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The text begins with Richard Rorty's assessment that Kuhn's Structure of Scientific Revolutions, along with Rawls's A Theory of Justice, is the most important philosophical book written in the English language in the twentieth century. The author endorses this assessment, for it is impossible to think of a work in the fields of philosophy or scientific history which had such a dramatic agitating & inspiring impact on the public for which it was originally not intended. Namely, although Kuhn addressed in his work primarily philosophers & scientists engaged with natural sciences, the work was a source of major & fruitful discussion which involved, or could not be overseen by, anthropologists, sociologists, culturologists, political scientists, philosophers of morality, linguists, legal experts & many others. The author puts forward some of Kuhn's epistemological ideas which were creatively elaborated, reworked & recontextualized by non-epistemologists. The text is divided in two parts. In the first part, the author briefly sketches Kuhn's key concepts expounded in Structure... (paradigm, normal science, revolution). In the second part, he sets forth Richard Bernstein's interpretation of Kuhn's epistemology. The author opts for this interpretation because Bernstein, in his judgment, demonstrated better than any other philosopher that precisely the concept of incommensurability is to be given credit for Kuhn's enormous influence even beyond the boundaries of philosophy & scientific history. Together with Bernstein, the author concludes that incommensurability becomes a first-rate category of political thought due to the fact that it stresses in a conceptually adequate & analytically rigorous fashion the phenomenon of mutual understanding which overrides the imperative of choosing some unique superior scientific theory. Adapted from the source document.

Philosophy of politics is currently going through an extremely grave crisis. The crisis of the political is apparent everywhere. Political interpretation in the conditions of the contemporary age is seriously shaken. This in turn brings into question the segment of society which is an essential part of the cultural identity of the West. One might say that, throughout the 20th century, no one inquired into the position of politics as thoroughly as Hannah Arendt. Her major contribution had to do with understanding the relation between philosophy and the application of its principles in politics, and her basic estimation was that the application of principles of philosophical thought on politics had devastating consequences. Although philosophy as metaphysics, since Plato and Hegel, contributed greatly to consideration of the political, Hannah Arendt was nonetheless of the opinion that the original sense of the political was lost in such philosophy and that the application of principles of philosophical thought on politics caused the political to be forgotten. The text provides a brief outline of Plato's perception of the relation between philosophy and politics, postulating the philosophical ideal that the veritable political community (polis) must be measured according to philosophical thought, and on the basis of principles of constitution of thought itself. On the other hand, Aristotle calls upon the ethos of the existing polis, but he always analyses the political under the primacy of philosophical principles. Arendt thus deems that Aristotle also considers the relevant knowledge of the political to be philosophical. She points out that political philosophy always discriminated against opinion and variety, and consequently also against the political as such. Aristotle and Kant are partly excluded from this judgment. Since the political categories created in the philosophy of politics determine our understanding of politics to this day, Arendt subjects them to criticism. Her different understanding of the political is manifest in her analyses of the fundamental political categories (government, power, force, authority, freedom), which can be adequately grasped only on the basis of relations between people, and not of some substantial and unquestionable domain. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the relation between politics, state and religion from the political-science perspective, as part of an analysis and evaluation of tasks, achievements and failures of polity, policy or politics from the standpoint of normative-constructive philosophy of equity. At present the central task of policy is to stimulate and strengthen the Western political culture based on the fundamental distinction between "reasonable" and "unreasonable" pluralism. "Reasonable" pluralism rests on the assumption that the state is a just power, the sovereignty of which can be recognized in distinguishing the "public" and the "private", the just and the good, and, in connection therewith, it is almost self-understandable that such a liberal guaranteed private sphere must be the primary arena of religious practice and religious freedoms. The crucial trait of the relation between state and religion is manifest in the fact that only the legal state and the liberal constitution are competent to state what the freedom of individuals consists of within the framework of norms of what is just. The author defines "religion" in the comprehensive sense as central to the processes of forming cultural identity, and he deems that cultural policy (which, in principle, has to do with relations between state and religion), as policy of equitable integration of multi-culturally shaped political unities, must be oriented toward stimulation of those attitudes and values which make possible the reasonable pluralism defined according to Rawls. Since the political encompasses also the possibility to make enemies, the author advocates the cultural policy of "weakening the feelings of enmity" (N. Elias). In this way, a systematic concept of policy would be created, one which would reflect and preserve the conditions of reasonable pluralism. On the policy level and, in particular, on the politics level, cultural policy is a very demanding project. Perhaps it is precisely Switzerland, with its special prospects of civil democracy, that offers promising cultural-policy opportunities for activity, which are as yet still insufficiently researched. Adapted from the source document.

