Suchergebnisse

The power of media is outlined and the effects of mass media on the public opinion and on the parliamentary election. In the book the role of the political intellectuals is analyzed in detail and the battles of intellectuals of the opposite political camps on the field of the language of politics.

Apart from the relation between the Lands of the Crown of Saint Stephen and the other realms of the Habsburg Empire, the primary issue of the 1860s Hungary and Transylvania to handle was the nationality equality — accordingly, the recognitions of a nation and the language policy. As soon as the national question came into view, both the Hungarian and non-Hungarian political élites formulated their outlines on how to adjust regulations, intended to be epoch-making, regarding the national and language affairs, while the emperor temporarily coordinated the case with royal decrees until the definitive Nationality Act of 1868. The Act and its preceding drafts administered many domains regarding all branches of power, with the special role of the declaration of nations, namely the recognition of such as a legal entity, a juridicial person, which would (have) allow(ed) further entitled rights, deriving from a declaration in the era. The Hungarian and non-Hungarian acts and drafts examined in the study show decisive discrepancies regarding the number of nation(alitie)s recognized as legal entities, how the minorities were defined, and what concept of a nation each draft laid down. In my study, I examine the dissimilarities of the 5 draft plans (and the Act) made by the Hungarian élite, 8 draft plans (and acts of the 1863—1864 national assembly of Transylvania) related to the nationality political élite, draft plans and royal decrees associated to the emperor and the Royal Hungarian Lieutenancy, and a joint independence opposition — nationality draft plan.

This article sets out a conceptual basis for measuring Vojvodina's regional autonomy in Serbia's European perspective. Serbia is a potential candidate country for EU accession, implementation of the European Partnership (2008) will be examined through the mechanisms established under the stabilization and association process. In 2009, the Serbian Parliament ratified the new autonomy statute for Vojvodina. While the national government could not entirely close its eyes to the EU regionalization requirements the provincial government had the opportunity to express its demands. The Statute of Vojvodina was to set out the key principles that should underlie effective regional democracy, covering areas such as financial autonomy and legislative powers. Parallel with regional autonomy one sees the challenges of personal autonomy and Hungarian National Council in the sphere of freedoms relating to language, education and cross-border cooperation. The article concludes by examining measures of Hungary's national policy towards capacities of AP Vojvodina, aiming at faster integration of Serbia, and Hungarian minority communities living in the border area.

The largest ethnic minority of the European Union is constituted by the approximately 10-12 million Roma population. Geographically they are primarily located in the South Eastern European EU Member States, and the solution of the Roma question constitutes a number one problem in the home affairs of these countries. Most of the countries are already members–or candidate members –of the European Union but their joining to the Western market economies is not lacking problems. As a consequence of the current financial and economic crisis, the EU has become even more "two-speed". In this crisis situation the situation of the Roma population living here has become particularly hopeless. The rapid increase in the number of the Roma population in South Eastern Europe living among the conditions of the demographic boom, as well as their geographical expansion intensify the sensitivity of the mainstream society regarding the questions of the transforming coexistence. The shift in the ratio within the population sharpened and magnified the differences between the dissimilar lifestyle and the philosophy of life respecting the two major social groups which led to sharpening tensions. Of course, the deeply desperate Roma population makes more and more attempts in order to be able to migrate from the South Eastern European countries to the richer regions of Western Europe and North America in the hope of an easier life. They, however, face more and more obstacles. The social and economic integration of the Roma population in Hungary is mainly hindered by the low level of education, the high level of unemployment, criminality and the existing prejudices experienced in the mainstream society.

The primary reason behind the choice of topic for the presented research was the fact that the rapid development of information society in the recent years has brought forth a significant increase in the importance of innovation and research and development systems globally. This process has also affected the priorities of the European Union, leading to the adoption of the new objectives of establishing a European Research Area and creating an "innovative union" – for the furthering of these objectives, the Council and the Parliament adopted a regulation in 2013 about the establishment of the "Horizon 2020" framework programme for research and innovation. This study seeks to present a general overview of the concept of the innovative union and a more thorough analysis of the instruments of the Horizon 2020 programme that serve the furtherance of social inclusion, paying particular attention to the "pillar" of tackling societal challenges. A main objective of the research is the examination of whether the biennial work programmes designed for the implementation of the framework are effective in the achievements of the objectives set forth in the field of social inclusion; furthermore, what new solutions the current (2016–2017) work programme proposed to remedy the deficiencies that arose during the runtime of the previous work programme. The fact that the execution of the framework programme is currently underway serves to prove that the choice of topic is relevant to current issues; while the near complete lack of Hungarian – and to a lesser extent, foreign-language – literature in the examined area supports the necessity of research.

