Suchergebnisse

The problem of linguistic reform in China is complicated by the fact that it has 2 aspects: (1) a uniform spoken language & (2) a written language. Efforts to universalize the use of pai hua (Pekinese, which is also the language of the classics) are closely connected with attempts to modernize the country itself. It is necessary to distinguish between the bourgeois (Hu Shis) & revolutionary reformers, such as the prophet Ch'en Tu-Hsin, who assigned to linguistic reform an important role In the Communist revolution. At this time, the success of the spoken language is almost attained, for pai hua is being used more & more throughout China. The promblem of the written language is more complex.- the knowledge of 2,000 characters (of some 40,000) is actually considered indispensable as a basic alphabet, posing not only a problem of scholarship, but also raising difficulties in the functioning of modern methods of communication & thought. Attempts to simplify it are not new; however, it was not until 1955 that a methodical plan of modernization was established. If linguistic reform is only one of the testing grounds of the new regime, its pol'al importance is still considerable. Tr from IPSA.

A personal account of the author's initial attraction to the university, focusing on modern liberal thought and political science, as well as his long friendship with Bruno Leoni, founder of the journal Il Politico. The liberal thought of Guido De Ruggiero and Leoni is contrasted, noting Bruno's strong preference for individual responsibility. Leoni launched other publications, including the liberal review Library of Liberty. Leoni's academic background at the U of Turin (Italy) was influenced by Solari and Norberto Bobbio. It is suggested that future contributions to Il Politico reflect its liberal political science orientation, as suggested by a quote from Plato's Politics.. J. Sadler

The author offers personal insight on Italian philosopher, Norberto Bobbio. He narrates his personal relationship with Bobbio, trying to describe the professor from a different perspective than those already offered by popular bibliographies & mainstream publications. The main focus is the important contribution that Bobbio offered in the political science arena. Tracing his biography & work from his contributions to juridical positivism, all the way to his public commitment as senator, the author offers an intimate relation of Bobbio's ideals & accomplishments as he shaped Italian political science, integrating it with philosophical elements. M. Williamson

In this paper the author examines the theme of the tutelage of the Italian & regionals languages in Italy. In particular legislative proposals have been presented in the XIII, XIV & XV legislature to amend Articles 6 or 12 of the Constitution by inserting the official Italian language. A comparative overview in Europe shows how many are the States that have chosen to enshrine in the Constitution the official national language. But in Italy the proposal to include the Italian language in the Constitution is almost always been accompanied also by that for regional languages in the form of their exploitation - The contemporary debate on protection of national & regional languages demonstrates the varied linguistic substrate of Italy. Adapted from the source document.

In a tribute to political scientist Franco Antonicelli, on the occasion of his centenary, Antonicelli's impact & influence on Norberto Bobbio are discussed: the Antonicelli notions of intransigence & tolerance in civil engagement are key. Also stressed is Antonicelli's significance as a political philosopher (he was repressed under the fascist regime in the 1930s), & his account of democracy as the outgrowth of conflict & tension, as well as his own antifascist, democratic activities. Antonicelli was a prominent figure in post-WWII Italian politics as well, & he serves as a noteworthy example of a political scientist who actually served in participatory, democratic politics. A. Siegel

Reviews the work of Di Meola, arguing that he offers insight on German postwar politics & a great portrayal of Brandt, union representative, philosophy expert, & politician. M. Williamson

Gives an overview of the various contributions of judicial context in Il Politico, including subtopics of legal themes & the various countries from which writings came & discusses the contributors & writings for subtopics such as philosophy of law & public & constitutional legal studies. 108 References. E. Miller

The idea that Political Philosophy was going through a deep crisis in the first half of the twentieth century, & that it reawakened, more or less unexpectedly, only in 1971, with A Theory of Justice from John Rawls, had been a deeply-rooted common place in political studies for long time. Several thinkers have seen the "old tradition" succumb under the strokes of historicism, positivism & relativism, & some important philosopher (like Leo Strauss, Sheldon Wolin, Eric Voegelin) have laid the responsibility of the crisis on liberalism. Even though that common place is today often considered groundless, it is interesting to analyze it, at least from the post-war period. In fact those thinkers gave rise to a sort of "unconscious debate," & the problems raised regarded not only political philosophy as discipline, but some crucial points regarding some of the main political theories. Such analyses can also be useful to make clear some differences between different political theories & in particular to evaluate the evolution of liberalism, a theory whose definition often seems controversial. Adapted from the source document.

In a context of geo-political changes, the Arab and Islamic world re-discovers, as usual in moments of crisis, the social and economic thought of Ibn Khaldun and his concept of assabiya to analyse the challenges and the risks of the present times. There is, also, a significant attempt to found an autonomous and autochtonous way of political approach in order to attribute a local philosophical origin and intellectual paternity to the recent revolts in contrast with any "westernized" aspect or interpretation.

A causa della crisi sanitaria globale provocata dall'epidemia da COVID-19, per quasi due anni abbiamo vissuto in uno stato d'emergenza sociopolitica accompagnato da restrizioni alla mobilità, nuove norme igieniche e distanziamento sociale. Il regime di lockdown ha imposto per vari mesi, nella maggior parte dei paesi del mondo, la chiusura delle scuole e delle Università (e l'impiego di dispositivi di didattica a distanza e continuità degli insegnamenti). Il prezzo da pagare è stato particolarmente alto: i ricercatori dell'Organizzazione per la cooperazione e lo sviluppo economico hanno stimato che, durante i primi 9 mesi di crisi sanitaria (marzo-dicembre 2020) avevamo già perso più di 200 milioni d'anni d'apprendimento (Hanuschek e Woessmann, 2020). Il mondo dell'educazione ne ha profondamente sofferto e un nuovo programma di ricerche si è rapidamente sviluppato, volto questa volta a comprendere le dinamiche educative in tale nuovo contesto così come l'impatto che ha avuto la pandemia sulla salute mentale della comunità educativa.
È questa, dunque, la ragione del redux nel titolo di questo contributo. Così come i reduci tornano dal fronte, con queste pagine vorrei tornare su un tema che ho già avuto l'opportunità di introdurre per riproporlo alla luce degli interrogativi posti dalla crisi sanitaria (un vero e proprio campo di battaglia). L'obiettivo è di sintetizzare alcune considerazioni riguardo i più recenti sviluppi del dialogo che intrattengono le scienze umane e sociali e le neuroscienze al fine di riesaminare la logica soggiacente alle ricerche in ambito educativo e proporre nuovi scenari.