Suchergebnisse

Electoral institutions shape the incentive that elected representatives have to cultivate a personal vote, a geographically-concentrated personal vote in particular. But are electoral institutions able to make representatives do what they would not do otherwise and to make them not do what they otherwise would have done? Using data from the cross-national PARTIREP MP Survey, it is demonstrated that electoral institutions shape elected representatives' local orientation. Local orientation decreases as district magnitude grows - regardless of what representatives think about political representation. But representatives' conceptions of representation do shape their uptake in the legislative arena from their contacts with individual constituents. The effect of the electoral incentive grows stronger as elected representatives think of representation as a bottom-up rather than a top-down process. Adapted from the source document.

Este trabajo analiza el funcionamiento del peronismo bonaerense durante los años que van del derrocamiento del Perón a su retorno, desde un enfoque centrado en la rama política del movimiento. En particular se consideran las trayectorias de un conjunto de dirigentes que se desempeñaron en diversas comunas de la Sexta Sección Electoral de la provincia de Buenos Aires en la etapa 1956-1973. Para ello se estudia su relación con los espacios de la sociabilidad formal, las redes de contactos personales y la influencia de su prestigio o notabilidad individual, factores que resultaron funcionales a su trabajo político en un contexto de proscripción alternado por episodios electorales o de institucionalización partidaria. ; This paper analyzes the functioning of Buenos Aires Peronism during the years that go from the over throw of Perón to its return, from an approach focused on the political branch of the movement. In particular, the trajectories of a group of leaders who worked in various communes of the sixth electoral section of the province of Buenos Aires in the 1956- 1973 stage are considered. For this, its relationship with the spaces of formal sociability, personal contact networks and the influence of its prestigeor individual notability are studied, factors that were functional to its political work in a context of proscription alternated by electoral episodes or party institutionalization. ; Fil: Marcilese, José Bernardo. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Bahía Blanca; Argentina. Universidad Nacional del Sur. Departamento de Humanidades. Centro de Estudios Regionales; Argentina

La experiencia diaria, el simple contacto de los seres humanos, nos lleva a la conclusión de que los individuos en sus realizaciones, actuaciones y manifestaciones son diferentes entre sí, uno de otro. ; Daily experience, the simple contact of human beings, leads us to the conclusion that individuals in their achievements, performances and manifestations are different from one another.

This research article analyze with a qualitative methodology of Aurora Luque's latest collection of poems, Personal & político (2015). The veiled reference in the title to the feminist motto «the personal is political» implies that the work will focus on how the individual is inevitably connected to the social and urban dimensions of power relationships. In the book, intertextuality conveys the concerns of a lyrical subject who lives in the weak postmodern society populated by corpses that have lost the contact with nature, their yearning for life, their desire for freedom and love, their ability to discern between the useful and the trivial or to choose between what deserves to be admired and consumerist fetishes. Faced with this dichotomy, the written word and the rebellion of some female characters are entrusted with the task of sowing the seed of change. ; En el presente artículo de investigación se analiza, mediante una metodología cualitativa, el último poemario de Aurora Luque, Personal & político (2015). En particular, la referencia implícita en el título al lema feminista «lo personal es político» sugiere que la obra hace hincapié en cómo la dimensión individual se inserta inevitablemente en la social y urbana de las relaciones de poder. En el libro, la intertextualidad vehicula las inquietudes de un sujeto lírico que se mueve en la mortecina sociedad postmoderna poblada de cadáveres que han perdido el contacto con la naturaleza, el anhelo de vida, el deseo de libertad y de amor, la capacidad de discernir entre lo útil y lo trivial o de escoger entre lo que merece ser admirado y los fetiches consumistas. Frente a ello, se encomienda a la palabra escrita y a la rebeldía de unos personajes femeninos la tarea de sembrar la semilla del cambio.