Der Begriff 'Bildungsferne' – in Deutschland eher auf politischer als auf wissenschaftlicher Ebene verwendet – beschreibt mehr als das Fehlen (höherer) formaler Bildungsabschlüsse und ist deshalb nicht gleichzusetzen mit Geringqualifizierung. In seinem Zusammenhang steht auch die Frage nach den Bildungschancen, d.h. dem Zugang zu Bildungsmöglichkeiten. Bildungsferne bezeichnet damit zunächst eine Benachteiligung in Bezug auf Bildungschancen, v.a. gegründet auf soziodemographische Faktoren, wie soziale Herkunft und Sozialisation, regionale Herkunft, Migrationshintergrund, Alter, Behinderung etc. Wenn von bildungsfernen Gruppen die Rede ist, wird jedoch außerdem zumeist auf wirtschaftliche schwache, gering qualifizierte, lernungewohnte Bevölkerungsgruppen Bezug genommen, für die der Zugang zu (Weiter-)Bildungsmöglichkeiten aufgrund ihrer sozialen und ökonomischen Voraussetzungen eingeschränkt ist und in deren sozialen Milieus Bildung einen geringen Stellenwert einnimmt. m Rahmen eines interkulturellen Lehr-Forschungs-Projektes der Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena und der Eötvös-Loránd-Universität Budapest wurde in einer in beiden Ländern geführten empirischen Studie untersucht, ob Frauen in den beiden untersuchten Ländern eine bildungsferne Gruppe ausmachen, inwieweit Frauen in der ungarischen und der deutschen Gesellschaft heute noch benachteiligt sind und wie Bildung einer evtl. Benachteiligung entgegenwirken kann? Dazu wird zunächst die Situation von Frauen in der ungarischen und der deutschen Gesellschaft dargestellt und durch Gespräche mit Vertretern der Arbeitsämter sowie durch die Vorstellung von Bildungsangeboten speziell für Frauen in den beiden Ländern Antwort auf die Fragen gesucht. Weitere von anderen Gruppen in diesem Zwei-Länder-Projekt untersuchte Fragestellungen waren: o Potenziale des Alterns (http://www.db-thueringen.de/servlets/DocumentServlet?id=9749) o Fremdsprachenerwerb in der Erwachsenenbildung (http://www.db-thueringen.de/servlets/DocumentServlet?id=9894) *************************** ; The notion 'Bildungsferne' (appr. distance to learning), which is in Germany rather used on a political than on a scientific level, mainly describes the lack of (higher) formal educational achievements and is therefore not the same as lower qualification. Furthermore questions regarding the access to educational opportunities arise when examining this notion. First of all 'Bildungsferne' means discrimination with regard to educational opportunities, mainly based on sociodemographic factors, such as social background and socialization, regional provenance, migration background, age, disability, etc. When considering groups distal to learning one usually refers to people who are deprived, less qualified and who are not used to learning (anymore). Due to their social and economic prerequisites and because of the minor role which education plays within their social environment access to (further) educational opportunities is less important for this population group. In the context of an intercultural research project, which was realized by the Friedrich Schiller University of Jena and the Eötvös Loránd University of Budapest, it was examined, with the help of an empirical survey that was conducted in both countries, if women in both countries can be regarded as a group which is distal to learning, in how far women are still discriminated within the Hungarian and German society and in which way can education work against possible discrimination? Therefore the situation of women in the Hungarian and German society will be described and with the help of interviews, done with representatives of the respective employment centre, as well as the presentation of special educational opportunities for women, these questions will be answered. Further questions considered throughout this intercultural research project were: o Potentials of Senior Age (http://www.db-thueringen.de/servlets/DocumentServlet?id=9749) o How can adults learn foreign languages? (http://www.db-thueringen.de/servlets/DocumentServlet?id=9894) ***************************

