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Throughout Dante's work, and especially in the Convivio and in the Monarchia, the interlacing of political philosophy and ethical reflection is guided essentially by a secular conception new to the medieval thought. Philosophy, in Dante's opinion, is not an ancilla theologiae , but a necessary and sufficient way to worldly happiness, which is one of the duo ultima of human life. For this very reason Dante chooses as vertex of the scientific pyramid ethics and not metaphysics, thus maintaining a pre - eminence of practical reason in apparent contrast to the traditional superiority of contemplation on action: he highlights what may be called a "useful" kind of science. Dante therefore does not simply create, as Ruedi Imbach states, a "philosophy for laymen", new interlocutors of philosophy; he actually creates a "secular philosophy" within the ambit of ethical and political reflection, with special reference to the problems which the following terms cause, problems which are treated with means of a strictly rational and syllogistic methodology: happiness, freedom, justice and power. The result of this study is a philosophical profile which perfectly justifies the intention expressed in the prologue to the Monarchia: not to re-propose already heard of notions, as in the Convivio, but to demonstrate intemptatae veritates. Within these new truths the most important one is the affirmation of the dualism of powers (secular and spiritual), as the metaphor of the "two suns" which is a clear example of the complex but steady balance of Dante's secular conception.

In this paper I discuss Davide Sparti's book Wittgenstein politico and I examine the possibility to read Wittgenstein's later works from an ethical and political point of view. I defend the following thesis: we can understand the political interest of Wittgenstein's philosophy only if we analyse its ethical value. I pay attention especially to the main themes presented in Sparti's book, and I sketch an analysis of the relationship between Philosophische Untersuchungen's ethical meaning and the ethical meaning of the whole wittgensteinian approach to philosophy. Moreover, I argue against the tendency currently shown by philosophy of politics to judge Wittgenstein's thought a conservative one.

During the seminar 'Time and Death penalty', which took place on November 14th 2000 in Triest's Department of Philosophy, Jacques Derrida presented a summary of his lectures of Paris and Irvine: 'Responsibility Problems. Forgiveness, Perjury and Death Penalty'. In Derrida's opinion the philosophical thought has never been - historically - against death penalty. Philosophy has either shown agreement towards its principle or it has remained silent. The aim of deconstruction is to confute the philosophical principles in favour of death penalty (in partucular the concept of sovereignity), therefore producing a philosophically relevant thought capable of facing such a complex and delicate ethical-political situation. For this purpose Derrida relates the issue of reason to the issue of a 'supernatural world', in which the philosophical responsibility of a different form of reasoning is located. The obvious and immediate comparison is with Kant's position, whose inner contradictions are closely analysed by Derrida. The second reference is the psychoanalytical tradition, which Derrida profusely uses in order to show the equivocal nature of concepts such as 'cruelty' and 'exception' that characterise the juridical and political discourse on death penalty; opaque concepts which constitute its hidden foundation.

La volanta ha per Onofri una granda importanza. Cio che distingue l'uomo d'eccezione dall'uomo comune e proprio la volonta: non tutti posseggono quello slancio vitale che permette di rendere atto cio che essi hanno in potenza. Ed e questa mancanza di volonta, questa apatia dell'uomo che Onofri considera responsabile della disgregazione della sacieta, disgregaziane che porta l'uomo alla mediocrira. Tuttavia, non possiamo fermarci qui. Infatti, a questo punto si viene a creare un circolo vizioso: se, da una parte, la mancanza di volanta causa la scadimenro dei valori della societa, dall'altra e proprio la societa, in quanto societa sbagliata e mal funzionante, a creare le condizioni ideali per Ii trionfo dell'apatia. L'eroe, pero, non accetta quest'apatia. Ecco allora che Onofri, uomo d'ecceziane, rifiuta questo tipa di societa e cerca a di dare la sua risposta. Ma, invece di reagire attivamente impegnandosi suI piano politico per 'correggere' la societa, egli si isola in nome del 'culto dell'individuale', del suo ritenersi superiore in quanta intellettuale: "La mortificazione della volonta nelle scuole, negli uffici civili, nell'esercita, nelle conversazioni e dapertutto. Morte ai mortificatori. Suscitiamo il culto dell'individuale, affinche l'individuo possa trovare in se la forza di assurgere all'universale." ; peer-reviewed

The author analyses the development of the teaching profession in a European tradition, examining two ideal types that are connected in various ways: the teacher as an "intellectual" who is loyal to the national tradition and the teacher as a "representative of a future vision". The freedom of teaching and the function of a "people's educator" are closely connected to a perspective that also allows the teacher to be a "promoter of an opportunity" and to engage in ethnic- political questions that are emancipatory in nature. The development of schooling itself, with the increase in the numbers of teachers and the progressive bureaucratization of the teaching profession seems to imply serious problems as a new European perspective tries to combine and to guarantee the foundations of the training of future teachers. The inseparable interdependence of the development of schooling and the fundamental idea of citizenship that constitutes the spirit of Western culture requires a new philosophy of education within teacher-training programs that goes beyond the control of parameters and training standards. In this newly founded philosophy it will be possible to combine the (still problematic) idea of a multiculture with tenable aims of education for future generations. In this sense the article contains directions for pedagogical work instead of hypothetical solutions only. (DIPF/orig.)