This research article analyze with a qualitative methodology of Aurora Luque's latest collection of poems, Personal & político (2015). The veiled reference in the title to the feminist motto «the personal is political» implies that the work will focus on how the individual is inevitably connected to the social and urban dimensions of power relationships. In the book, intertextuality conveys the concerns of a lyrical subject who lives in the weak postmodern society populated by corpses that have lost the contact with nature, their yearning for life, their desire for freedom and love, their ability to discern between the useful and the trivial or to choose between what deserves to be admired and consumerist fetishes. Faced with this dichotomy, the written word and the rebellion of some female characters are entrusted with the task of sowing the seed of change. ; 1 ; indice consultabile alla pagina https://editorial.ucatolica.edu.co/index.php/RevClat/issue/view/148 testo liberamente scaricabile alla pagina . ; marina.bianchi@unibg.it ; reserved ; Non definito ; En el presente artículo de investigación se analiza, mediante una metodología cualitativa, el último poemario de Aurora Luque, Personal & político (2015). En particular, la referencia implícita en el título al lema feminista «lo personal es político» sugiere que la obra hace hincapié en cómo la dimensión individual se inserta inevitablemente en la social y urbana de las relaciones de poder. En el libro, la intertextualidad vehicula las inquietudes de un sujeto lírico que se mueve en la mortecina sociedad postmoderna poblada de cadáveres que han perdido el contacto con la naturaleza, el anhelo de vida, el deseo de libertad y de amor, la capacidad de discernir entre lo útil y lo trivial o de escoger entre lo que merece ser admirado y los fetiches consumistas. Frente a ello, se encomienda a la palabra escrita y a la rebeldía de unos personajes femeninos la tarea de sembrar la semilla del cambio. ; mixed ; Bianchi, Marina ; Bianchi, Marina

This thesis deals with narrative and discursive resources found in the works of five Chicana writers who write in Spanish in the eighties: Lucha Corpi, Gina Valdes, Miriam Bornstein, Erlinda Gonzales-Berry and Margarita Cota-Cárdenas. This study analyzes some literary devices that link the production of these five Chicana writers with minor literature and the concept of contact zone; furthermore this project studies how these writers create a transcultural and transnational literature. This study will argue that these five Chicana writers are "conspirators in contact zones" and their literary works have been regarded as minor literature. Deleuze and Guattari define a minor literature through three main characteristics; firstly the deterritorialization of language, secondly the political element, and finally, the collective value. The writers discussed in this thesis are configured as conspirators because they fight against the dominant discourses creating other possible narratives that demonstrate the process of exclusion and discrimination that they have endored as Chicana women writing in Spanish in the US. My work also shows how by writing in Spanish, this group of Chicana writers open spaces from where is it possible to resist to a dominant discourse and deconstruct hegemonic form. In addition, this study shows how these writers act as conspirators in an area that Mary Louise Pratt calls "contact zone," a space "where disparate cultures meet, clash, and grapple with each other, often in highly asymmetrical relations of domination and subordination: such as colonialism, or are their aftermaths as they lived out across the globe today" (Imperial Eyes 7). Following the idea of "contact zone," it's clear that the Chicana writers I analyzed have lived in these spaces, for different reasons, and have experienced culture shock and relations of domination and subordination. As a result of these experiences, their works can be defined as transcultural. In these works we find to a greater or lesser extent, what according to Pratt contain cultural productions that occur in the contact zones: "Autoethnography, transculturation, critique, collaboration, bilingualism, mediation, parody, denunciation, imaginary dialogue, vernacular expression miscomprehension, incomprehension, dead letters, unread masterpieces, absolute heterogeneity of meaning and related hazards will also present" (Arts of the Contact 37). My dissertation chapters discuss how using Spanish, these Chicana writers construct poetic spaces and intertextuality from domestic situations, and create a minor literature that questions the concepts considered stable and homogeneous like the idea of nation, language and identity. Furthermore these women also propose their own feminism ranging from the personal to the collective, acting like true conspirators in contact zones. My study is necessary for several reasons. The first reason is because the literary critics overlooked the works of Chicana writers written in Spanish. Although these authors have not been totally ignored by critics, especially Chicano critics, the fact is that these studies have focused on the ones written in English translated into English. A second reason is that there is no study that has grouped these five writers (Lucha Corpi, Gina Valdes, Miriam Bornstein, Margarita Cota-Cárdenas and Erlinda Gonzales-Berry) as representatives of a Chicano literature written in Spanish in the eighties. The presence and contribution of Chicano literary woman remained in the dark for a long time. In the eighties there was an awakening of Chicano literature produced by the female community, as the Chicano woman found its place in American editorials, This was due to the socio-political claims of Chicano movement and also the rise of the feminist movement and civil rights in full fervor during those decades. However, as discussed at various points in this dissertation writing in Spanish did not offer the same publishing conditions experienced by other contemporary Chicano writers writing in English. This thesis covers this lack of attention toward cultural production in Spanish written by women, and shows the need to assert the Spanish language as a vehicle of expression of Chicano literature in the United States. Another reason for the need for this study its multidisciplinary theoretical approach. We understand that the works of these authors should not be regarded just as a purely literary product; in fact they also are tools to understand the variety of Chicano contexts, by revealing that confinement in a single battle or a single community is not possible. These writers show a creative desire that goes beyond spatial barriers that reinforce social differences and power relations based on race, class, sex, gender and national status. Supporting this perspective, a cultural and textual analysis of his works should incorporate transcultural argument that reveals two impossibilities: the existence of a single cultural heritage, as expressed by the Moroccan philosopher Abdelkebir Khatibi in his article "plural Maghreb", and the inability to oppose the cultural hegemony from positions based on absolute truths of race and ethnicity. In conclusion with this study I aim to contribute and join the effort of a literary criticism that tries to overcome reductionist, unambiguous and stereotyped criteria, showing the reality of a Chicano space with a large internal diversity both for the various themes used, the diverse language skills, and for different regions of origin.

