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This report is based on the seminar: "Mutual Trust Building and Reconciliation in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Beyond" organized by the Royal Danish Defence College in Copenhagen, October 2016. The report includes perspectives by the speakers of the seminar and their attribution to understand the external and internal factors affecting the security situation, thereby attempting to explain the current low level of trust between Afghanistan and Pakistan. All these perspectives present an intriguing puzzle that seeks to identify present challenges and opportunities on the table for both states. By identifying areas of common ground or perceived common obstacles, the report addresses initiatives and processes that could be applied in igniting paths of reconciliation between Afghanistan and Pakistan. ; This report is based on the seminar: "Mutual Trust Building and Reconciliation in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Beyond" organized by the Royal Danish Defence College in Copenhagen, October 2016. The report includes perspectives by the speakers of the seminar and their attribution to understand the external and internal factors affecting the security situation, thereby attempting to explain the current low level of trust between Afghanistan and Pakistan. All these perspectives present an intriguing puzzle that seeks to identify present challenges and opportunities on the table for both states. By identifying areas of common ground or perceived common obstacles, the report addresses initiatives and processes that could be applied in igniting paths of reconciliation between Afghanistan and Pakistan.

Self-help and self-censorship: A self-help cultural perspective on organizational silence This paper seeks to explain silence in the workplace through an analytical perspective derived from Judith Butlers work on censorship, and in this way suggest an alternative to explanations in the existing literature on employee silence, which are often tied to the actions and motivations of the individual subject. It is thus argued that self-help books can be seen as indicative of a pervasive culture of self-improvement, which among other things promotes the absence of criticism in the workplace. The empirical point of departure for this argument is the two bestselling self-help books The secret by Rhonda Byrne and The 7 habits of highly effective people by Stephen Covey. Theoretically, the paper applies Butlers notion of "implicit censorship" where censorship is understood as productive in the sense of being constitutive of language. Hence, in the analysis it is shown how discursive regimes in self-help literature tend to be constructed in such a way, that explicit criticism cannot emerge as a meaningful activity, and is thus implicitly censored. ; Sociologisk Forsknings digitala arkiv

Iver Neumann has been one of the most productive and visible foreign policy and IR scholars of his generation. He has had great influence both internationally and at NUPI. He has, however, not become a prophet in his own country. Norway's political science community has expressed little interest in the three traditions that have been the lasting anchor points in Neumann's works: the English School, the German tradition of critical theory and French post-modernism. This article suggests that Norwegian political studies have expressed a lack of curiosity – if not an active skepticism – towards political theory in general and continental approaches in particular. The errand here is not to wonder why. Rather, it is to provide the briefest of glimpses into some of the perspectives that lie outside the Anglo-American, methodological mainstream of Norwegian political science.

On April 25, 2013, UN's Security Council established a 12,600-strong peacekeeping force for Mali. The United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission (MINUSMA) is to take over and continue the security and stabilization task that the French-led military operation in cooperation with UN's African-led International Support Mission to Mali, AFISMA, initiated in January 2013. The aim of this report is to present a number of long- and short-term perspectives for the recently initiated peace- and state-building process in Mali by focusing on the historical, structural and political causes of the crisis in Mali. Understanding these causes and handling their derived conflict potentials provide a minimum of prerequisites for establishing long-term peace. The report is structured according to four intertwined conflict potentials: Mali's fragile state, the status and background of the Tuareg rebellion, the organized crime and the regional cooperation. .

How are school meals organized in the Scandinavian countries? And in what ways can new pedagogical practice lead to better school meal programs for students and a better understanding of the importance, for health and sustainable development, of the food offered through schools? Learning Through Food and Meals in Primary School takes a look at school meal programs in Denmark, Sweden and Norway with the objective of providing educators and teacher-education students an understanding of school meals from public health and nutritional perspectives, as well as a sense of the potential for teaching through school meals.

The book is written in Danish, Swedish and Norwegian, and is structured in three parts, presenting new research from each of the three countries. Thematically, the chapters range from studies of different school meal initiatives to analyses of the social, democratic, and pedagogical significance of school meals.

Through the different contributions, the book presents both experiences of how teaching through food can be done in a practical sense and an argument for its importance in an overall pedagogical and didactic perspective.

The book will be relevant for anyone who is interested in food and meals served in primary schools, such as teachers, researchers, politicians and school administrators.

