad democrática configurada desde la posguerra europea. Parece emerger un ciclo de contestación con un sensible aumento de las movilizaciones en un número crecientes de países, en el que las redes sociales telemáticas contribuyen a un aumento de la capacidad de difusión y coordinación de unos movimientos sociales que, con su trabajo en red diversifican, repertorios de protestas y propuestas de alcance transnacional.

Given the current turmoil of demonstrations and social protests that use Internet social networks as means of dissemination and organization, it seems Westerns governments are testing or trying to develop new measures of social control via modification of their legal codes. This article explores the situation of Spain in this respect, through four short interviews with communication and new media professionals: Elvira Huelbes (Journalist at Cuarto Poder), Jaime Pastor (Political Sciencies Professor in UNED), Javier de la Cueva (Lawyer specialized in ICT)and Miguel Romero (Editor of Viento Sur). ; Las amplias y aceleradas transformaciones sociales y tecnológicas sucedidas de las últimas décadas están produciendo en la coyuntura de crisis importantes reacomodos globales en los sistemas productivos que empiezan a tener efectos políticos en la institucionalidad democrática configurada desde la posguerra europea. Parece emerger un ciclo de contestación con un sensible aumento de las movilizaciones en un número crecientes de países, en el que las redes sociales telemáticas contribuyen a un aumento de la capacidad de difusión y coordinación de unos movimientos sociales que, con su trabajo en red diversifican, repertorios de protestas y propuestas de alcance transnacional.