Este artículo describe y analiza los valores que predominan en el mundo laboral hoy: ¿a partir de qué mecanismos organizacionales se prescriben esos valores? ¿Cómo los internalizan quiénes trabajan? ¿Qué tipos de conductas laborales son premiadas y/o castigadas? Para responder estos interrogantes proponemos estudiar —tomándolo como caso heurístico— a los agentes de ventas que trabajan en Contact Centers, y reapropiarnos de las nociones foucaultianas de "gobierno" y "gubernamentalidad", en clave de "conducción de conductas laborales". Desde el caso y enfoque propuesto, dos ejes se relacionan: las propias experiencias de los agentes de ventas; y las prescripciones de un tipo de organización, el management de Contact Centers. El resultado de esta relación será un triángulo que explica las conductas laborales de los agentes de ventas, definido por la "performance, la persuasión y la persecución", donde confluyen una gestión competitiva y violenta fomentada por la empresa junto a una autogestión personal de cada agente vinculada con dilemas éticos que se les presentan a éstos. Finalmente, y a partir de aquel triángulo, reflexionamos sobre quiénes son o en qué se convierten los agentes de ventas de Contact Centers, poniendo en tensión su subjetividad en referencia a los valores manageriales predominantes.Palabras clave: Agentes de ventas - Contact Centers - Gubernamentalidad - Management - Conducta laboral Performance, between persuasion and persecution. The government of sales agents in Contact CentersAbstractThis paper describes and analyzes the values that predominate in today's world of work: from what organizational mechanisms are those values prescribed? How are they internalized by those who work? What types of work behaviors are rewarded and/or punished? To answer these questions we propose to study —taking it as a heuristic case— the sales agents that work in Contact Centers, rethinking the Foucaultian notions of "government" and "governmentality", in the key of "conduction of labor behaviors". From these case and proposed approach, two axes are related: the own experiences of the sales agents; and the prescriptions of a type of organization, the management of Contact Centers. The result of this relationship will be a triangle that explains the work behaviors of the sales agents, defined by "performance, persuasion and persecution", where a competitive and violent management promoted by the company converges with a personal self-management of each agent linked to ethical dilemmas that they face. Finally, and from that triangle, we reflect on who they are or what they become the contact center sales agents, putting in tension their subjectivity in reference to the predominant managerial values.Key Words: Sales agents - Contact Centers - Governmentality - Management - Work behavior