The authors include researchers, educators and primary school administrators. Learning Through Food and Meals in Primary School has been edited by Dorte Ruge (UCL University College, Denmark), Frøydis Nordgård Vik (University of Agder, Norway), and Johanna Björklund and Sara Frödén (Örebro University, Sweden). The anthology has been made possible with the support of Nordplus Horisontal, project LEARNFOOD. The illustrations on the cover of the book are by Elisabeth Werngren (Sweden) and Marie Madsen (Denmark). - Hvordan er skolemåltiderne organiseret i de skandinaviske lande? Og på hvilken måde kan ny pædagogisk praksis give eleverne et bedre skolemadstilbud og en bedre forståelse af skolemadens betydning for sundhed og bæredygtig udvikling? Læring gennem mad og måltider i grundskolen præsenterer viden om skolemad fra Danmark, Sverige og Norge. Formålet med antologien er at give pædagoger, lærere og studerende indenfor læreruddannelse, folkesundhed og ernæring viden om skolemad, og om hvad læring gennem måltider kan være. Bogen er skrevet på dansk, svensk og norsk. Den er inddelt i tre dele, som præsenterer ny forskning fra hvert enkelt land. Tematisk spænder indholdet fra studier af forskellige skolemadsordninger til forskning i skolemåltidernes sociale, demokratiske og pædagogiske betydning. Gennem de forskellige bidrag præsenterer bogen både erfaringer med, hvordan læring gennem skolemåltider kan foregå i praksis, og en begrundelse for, hvorfor dette er vigtigt i et helhedsorienteret pædagogisk og didaktisk perspektiv. Bogen er relevant for alle, som er optaget af mad og skolemåltider i grundskolen, herunder lærere, forskere, politikere, skoleledere og rektorer. Forfatterne omfatter både forskere og lærere, pædagoger og skoleledere i grundskolen. Læring gennem mad og måltider i grundskolen er redigeret af Dorte Ruge (UCL Erhvervsakademi og Professionshøjskole, Danmark), Frøydis Nordgård Vik (Universitetet i Agder, Norge) samt Johanna Björklund og Sara Frödén (Örebro Universitet, Sverige). Antologien er støttet af Nordplus Horisontal, projekt LEARNFOOD. Illustrationer på omslag er udarbejdet af Elisabeth Werngren (Sverige) og Marie Madsen (Danmark).

Artikkelen ser på mulighetene og utfordringene med avskrekking som strategisk tilnærming til det stadig viktigere cyberdomenet, fra et småstatsperspektiv. Forfatterne argumenterer for at det er essensielt å opprette og ansvarliggjøre en multinasjonal og multidepartemental/-sektoriell cyberorganisasjon for at reell cyberavskrekking skal være mulig å generere.
Innledningsvis beskriver artikkelen den klassiske og utvidete oppfatningen av avskrekking, og hvilke kriterier som må ligge til grunn for å kunne oppnå avskrekkende effekt: kapasitet, kredibilitet og evnen til å kommunisere effektivt. Sett fra et globalt sikkerhetsperspektiv har muligheten til å generere avskrekkende effekt vært med på å forme verden, spesielt i perioden 1945 til 1990. Kompleksiteten i sikkerhetssektoren har imidlertid økt signifikant siden da, mye grunnet økt global konnektivitet og fremveksten av cyberdomenet.
Artikkelen diskuterer hvordan kriteriene for avskrekking utfordres når strategien skal appliseres i cyberdomenet, med fokus på problemene knyttet til antallet aktører/vektorer, ulike motiver for handlinger, manglende felles grunnlag som utgangspunkt for å adressere utfordringene, og forskjellig oppfatning omkring attribusjon og proporsjonalitetsprinsippet. Forfatterne fremholder at disse utfordringene gjør det vanskeligere, men desto viktigere å identifisere hvordan man kan generere avskrekking i cyberdomenet – spesielt for høyteknologiske småstater, som Norge. Å håndtere dette på en god måte forutsetter at man ser på bredden av avskrekkingsteori i sammenheng over tid, og småstater må erkjenne sine svakheter og spille på sine styrker. Anbefalingene som fremlegges, er åpningstrekk som gjør nettopp dette, og som samtidig bereder grunnen for å dra veksler på komplementære effekter av ulike dimensjoner ved avskrekkingststrategi på lengre sikt.
Abstract in English
This article explores the possibilities and challenges associated with deterrence as strategy in the increasingly significant cyber-domain, from a small state perspective. The authors argue that genuine cyber-deterrence is contingent upon the creation of an accountable cyberorganization, with a multinational and multi-departmental/sectorial composition.
The article addresses classical and broader deterrence, and the criterions that must be met in order to successfully deter; capability, credibility, and the ability to communicate effectively. From a global perspective, the ability to generate effective deterrence has been key to shape the international security landscape in the period from 1945 to 1990. However, the complexity of the security sector has increased significantly since then – much due to the seemingly ever-growing global connectedness and the emergence of the cyber-domain.
The article further explores and discusses how the criteria for effective deterrence is tested when applied to the cyber-domain, with emphasis on the problems associated with the number of actors/vectors, varying motives for actions, the lack of a shared conceptual foundation as a basis to address the challenges, and differing opinions concerning attribution and proportionality. The authors argue that these problems make it difficult, but thus the more important to identify how to generate effective deterrence in the cyber-domain – especially for high-tech small states such as Norway. Effective management of the problem-complex requires exploration of the whole range of deterrence theory over time, and small states must recognize their inherent weaknesses and play to their strengths. The recommendation put forth here is an initial move which allows just that, and which at the same time sets the stage for more elaborate strategies that exploit the complementary effects of different dimensions of and approaches to deterrence.