The central preoccupation of Dag Strpic is the theoretical paradigm of understanding modernity -- specifically, in the sense of Marx's project of political economy critique. The focal point of his line of argument is the theory of labour value: a complex perception thereof should acquire core status within the "general theory" of modern society. Marxist political economy insisted on an immediate market application of Marx's value theory, and it showed indirectly that the theory was operatively inapplicable. At the same time, however, in doctrinaire versions of "economics" both the value theory and the entire corps of Marx's critique were dropped out. In opposition to the profuse ideologized practical-normative elaboration of the doctrine of self-administrative association of labour, at the time of its uncontested domination, Strpic clearly discerned that we are dealing with the principal orientation of the epochal social, economic and, above all, technological and communicational transformation which can be observed in global relations. But for him the essential theoretical question had to do with the underlying principles of the actual unfolding of the processes of socialization and association. In this respect, it is fitting at present to point to the paradigmatic change which Negri perceives in the tendential hegemony of non-material labour, resulting in the necessity to circumscribe the political language of transfer from modernity to postmodernity in the analyses of political science and philosophy. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into how much, in today's world, the tradition of the philosophy of politics & its reactualization via the contemporary political philosophy as the phenomenology of the political world can help us in illuminating the efforts to designate the concept of the political suitable for the modern phenomena. Using the ideas of Hannah Arendt & Rudiger Bubner, the author outlines some subjects & interpretations that are worthy of the rehabilitation & the reactualization of the concept of the political & its understanding that befits the historical being. The central hypothesis in this analysis of the concept of the political is that these fundamental insights & the overall theory of diverse scientific disciplines should not be left exclusively to individual sciences & their specialists, especially since the fundamental knowledge of politics & practical philosophy cannot be left to political science as a separate political science i.e. the science of politics should not be defined only positivistically. References. Adapted from the source document.

Language plays the central role in the process of creation of a national identity. In the establishment of the supranational European identity, however, multilingualism is a democratic necessity guaranteeing equality to all European Union citizens. The decisions made by the European institutions influence everyday life of the citizens of the Union and for their legitimacy it is of the utmost importance that the citizens take an active part in the decision making process free of language barriers. In accordance with the EU language policy which guarantees an equal status to all the official languages of its member states -- once Croatia becomes a member of the Union the Croatian language will enjoy the position of an official language of the EU. In order to ensure Croatian citizens equality before the law and free access to the EU legislation, Croatia has the responsibility of translating the so called acquis communautaire, i.e. the total body of EU law, into Croatian and transpose it into its national legislation. The translation of the acquis must guarantee that the EU law is unequivocally interpreted and implemented and this can only be possible if the EU legal terminology is consistently and unambiguously used. Upon the Croatian accession to the EU, the Croatian translation of the acquis will be published in the special edition of the Official Journal of the EU and will become legally binding and used as the fundamental text for the interpretation and application of EU law in Croatia. Adapted from the source document.

Language plays the central role in the process of creation of a national identity. In the establishment of the supranational European identity, however, multilingualism is a democratic necessity guaranteeing equality to all European Union citizens. The decisions made by the European institutions influence everyday life of the citizens of the Union and for their legitimacy it is of the utmost importance that the citizens take an active part in the decision making process free of language barriers. In accordance with the EU language policy which guarantees an equal status to all the official languages of its member states -- once Croatia becomes a member of the Union the Croatian language will enjoy the position of an official language of the EU. In order to ensure Croatian citizens equality before the law and free access to the EU legislation, Croatia has the responsibility of translating the so called acquis communautaire, i.e. the total body of EU law, into Croatian and transpose it into its national legislation. The translation of the acquis must guarantee that the EU law is unequivocally interpreted and implemented and this can only be possible if the EU legal terminology is consistently and unambiguously used. Upon the Croatian accession to the EU, the Croatian translation of the acquis will be published in the special edition of the Official Journal of the EU and will become legally binding and used as the fundamental text for the interpretation and application of EU law in Croatia. Adapted from the source document.