Este artículo describe y analiza los valores que predominan en el mundo laboral hoy: ¿a partir de qué mecanismos organizacionales se prescriben esos valores? ¿Cómo los internalizan quiénes trabajan? ¿Qué tipos de conductas laborales son premiadas y/o castigadas? Para responder estos interrogantes proponemos estudiar —tomándolo como caso heurístico— a los agentes de ventas que trabajan en Contact Centers, y reapropiarnos de las nociones foucaultianas de "gobierno" y "gubernamentalidad", en clave de "conducción de conductas laborales". Desde el caso y enfoque propuesto, dos ejes se relacionan: las propias experiencias de los agentes de ventas; y las prescripciones de un tipo de organización, el management de Contact Centers. El resultado de esta relación será un triángulo que explica las conductas laborales de los agentes de ventas, definido por la "performance, la persuasión y la persecución", donde confluyen una gestión competitiva y violenta fomentada por la empresa junto a una autogestión personal de cada agente vinculada con dilemas éticos que se les presentan a éstos. Finalmente, y a partir de aquel triángulo, reflexionamos sobre quiénes son o en qué se convierten los agentes de ventas de Contact Centers, poniendo en tensión su subjetividad en referencia a los valores manageriales predominantes.Palabras clave: Agentes de ventas - Contact Centers - Gubernamentalidad - Management - Conducta laboral Performance, between persuasion and persecution. The government of sales agents in Contact CentersAbstractThis paper describes and analyzes the values that predominate in today's world of work: from what organizational mechanisms are those values prescribed? How are they internalized by those who work? What types of work behaviors are rewarded and/or punished? To answer these questions we propose to study —taking it as a heuristic case— the sales agents that work in Contact Centers, rethinking the Foucaultian notions of "government" and "governmentality", in the key of "conduction of labor behaviors". From these case and proposed approach, two axes are related: the own experiences of the sales agents; and the prescriptions of a type of organization, the management of Contact Centers. The result of this relationship will be a triangle that explains the work behaviors of the sales agents, defined by "performance, persuasion and persecution", where a competitive and violent management promoted by the company converges with a personal self-management of each agent linked to ethical dilemmas that they face. Finally, and from that triangle, we reflect on who they are or what they become the contact center sales agents, putting in tension their subjectivity in reference to the predominant managerial values.Key Words: Sales agents - Contact Centers - Governmentality - Management - Work behavior

El objetivo del artículo es estudiar, a través de la actividad de quienes ocupan cargos políticos, las prácticas concretas que intervienen en la producción del "bien público", entendido como la distribución de los bienes públicos hacia los ciudadanos. El interés surge de la tensión entre el comportamiento ideal de los políticos –según reglas universales y públicamente orientadas- y una práctica concreta que implica tener en cuenta problemáticas de ciudadanos y grupos sociales determinados, así como los propios intereses políticos. Se cuestiona la relación entre impersonalidad e interés público, planteando que la distribución personalizada de los bienes públicos no supone necesariamente su apropiación privada. Se presenta el estudio empírico de la actividad cotidiana de diferentes políticos con distintos cargos electivos, pertenecientes al partido gobernante, en la provincia de Santiago del Estero, cuyo régimen político ha sido caracterizado por la importancia de las relaciones personales y la politización de la burocracia. Siguiendo una estrategia metodológica cualitativa- que recurre a las técnicas de las entrevistas en profundidad y a la observación no participante; se reconstruye su actividad política cotidiana y las nociones de los políticos sobre sus propias prácticas; prestando atención a las formas de vinculación con los ciudadanos y con otros políticos y funcionarios. El artículo muestra que las tareas de los políticos provinciales, involucran el contacto personalizado tanto con los ciudadanos, como con funcionarios de distintos niveles de la administración pública, que les permiten viabilizar la distribución de bienes públicos hacia sus representados; actividades principalmente de carácter informal. Se muestra que, aunque los objetos de sus acciones sean ciudadanos y grupos territoriales determinados –lejos de la ciudadanía concebida en forma abstracta-, ello no es necesariamente antagónico con la promoción del bien público. A su vez, los dirigentes pueden obtener un beneficio político personal, diferente de su interés "privado", ya que necesariamente supone favorecer otros ciudadanos o grupos de ciudadanos. De este modo, el artículo logra poner en cuestión la relación canónica entre impersonalidad e interés público presente en la literatura académica, puntualizando la distinción entre personalización y privatización de lo público y planteando incluso la complementariedad entre las prácticas particularistas y la universalidad que se espera de los representantes políticos. ; The purpose of the article is to study, through the activity of those in office, the actual practices in the production of the "common good", understood as the distribution of public goods to the citizens. The interest arises from the tension between politicians ideal behavior -according to universal and publicly orientated rules - and an actual practice that supposes taking into account the interests of individual citizens and certain social groups, as well as the own political interests. The relation between impersonality and public interest is questioned, arguing that personalized distribution of public goods does not suppose necessarily its private appropriation. The article presents an empirical study of the daily activity of politicians with different positions in elective office, all of them belonging to the governing party, in the province of Santiago del Estero, where the political regime has been recognized by the importance of personal relations and bureaucracy politicization. Following a qualitative methodological strategy - that includes the techniques of in-depth interviews and non-participant observation-; the article presents empirical evidence on politicians daily activity and their notions about their practices; paying attention to their connections with the citizens and with other politicians and civil servants. The article shows that the activities of provincial politicians involve personalized contact with the citizens, as well as with civil servants of different levels of the public administration; which allow them facilitate the distribution of public goods to their electoral base; activities which are mainly informal. Although their actions benefit individual citizens and certain territorial groups -far from of the abstract notion of citizenship-, this does not exclude common good promotion. The leaders can also obtain a personal political benefit, different from their "private" interest, since it necessarily supposes favouring other citizens or groups of citizens. The article puts in question the canonical relation between impersonality and public interest –present in academic literature-, specifying the distinction between personal political links and privatization; even suggesting a complementary relation among particularistic practices and the universality expected from political representatives. ; Fil: Ortiz de Rozas, Victoria. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de General Sarmiento; Argentina