Scholars of aristotelian political philosophy generally agree that the project of the ideal polis of Politics VII – VIII is strictly linked to Ethics. They disagree however on the nature of the constitution outlined. It is broadly accepted that it is a "polity". In this paper I deal with the topic of aristocracy in aristotelian political thought and I show that, throughout Politics, Aristotle never swerved from the idea of aristocracy as the optimal constitution, where the truly virtuous rule. Finally I argue that the ideal polis of Politics VII – VIII, though it is never explicitly thus termed, is an aristocracy.

Si jusqu'à ce jour le développemen économique et culturel de l'Espagne du XXe siècle à fáit l'objet d'un grand nombre de publications et si déjà trois ouvrages sont consacrds au theâtre de Rafael Alberti (Marrast, 1967; Popkin, 1976 et Torres Nebrera, 1982), il n'y a pas encore d'étude qui ne porte que sur le théâtre politique de ce poète et sa fonction dans les développements sociaux de l'Espagne. . Zie: Résumé

Spinoza dedicates two remarkable, though brief, paragraphs of his Political Treatise to Machiavelli's thought: in the first one he investigates the political meaning of the writings of the Florentine secretary, whereas in the second one he summarizes and discusses more closely the different political theories. Spinoza's interest in Machiavelli is clearly centred on the latter's political views, however another relevant issue can be traced in Spinoza's work, an issue that legitimates the theoretical frame of Machiavelli's political philosophy: plural temporality and contingency. In this sense Machiavelli's concept of chance becomes central to Spinoza's interpretation, however distant from the Dutch philosopher's ontology this concept may appear, an ontology which has been defined (especially in the German ambit) as governed by a "logical", "blind", "absolute" necessity.

The present essay addresses the question of whether or not economics can usefully progress without establishing a special link with philosophy. It aims to provide an overview for a broad audience of working economists and to suggest possibilities for research to those with specific interests in the foundations of economic discourse. After the introductory and motivational remarks of sections 1 and 2, section 3 deals with the crisis of the neopositivist research programme and its impact on economic epistemology. Section 4 presents the main reasons accounting for the recent revival of the political dimension in economic research. Section 5 is concerned with the moral relevance and presuppositions of economic processes and outcomes and addresses the problems faced in making value assertions a part of the critical discourse of economics. Few general considerations conclude the paper.

The present essay addresses the question of whether or not economics can usefully progress without establishing a special link with philosophy. It aims to provide an overview for a broad audience of working economists and to suggest possibilities for research to those with specific interests in the foundations of economic discourse. After the introductory and motivational remarks of sections 1 and 2, section 3 deals with the crisis of the neopositivist research programme and its impact on economic epistemology. Section 4 presents the main reasons accounting for the recent revival of the political dimension in economic research. Section 5 is concerned with the moral relevance and presuppositions of economic processes and outcomes and addresses the problems faced in making value assertions a part of the critical discourse of economics. Few general considerations conclude the paper.

The dispute that divided political philosophy during the eighties into two camps, liberals versus communitarians, would now appear to be over. On both sides an atmosphere of détente seems to be prevailing over the reasons for dissent. Even an author such as Charles Larmore, one of the most well-known advocates of a strictly political view of liberalism, has recently anticipated the possibility of integrating the romantic and the communitarian legacy within the context of liberal individualism.In his latest book, The Romantic Legacy, Larmore elaborates on this possibility by analyzing four fundamental features of romanticism: imagination, a sense of belonging to a community, irony and authenticity. In this essay, the author highlights the ensuing difficulties and defends the need to maintain the liberal distinction between political and cultural rights and the corresponding separation of the respective spheres of pertinence.

The paper points out the deep connection between libertarian philosophy and political realism. At the core of the analysis there is the idea the State is an anti-juridical organization, because it rests on a bellicose way to conceive human relations. In this sense, the theory of a free society is not only the logical consequence of Misesian refutation of every collectivist way to produce goods and services (protection and law included) in absence of market prices. Using Rothbard's and Salin's studies on monopoly and cartels, the paper emphasizes the difference between a market society and a society without State, remarking that in the last one a monopoly de facto is also a monopoly de jure. For this reason, libertarians are called to prove that a society without State is the best way to reduce coercion and aggressions; and that the suppression of the legal monopoly of the force is the necessary condition to realize a social order less unjust, whit a checks and balance system marked by a strong competition of companies charged to provide legality, security and protection.