Slik forholdet til Sovjetunionen historisk har vært avgjørende for utformingen av norsk nordområdepolitikk, står forholdet til Russland sentralt også i dag. Artikkelen drøfter tre aspekter ved sikkerhetspolitikkens plass i norsk syn på nordområdene og i norsk nordområdepolitikk etter årtusenskiftet. I første del ser vi overordnet på sammenhengen mellom norsk sikkerhetspolitikk og norsk nordområdepolitikk de siste tjue årene. I andre del analyserer vi russiske perspektiver på sikkerhet Arktis og forholdet til Norge, før vi i siste del tar for oss tillitsskapende samarbeid på det militære området mellom Norge og Russland ved å gi en analyse av hva som karakteriserer den bilaterale Incidents at Sea-avtalen (INCSEA).
Abstract in English:Between Heat Wave and Ice Front: The High North, Security and Great Power PoliticsAs the relationship with the Soviet Union historically was decisive for the development of Norwegian policy towards the European Arctic, the High North, relations with Russia remain a core concern also today. This article analyses three aspects of the significance of security policy in the Norwegian view of the High North in general and in Norwegian High North policy in particular after the turn of the millennium. In the first part, we assess the relationship between Norwegian security policy and High North policy in the last twenty years. The second part examines Russian perspectives on the Arctic and relations with Norway. The third and final analysis assesses the bilateral Incidents at Sea (INCSEA) agreement as part of Russian-Norwegian military confidence building measures.

11. september-angrepene og USAs svar utfordret folkerettens regler. Basert på et argument om selvforsvar, lanserte Bush-administrasjonen en global krig mot terrorisme, med fangeleirer, bruk av tortur og utenomrettslige henrettelser. Essayet gir en oversikt over tre folkerettslige hovedproblemstillinger som oppsto i årene etter 2001. Folkerettens regimer om samarbeid for å motarbeide terror var for svake, FN-pakten gav lite klare regler om staters selvforsvarsrett mot ikke-statlige aktører på fremmed jord, og angrepene utfordret folkerettens todeling mellom krig og rettshåndhevelse (humanitærrett og menneskerettigheter). Essayet gjør opp status for hvordan folkeretten utviklet seg på disse områdene etter 2001, og tar stilling til om dette gir grunnlag for å betegne 11. september som et vannskille i folkeretten.
Abstract in English:International Law and 9/11 – a Watershed?The 9/11 attacks and the US global response was a challenge to international law. Based on an argument of self-defense, the Bush-administration launched a global war on terror, established prison-camps, opened up for torture and engaged in targeted killings. The essay provides an overview of the main challenges that arose after 9/11 from the perspective of international law. The international regime for prevention of terrorism was weak, it was unclear to what extent the UN Charter provided states with an independent right to self-defense against non-state actors in foreign states, and the attacks challenged the dichotomy between war and crime (humanitarian law and human rights). The essay analyses how these areas of international law have evolved after 2001 and concludes by assessing whether 9/11 can be deemed a watershed in the development of international law.