El estudio del personal político es un elemento fundamental para comprender el régimen de Franco. Centrándonos en el estudio de los poderes locales del mundo rural podemos acercarnos a las raíces de los apoyos sociales del franquismo. En el marco de algunas localidades del mundo rural del sureste Español, analizamos la imagen política y social de los alcaldes y gestores que, desde abajo, auparon y dieron continuidad al régimen. Y percibimos una ruptura respecto a épocas anteriores: asistimos a la llegada de unos «hombres nuevos», jóvenes, sin apenas participación política con las derechas tradicionales antes del 18 de julio, con una directa implicación y compromiso con el bando nacional durante la Guerra Civil, y de un origen social tremendamente heterogéneo. ; In order to understand the Franco regime and how it functioned, it is crucial to study its state administration and those persons who staffed it. More specifically, the roots of this administration lie in the local authorities of rural communities from which the regime received much of its social support. Within the context of some towns in the rural South-Eastern Spain, we will analyze the political and social image of the mayors and town councillors who were the foundation of the Franco regime. Amongst these one can perceive a rupture in respect to the men who made up the local political classes. This change was the product of the arrival of "new men", young men without any previous political or administrative experience, and hence not part of the pre-Civil War "traditional Right". Instead, these men made their reputations and political contacts through their direct participation in the "National Uprising", and signified a much more heterogeneous social group than those that constituted the traditional local elite.