The essay is an overview of libertarian literature. It begins dealing with lexical issues concerning the meaning of liberalism, classical liberalism, conservatism and libertarianism. There are two meanings of libertarianism: a large one, as a free market oriented liberalism, and a strict one, as an extreme classical liberalism which calls in question the State as the main enemy of liberty. Novelist Ayn Rand is one of the main sources for contemporary libertarian theory, although she never called herself libertarian. Murray N. Rothbard is the most important libertarian thinker; he was an "austrian" economist and a natural law theorist who considered free market as the social institution capable to satisfy every human need, security and justice included. In response to rothbardian society without a State, Robert Nozick exposed a minarchist position, in favour of a minimal State limited to the function of protecting individual rights. This distinction between anarchism and minarchism is a crucial one for libertarian theory. The most interesting current literature is that in rothbardian, natural law and natural rights style. There is also an italian libertarian literature, including works of political theory, philosophy of law, environmentalism and history.

Parution : G. B. Vai et W. Cavazza, ed, Four centuries of the word 'Geology', Ulisse Aldrovandi 1603 in Bologna, Minerva Edizioni, Bologna, 2003, pp. 255-279 ; La storia della scienza, e della geologia in particolare, al pari degli studi sulla formazione dello Stato Italiano, hanno prestato scarsa o pressoché nessuna attenzione alle complesse vicende della Carta geologica d'Italia. Al punto che prevale ancora grande incertezza – a leggere le fonti ottocentesche, le uniche – sulle origini e la paternità del progetto. L'eccellente biografia di Quintino Sella (1827-1884) a firma di Quazza si limita a bervi cenni sul coinvolgimento dello scienziato - assurto ai vertici della politica - nel rapido susseguirsi di eventi che, a partire dal luglio del 1861, portò all'emanazione di un Decreto Reale, il 12 dicembre dello stesso anno, che sanciva l'inizio del rilevamento geologico del paese (Quazza 1992, p. 356). Un eminente studioso di storia della geologia, David Oldroyd, indica il 1877 come anno d'inizio delle operazioni, mentre il sito Internet del Servizio Geologico preferisce il 1867 (Oldroyd 1996; Carusone 1996; Topley 1885). Come avremo modo di vedere, si tratta di indicazioni solo parzialmente corrette. Fonti archivistiche recentemente emerse da decenni di trascuratezza, o di cui si è effettuata fotocopia nel corso degli anni novanta presso la sede storica del Servizio Geologico, ora chiusa per restauro, e non più disponibili agli inizi del 2000 (forse a causa dei vari traslochi), gettano luce sulla storia affascinante e a volte drammatica di uno degli episodi meno studiati del sofferto rapporto tra lo Stato italiano e le pratiche scientifiche, la geologia in primo luogo (MAIC 4194; Jacobacci 1973 non fa menzione della vicenda ; Eramo 1996). Sempre esposti a critiche e a tagli di bilancio, cronicamente deficitarii negli organici, tra la fine dell'Ottocento e i primi decenni del Novecento i responsabili del Servizio Geologico hanno prodotto resoconti delle difficoltà che quotidianamente affrontavano. Sentivano il ...

Parution : G. B. Vai et W. Cavazza, ed, Four centuries of the word 'Geology', Ulisse Aldrovandi 1603 in Bologna, Minerva Edizioni, Bologna, 2003, pp. 255-279 ; La storia della scienza, e della geologia in particolare, al pari degli studi sulla formazione dello Stato Italiano, hanno prestato scarsa o pressoché nessuna attenzione alle complesse vicende della Carta geologica d'Italia. Al punto che prevale ancora grande incertezza – a leggere le fonti ottocentesche, le uniche – sulle origini e la paternità del progetto. L'eccellente biografia di Quintino Sella (1827-1884) a firma di Quazza si limita a bervi cenni sul coinvolgimento dello scienziato - assurto ai vertici della politica - nel rapido susseguirsi di eventi che, a partire dal luglio del 1861, portò all'emanazione di un Decreto Reale, il 12 dicembre dello stesso anno, che sanciva l'inizio del rilevamento geologico del paese (Quazza 1992, p. 356). Un eminente studioso di storia della geologia, David Oldroyd, indica il 1877 come anno d'inizio delle operazioni, mentre il sito Internet del Servizio Geologico preferisce il 1867 (Oldroyd 1996; Carusone 1996; Topley 1885). Come avremo modo di vedere, si tratta di indicazioni solo parzialmente corrette. Fonti archivistiche recentemente emerse da decenni di trascuratezza, o di cui si è effettuata fotocopia nel corso degli anni novanta presso la sede storica del Servizio Geologico, ora chiusa per restauro, e non più disponibili agli inizi del 2000 (forse a causa dei vari traslochi), gettano luce sulla storia affascinante e a volte drammatica di uno degli episodi meno studiati del sofferto rapporto tra lo Stato italiano e le pratiche scientifiche, la geologia in primo luogo (MAIC 4194; Jacobacci 1973 non fa menzione della vicenda ; Eramo 1996). Sempre esposti a critiche e a tagli di bilancio, cronicamente deficitarii negli organici, tra la fine dell'Ottocento e i primi decenni del Novecento i responsabili del Servizio Geologico hanno prodotto resoconti delle difficoltà che quotidianamente affrontavano. Sentivano il ...