Language plays the central role in the process of creation of a national identity. In the establishment of the supranational European identity, however, multilingualism is a democratic necessity guaranteeing equality to all European Union citizens. The decisions made by the European institutions influence everyday life of the citizens of the Union and for their legitimacy it is of the utmost importance that the citizens take an active part in the decision making process free of language barriers. In accordance with the EU language policy which guarantees an equal status to all the official languages of its member states -- once Croatia becomes a member of the Union the Croatian language will enjoy the position of an official language of the EU. In order to ensure Croatian citizens equality before the law and free access to the EU legislation, Croatia has the responsibility of translating the so called acquis communautaire, i.e. the total body of EU law, into Croatian and transpose it into its national legislation. The translation of the acquis must guarantee that the EU law is unequivocally interpreted and implemented and this can only be possible if the EU legal terminology is consistently and unambiguously used. Upon the Croatian accession to the EU, the Croatian translation of the acquis will be published in the special edition of the Official Journal of the EU and will become legally binding and used as the fundamental text for the interpretation and application of EU law in Croatia. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into Scheler's philosophy of war as stated in his work The Genius of War. In the context of Germany during World War One, Scheler polemicized with various interpretations of the essence & the nature of war, particularly with those that reduce wars to economic or sociological roots, & claimed that the spiritual drive behind the "real" war was only to increase power. The war for him is part of the human nature, but not as a mere struggle for survival but as the struggle for power that maximally exalts, expands & deepens the common & indivisible values of our moral consciousness. The author argues that Scheler's intention is to glorify war, counter to Kant's universalism & rationalism. He is particularly dismissive of Kant's idea of "eternal peace" & all that is linked with cosmopolitanism & pacifism. The author concludes that Scheler's philosophy is self-delusional. References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper deals with the political crisis of dualism in multi-ethnic Austria-Hungary caused by the strengthening political opposition of Hungarian magnates in the Hungarian Parliament, who demanded the introduction of the Hungarian language as command language of the Hungarian troops. The implication thereof was a separation of the joint army and a disproval of the joint supreme commander, Emperor Franz Josef. The Hungarian language issue was therefore primarily political, and in the final instance it meant further weakening of connections with the Western part of the Monarchy until the final Hungarian secession, but also a possibility of further Hungarisation within the Hungarian borders. The Emperor opposed this by announcing a new electoral law aimed at depriving the Hungarian minority of its supremacy over the non-Hungarian majority in Hungary. He was supported by the liberal party led by Istvan Tisza, who rightly estimated that dualism was first and foremost protective of Hungarian interests in Hungary. Fear of the new electoral law sobered up the Hungarian nationalists and they gave up on the revision of the Austro-Hungarian compromise. Subsequently, the Emperor, driven by immediate political interests, decided not to enact the law on universal suffrage in Hungary despite the fact that, under certain favourable political circumstances, which were, unfortunately, lacking, precisely such a law could potentially have become the foundation not for bringing down, but for preserving Austria-Hungary. Adapted from the source document.

With the new concept that he invented and promoted - 'Life-World' ('Lebenswelt') - Husserl for the first time in the history of philosophy problematized something that had not been seen as a particular problem before him. The world, as something primary and self-evident, was simply overlooked as a problem. This is the result of the fact that we forever live in some world, and the world is thus for us always something self-evident. It is thus an unquestioned area full of our many questions and considerations. This is so because all our academic achievements have been made within the Life-World: they receive meaning from it. Husserl's main aim was to understand this self-evidentness, with which we have always been viewing the world's Sein. It is from this position that we establish the existence of the 'world as it is', the one which we live in. Thus, all interpretations - whether they are myths, or science, or philosophy - are grounded in the Life-World, and they return and belong explicitly or implicitly into this concrete World. The aim of phenomenology is to interpret and analyse this self-evidentness of the essence of the concrete World, and this is what Husserl tries to do through the idea of one ontology of the Life-World. Adapted from the source document.

With the new concept that he invented and promoted - 'Life-World' ('Lebenswelt') - Husserl for the first time in the history of philosophy problematized something that had not been seen as a particular problem before him. The world, as something primary and self-evident, was simply overlooked as a problem. This is the result of the fact that we forever live in some world, and the world is thus for us always something self-evident. It is thus an unquestioned area full of our many questions and considerations. This is so because all our academic achievements have been made within the Life-World: they receive meaning from it. Husserl's main aim was to understand this self-evidentness, with which we have always been viewing the world's Sein. It is from this position that we establish the existence of the 'world as it is', the one which we live in. Thus, all interpretations - whether they are myths, or science, or philosophy - are grounded in the Life-World, and they return and belong explicitly or implicitly into this concrete World. The aim of phenomenology is to interpret and analyse this self-evidentness of the essence of the concrete World, and this is what Husserl tries to do through the idea of one ontology of the Life-World. Adapted from the source document.