Digital ; Actualmente el mal manejo del dinero y la falta de control financiero por parte de los terceros es deficiente ya que no se tiene un registro de los recursos económicos que perciben, la contabilidad de manera personal no se registra, ni se lleva control de una forma óptima, si no de forma mental, y casi maneja de bolsillo todo su dinero y no se tiene un registro por escrito; estos son problemas que identifica un desorden de la información, teniendo datos que no son exactos y sin ayudar de esta manera a solución viable al problema financiero. El panorama planteado presenta diversos factores que se deben manejar, como son: conocimiento financiero, manejo de contabilidad personal, análisis de costo, beneficio, manejo de cuentas bancarias, y contacto con aplicaciones móviles, sin embargo, estos factores y la problemática mencionada se manejaría con el uso de la aplicación Casorin-finanzas, que tiene como finalidad el manejo adecuado de las finanzas, un tema el cual en términos generales sería todo ingreso o egreso que genere el tercero, tener claridad en su economía a partir de un criterio justificado en el que se tenga espacio para saber en qué se gastan, se invierten, o se adquieren nuevos recursos en las finanzas. Con el desarrollo de la aplicación CASorin finanzas, se plantea controlar, solucionar y manejar la problemática en mención, ya que la situación requiere plantear el uso un sistema para el manejo de presupuesto personal financiero, para el personal de nómina del convenio EEW-UDES, mediante una aplicación móvil-Casorin finanzas que ya existe y es acta para sistemas operativos Android, se puede usar desde el celular, o tableta esta aplicación servirá para el manejo de los estados contables personales, teniendo de manera óptima la importancia del dinero y dinero plástico al momento de generar una salida de dinero. ; Currently the mismanagement of money and the lack of financial control by third parties is deficient since there is no record of the economic resources they receive, personal accounting is noto recorded, nor is it controlled in an optimal way , if not mentally, and he almost manages all his money out of pocket and there is no written record; These are problems that an information disorder identifies, having data that are not exact and without helping in this way to a viable solution to the financial problem. The outlook presented presents various factors that must be managed, such as: financial knowledge, personal accounting management, cost analysis, benefit, bank account management, and contact with mobile applications, however, these factors and the aforementioned problem would be managed With the use of the AMP application, which aims at the proper management of finances, an issue which in general terms would be all income or expenditure generated by the third party, have clarity in its economy based on a justified criterion in which there is space to know what new resources are spent on, invested in, or acquired in finance. With the development of the CASorin finance application, it is proposed to control, solve and manage the problem in question, since the situation requires the use of a system for the management of personal financial budget, for the payroll personnel of the EEW-UDES agreement, Through a mobile application-Casorin finance that already exists and is minutes for Android operating systems, it can be used from the cell phone, or tablet this application will be used to manage personal financial statements, optimally taking into account the importance of money and plastic money at the time of generating an outflow of Monet. ; NTRODUCCIÓN . 17 1. PRESENTACIÓN DEL TRABAJO DE GRADO . 18 1.1 PLANTEAMIENTO DEL PROBLEMA . 19 1.2 ALCANCE . 24 1.3 JUSTIFICACIÓN . 26 1.4 OBJETIVOS . 28 1.4.1 Objetivo general . 28 1.4.2 Objetivos específicos . 28 2 BASES TEÓRICAS . 28 2.1 ESTADO DEL ARTE . 28 2.1.1 Como Elaborar Su Presupuesto Personal . 29 2.1.2 Las Finanzas Personales . 29 2.1.3 Estrategia nacional de educación económica y financiera de Colombia 30 2.1.4 Educación financiera para el aula . 30 2.1.5 La Importancia De Los Recursos Financieros Personales . 31 2.1.6 Inteligencia Financiera. Una manera de aprender, educación transversal para la vida diaria. . 32 2.1.7 Inteligencia financiera de los estudiantes de noveno semestre de Contaduría Pública de la Universidad Militar Nueva Granada. 32 2.1.8 Conocimientos financieros y capacidades financieras en colaboradores de una organización del Noreste Colombiano . 33 2.1.9 La importancia de la educación financiera para niños en edad escolar 33 2.1.10 Educación financiera para estudiantes de media vocacional del Colegio Pablo Neruda en Bogotá D.C . 33 2.1.11 Análisis de la educación e inclusión financiera en Colombia como insumo para el proyecto de investigación en educación financiera escolar de Eafit Social. . 34 2.1.12 Las finanzas personales desde la educación básica en instituciones de pamplona . 34 2.2 MARCO REFERENCIAL . 35 2.2.1 Marco Teórico . 35 2.2.2 Marco Conceptual . 37 3 DISEÑO METODOLÓGICO . 40 3.1 TIPO DE INVESTIGACIÓN . 40 3.2 HIPÓTESIS . 41 3.3 VARIABLES O CATEGORÍAS . 41 3.4 OPERACIONALIZACIÓN DE VARIABLES O DESCRIPCIÓN DE CATEGORÍAS . 42 3.5 POBLACIÓN Y MUESTRA . 42 3.6 PROCEDIMIENTO . 43 3.7 INSTRUMENTOS DE RECOLECCIÓN DE INFORMACIÓN . 48 3.7.1 Encuestas . 49 3.7.2 Encuesta de caracterización . 49 3.7.3 Prueba diagnostica . 50 3.8 TÉCNICAS DE ANÁLISIS DE DATOS . 50 4 CONSIDERACIONES ÉTICAS . 52 5 DIAGNÓSTICO INICIAL . 53 5.1 Análisis de Encuesta a terceros . 54 6 estructura de la propuesta de intervención . 60 6.1 PROPUESTA PEDAGÓGICA . 60 6.2 COMPONENTE TECNOLÓGICO . 64 6.2.1 Wireframe o bocetos iniciales . 64 6.2.2 Desarrollo de la app . 65 6.3 IMPLEMENTACIÓN . 73 6.3.1 Integración de la Propuesta con el desarrollo de las Actividades . 73 6.3.2 Encuesta de pre saberes de presupuesto personal con el uso de APP 80 6.3.3 Análisis General de Prueba de conceptos básicos e información financiera básica: . 92 6.3.4 Capacitación e inicio de implementación . 94 7 ANÁLISIS E INTERPRETACIÓN DE DATOS . 105 7.1 Prueba de validación . 105 7.1.1 Análisis general de prueba de validación . 112 7.2 Encuesta de satisfacción . 113 7.2.1 Análisis encuesta de satisfacción . 118 7.3 Análisis comparativo de la prueba diagnóstica vs prueba de validación 119 8 CONCLUSIONES . 122 9 LIMITACIONES . 123 10 IMPACTO / recomendaciones / TRABAJOS FUTUROS . 123 10.1 Impacto . 123 10.2 Trabajos Futuros . 124 BIBLIOGRAFÍA . 125 ANEXOS . 131 ; Maestría ; Magíster en Tecnologías Digitales Aplicadas a la Educación ; 1° ed.