Magyarország kormánya 2015-ben nagyszabású városfejlesztési projektcsomagot indított el Modern városok program címmel. A fejlesztésekről a 23 megyei jogú város polgármesterei külön-külön találkozókon egyeztek meg a kormányfővel 2015 és 2017 között. A program teljes költségvetése mintegy 3400 milliárd forint, az abban szereplő fejlesztések a kormányzati tervek szerint 2022-ig befejeződnek. A programot elemző kutatásban az alábbi szempontok szerint vizsgáltuk a fejlesztési programot: a program európai és hazai területfejlesztési politikában betöltött szerepe, a központi költségvetésre és az önkormányzati forrásokra gyakorolt hatásai, a gazdaságfejlesztéshez és újraiparosításhoz való hozzájárulása, a program mint új városfejlesztési rezsim. A hazai területfejlesztés elmúlt évszázadában nem találtunk olyan városfejlesztési programot, mely filozófiájában és költségvetési volumenében hasonlítható lenne a Modern városok programhoz. A program előképe elsősorban az 1960-as években megjelenő, de napjainkban is gyakran alkalmazott francia etatista-dirigista megközelítés, hiszen jelentős hasonlóságot mutatnak az alkalmazott eszközök és módszerek, így pl. a tervszerződések rendszere, a központi finanszírozás és döntéshozatal. A program újszerű városfejlesztési rezsimként történő értelmezése ugyanakkor nem bizonyított: az ehhez szükséges, széles körű társadalmi bevonás alapján közösen kialakított fejlesztési célkitűzések nem voltak tapasztalhatók. A program fontos fókusza a gazdaságfejlesztés: gyakorlatilag valamennyi város érintett az iparfejlesztéssel, gazdaságfejlesztéssel kapcsolatos intézkedésekben. Az elmúlt évek megyei jogú városokat érintő kormányzati döntései közül a program meghatározó fejlesztési forrásokat biztosít az érintettek számára, városonként átlagosan kb. 150 milliárd Ft értékben valósulnak meg fejlesztések. In 2015, the Hungarian government launched a major urban development project package called Modern Cities Programme. The mayors of the 23 cities with county rights agreed on the projects in separate meetings with the head of government between 2015 and 2017. The total budget of the programme is about HUF 3400 billion, and according to the government's plans, the developments will be completed by 2022. The development programme was analysed in terms of its contribution to European and national spatial development policy, its impact on the central budget and sources of local government, its contribution to economic development and reindustrialisation, and its suitability as a blueprint for a new urban development regime. On the basis of the research results, it can be said that in the last century of Hungarian spatial development there is no urban development programme whose philosophy and budget volume is comparable to that of Modern Cities. Similar project characteristics were only found in the French state-directed programmes that emerged in the 1960s. They are still widely found today because they are very similar as to their instruments and methods, such as the system of design contracts, the importance of central funding and decision-making. However, the interpretation of the programme as a new urban regime went too far: The development goals formulated jointly on the basis of far-reaching citizens' participation showed no immediately identifiable results. As one of the programme's priorities is economic growth, practically all cities are involved in industrial and economic development measures. Among the recent government decisions taken on behalf of cities with county rights, the programme provides crucial development resources for the 23 cities, averaging HUF 150 billion per city. The central budget for the implementation of the programme in 2015 included HUF 25 billion, HUF 50 billion in 2016, HUF 152 billion in 2017 and HUF 150 billion in 2018. These amounts represent 0.41% of GDP in 2017 and 0.37% in 2018. The financial data suggest that, contrary to some opinions, funding of the programme was sufficient in spite of its disproportionate size. In conjunction with this 3400 billion HUF programme, the Territorial and Settlement Development Operational Programme (TOP) provides approximately HUF 400 billion for other or related developments of the 23 cities. It is worth noting that the volume of government consolidated debt from the 23 cities corresponds to the entire volume of urban development resources of the Operational Programme. Against this background, the government subsidies made available for cities with county rights are significant.