Etter å ha gått seirende ut av «klimavalget 2021», står den rødgrønne regjeringen overfor oppgaven med å sikre Norges grønne omstilling. I den offentlige debatten står gjerne argumenter om global solidaritet og miljøhensyn fremst i begrunnelsene for nødvendigheten av en grønn omstilling, mens motstandere av et raskt skifte fokuserer på de negative økonomiske konsekvensene de mener et raskt skifte vil få for Norge. Denne artikkelen søker å nyansere dette bildet, og argumenterer for et bredere kost-nytte-perspektiv som også tar høyde for diplomatiske kostnader ved å fortsette med oljeleting, samt de økonomiske konsekvensene av en treg omstilling. Selv om man holder konsekvensene av klimaendringene helt utenfor vurderingen, argumenterer vi for at usikkerheten rundt fremtidig oljepris og omdømmerisikoen Norge løper ved å fortsette å basere økonomien på ikke-fornybare energikilder, burde være gode argumenter for å revurdere Norges oljepolitikk.
Abstract in English:Norway's Oil Dilemma After Glasgow: An Immoral Argument for a Rapid Green TransitionAfter winning the "2021 climate election", Norway's new government faces the task of ensuring Norway's green transition. In the public debate, global solidarity and environmental considerations are often at the forefront of arguments for the necessity of a rapid green transition, while opponents of a rapid transition tend to focus on the negative financial consequences they believe such a change will have for Norway. This article seeks to nuance this debate, and argues for a broader cost-benefit perspective that also takes into account diplomatic costs of continuing with oil exploration, as well as the economic consequences of a slow transition. We argue that, even if not considering other consequences of climate change, the uncertainty surrounding future oil prices and the reputational risk Norway runs by continuing basing the economy on non-renewable energy sources should be good enough arguments to reconsider Norway's oil policy.

Denne artikkelen undersøker diskursens rolle i konsolidering av autoritære regimer. Gjennom å etablere en dialog mellom Jacques Rancières arbeider om politikk og avpolitisering og poststrukturalistisk diskursanalyse argumenterer artikkelen for at diskursiv avpolitisering bidrar til at autokratier befester seg, og viser at autoritær konsolidering ofte finner sted i skjæringsfeltet mellom nasjonal og internasjonal politikk. Artikkelen retter et særskilt søkelys på Rancières begrep om kløfter som politikkens scene, og teoretiserer hvordan slike kløfter nøytraliseres i avpolitisering. Artikkelen fremsetter så en metode for å analysere diskursiv avpolitisering empirisk ved å konseptualisere Rancières logikker som idealtypiske avpolitiseringsdiskurser, og illustrerer denne analytiske strategien ved å anvende den på russisk offisiell diskurs i senere år (2015–2020). Slik forklarer artikkelen hvordan diskursive konstruksjoner har befestet Russland som autokrati: Den viser at autoritær konsolidering i Russland under Putin muliggjøres av rotfestede avpolitiserende diskurser som (re)produseres og forsterkes i et sammenvevet innenriks- og utenrikspolitisk felt. Artikkelen fremmer begrepet diskursiv avpolitisering som et nytt perspektiv på fagdebatter om den liberale verdensordens utfordringer og såkalte hybridregimer.
Abstract in English:Depoliticizing Democracy Through Discourse: Understanding Authoritarian Consolidation in Russia through Jacques Rancière's Political TheoryThis article investigates the role of discourses in processes of authoritarian consolidation. By bringing Jacques Rancière's works on politics and depoliticization into dialogue with poststructuralist discourse analysis, the article argues that discursive depoliticization contributes towards authoritarian consolidation, and displays how authoritarianism deepens in a co-dependent nexus of domestic and international politics. Focusing in particular on Rancière's concept of gaps as the stage for politics, the article theorizes how gaps are neutralized in depoliticization. The article offers a method for unpacking discursive depoliticization empirically by conceptualizing Rancière's logics as ideal-typical depoliticizing discourses, and illustrates this analytical strategy through analysis of Russian official discourse in recent years (2015–2020). The article thereby explains how discursive constructions have strengthened Russian autocracy: Entrenched depoliticizing discourses, produced and reinforced in a co-constitutive internal/external sphere, makes possible authoritarian consolidation in Russia under Putin. The article puts forward the concept of discursive depoliticization as a novel perspective on challenges to the liberal international order, and on "hybrid" regimes.