The article analyzes the relationship between the corporate culture of a multinational company headquartered in the United States, which enjoys great prestige worldwide, and the business environment and practices in Venezuela, where it has an operation. The prevailing culture in the corporation is North American and the top managers come from their country of origin. In Venezuela, on the other hand, most of the companies are family-owned, and personal contacts and influences prevail. The research is oriented to the elaboration of a qualitative diagnosis, through rigorous observation and semi-structured interviews. The results revealed that there is resistance on the part of Venezuelan managers to follow the culture of a strict company governed by rules set in a very different economic and political context. The ambiguity between acceptance and low identification with the values of the parent company leads to think of corporate culture as fragmented.

En la antigua Roma se hacía propaganda electoral por parte de los candidatos a un determinado cargo. La importancia era el contacto personal, el transmitir a los posibles electores la capacidad del candidatus para llevar a cabo los proyectos necesarios para engrandecer la ciudad y cumplir las expectativas de los ciudadanos. En este estudio ponemos de relieve los diferentes métodos de propaganda que se utilizaban en la Roma de finales de la República y en Pompeya, sin entrar a analizar la legislación que condenaba la corrupción electoral.Palabras clave: Candidatus, cursus honorum, ius sufragii, Commentariolum Petitionis, programmata.Abstract:In ancient Rome candidates for a particular charge produced an election campaign. The importance was the personal contact, to convey to potential voters candidatus capacity to carry out the projects needed to enlarge the city and meet the expectations of citizens. In this study we emphasize the different methods of propaganda used in Rome at the end of the Republic and in Pompeii, without examining the legislation condemning electoral corruption.Keywords: Candidatus, cursus honorum, ius sufragii, Commentariolum Petitionis, programmata.

The relevance of the research comes from the extent of the influence of information and communication technologies in socially significant areas, where the manipulation of public consciousness, in the Internet space, particularly in social networks, is an obvious phenomenon. The aim of the study was to discuss the opinion that the main driving factor in the use of social networks, as a proven platform for the manipulation of public consciousness, has been increased by social restrictions on personal contacts caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. General and special research methods were employed to achieve the stated objective. It is concluded that, despite the obvious advantages of the use of social networks in the political process, the political manipulations that currently exist in the virtual environment are often of a destructive nature and carry hidden symbolic threats to destabilize the life of a given country, as well as to worsen the quality of life of each of its citizens. Most of the time, political manipulations in the virtual environment take place at various stages of the electoral process.