A tanulmány célja a 2015-ben indult Modern városok program (MVP) iparfejlesztési elképzeléseinek kritikai elemzése a hazánkban kialakult függő piacgazdasági modell és a tartós gyengeségekkel küzdő fejlesztéspolitikai intézményrendszer tükrében. A gazdasági válság utáni Magyarországon a főáramú fejlesztéspolitikák kudarca, az ország gyenge felzárkózási teljesítménye növekvő érdeklődést eredményezett az alternatív gazdaságfejlesztési receptek iránt. Az új teret nyert developmentalista felfogás visszanyúl az erős állami beavatkozás ideájához, ezt azonban paradox módon olyan környezetben teszi, amelyben a gazdaság jelentős hányada külföldi beruházók kezében van, a hazai fejlesztéspolitika eszköz- és intézményrendszere pedig tartós és öröklődő gyengeségekkel küzd. A kormány és a fejlesztésre kijelölt megyei jogú városok külön megállapodásain nyugvó, uniós forrásokat újraelosztó Modern városok program projektszemléletű, vonásaiban a francia és a lengyel tervszerződésekhez hasonló (de azoknál gyengébb és esetlegesebb) fejlesztési eszközként, az új fejlesztési filozófia megtestesítőjeként jelent meg az állami cselekvésben. A program, bár elsősorban városfejlesztési eszköz, jelentős számban tartalmaz újraiparosításra irányuló vagy azt támogató fejlesztési célokat (77 projekt). A program elképzeléseit jelentős regionális különbségek fémjelzik. Az ország nyugati felében inkább a hagyományos fejlesztési eszközök alkalmazása és néhány tudásintenzív tevékenység letelepítésére irányuló törekvés figyelhető meg; a Dél-Alföldön és környezetében az endogén növekedési modell számára is kedvező komplex iparfejlesztési célok kerültek előtérbe; az ország ipari perifériáin azonban egyáltalán nem került sor igazi áttörést sejtető, előremutató fejlesztési célok megfogalmazására. Feltehető, hogy az MVP nyertesei elsősorban a már iparosodott vagy újraiparosodó térségek lesznek; a területi különbségek mérséklődése helyett a különbségek további növekedésére számíthatunk. A critical analysis of the Modern Cities Programme, a development programmelaunched by the Hungarian government in 2015, considers the reindustrialisation components as part of the debate on the varieties of capitalism (in particular the issue of Central and Eastern European dependent market economies) and the persisting institutional deficiencies in the Hungarian planning system. After the 2008 crisis, the low efficiency or failure of mainstream development policies and Hungary's poor convergence record have contributed to a growing interest in alternative development policies. The emerging development-policy vision is returning to the idea of strong state intervention, although paradoxically it continues to operate in an environment characterised by exceptionally high foreign participation in the economy, particularly in its most competitive segments. In addition, domestic development policy struggles with permanent and self-reinforcing institutional weaknesses that significantly reduce its effectiveness. The resulting re-centralisation has not only led to an increase in regional differences, but also to a further weakening of development institutions operating in cities and regions. Effective development systems (development coalitions and early-stage urban regimes) that are capable of setting and achieving coherent, systematic development goals exist only in a few select locations across the country. The Modern Cities Programme, essentially a redistribution of EU funds based on special agreements between the central government and the major Hungarian cities, is a project-based development agenda that somewhat resembles French and Polish planning contracts, albeit in a diluted and less coherent form. As an instrument of development policy, it fits into the new etatist development philosophy. Although the programme is predominantly an instrument of urban development, it also includes 77 projects directly or indirectly related to reindustrialisation. These initiatives focus mainly on improving transport links, developing specific sectors, vocational training, education and a limited R&D+I component. The programme characteristics vary greatly from region to region. In the western half of the country, traditional development instruments predominate with limited evidence of attempts at building up knowledge-intensive activities. In the Southern Great Plain, also complex industrial development goals are found that are conducive to endogenous growth, partly reflecting the lack of FDI in the region and a more SME-based development trajectory. The programme has not been able to realise favourable reindustrialisation initiatives in the peripheral industrial areas of Hungary. The fact that the programme tended to benefit 'winners' is likely to increase existing development gaps rather than reduce existing regional disparities.