På begynnelsen av 2000-tallet ble det norske invasjonsforsvaret nedlagt. Men hvilke årsaker var viktigst for denne beslutningen? Var det økonomiske, institusjonelle eller kulturelle årsaksforhold? I denne artikkelen legges hovedvekten på institusjonelle årsaker, særlig den norske frykten for at NATO skulle bli irrelevant for USA. Dermed var det bare en ting å gjøre: å avvikle invasjonsforsvaret slik at det kunne frigjøres friske penger. For slik kunne et lite allianseavhengig land, i utkanten av Europa, utenfor EU, og med felles grense til Russland, bidra med ekspedisjonære styrker. Ikke minst for å holde liv i et NATO som strevde med å gjøre seg relevante for USA, først på Balkan og senere i Afghanistan. Med kildemateriale fra Washington D.C., Brussel og Oslo mellom 1998 og 2002 tolkes Norges politiske kontekst inn i et institusjonelt perspektiv. Forhold som resiprositet, norsk omdømme og lojalitet i NATO, blir viktig for å forstå invasjonsforsvarets endelikt.
Abstract in English:NATO's Role in Norway's Defence Reforms, 1998–2002At the turn of the new milennium, Norway's anti-invasion defence concept vanished. What was the rationale for this decision? Was it economc, institutional or cultural reasons? The findings in this article emphasise institutional perspectives. Norwegian apprehensions over a possibly irrelevant NATO in the eyes of the United States stirred a fundamental post-Cold War defence reform. To preclude a future marginalisation of NATO, decision-makers in Oslo needed to free scarce resources from a static, territorial defence that had lost its political and military relevance in the High North. By forging a smaller but more professional force, with improved deployability, survivability and usability abroad, Norway could more effectively contribute to allied cohesiveness. Not least through improved risk- and burdensharing in NATO's out-of-area operations on the Balkans and in Afghanistan. By using primary sources from Washington, DC, Brussels and Oslo between 1998 and 2002, the data is interpretated though the lense of liberal institutionalism. Explanatory mechanisms such as Norwegian reciprocity in the High North, US expectations towards dependent allies abroad, and Norway's collective solidarity may explain why the anti-invasion concept died.

Under 2017 och 2018 ökade Kinas direktinvesteringar i Sverige avsevärt till följd av ett antal stora förvärv, mestadels i fordonsindustrin. Samtidigt har den svenska offentliga debatten kring kinesiska investeringar blivit mer kritisk sedan 2017, då investeringarna överlag talades om i positiva ordalag. Under 2018 och 2019 har en rad aktörer inom statliga myndigheter, politiska partier, media och civilsamhället beskrivit Kinas investeringar som ett potentiellt säkerhetshot. Näringslivsrepresentanter är mindre synliga i debatten men även här finns det en tydlig trend av ökad uppmärksamhet på potentiella säkerhetsrisker kopplade till kinesiska investeringar. Den svenska synen på Kina tycks konvergera allt mer med vad EU har kallat för sin nya "mer realistiska" hållning gentemot Peking. Ett antal policyprocesser har inletts, vilket sannolikt kommer leda till att svensk lagstiftning stärks på flera områden för att öka kontrollen av Kinas investeringar och engagemang i Sverige, särskilt i kritisk infrastruktur såsom telekommunikationsnät men även vad gäller företag vars verksamhet anses som säkerhetskänslig i mer generell bemärkelse.
Abstract in EnglishChinese Investments in Sweden: From Fame to Fear?China's direct investment in Sweden surged in 2017 and 2018 due to a number of large acquisitions, mostly in the automotive industry. At the same time, the public debate on Chinese investments has become more critical since 2017, when they were typically seen in a positive light. Throughout 2018 and 2019, a number of actors in government authorities, political parties, the media and civil society have described China's investments as a potential security threat. Although less prominent in the public debate, business representatives have also become increasingly vocal about potential security risks associated with Chinese investment. The Swedish view of China seems to be aligning with what the EU has called its new "more realistic" approach to Beijing. Meanwhile, a number of policy processes have been launched which are likely to lead to the strengthening of existing legal frameworks to scrutinise Chinese investment and activity in Sweden, especially concerning critical infrastructure such as telecommunications networks, but also more generally concerning companies whose activities are regarded as sensitive from a security perspective.