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The article is devoted to the review and analysis of different approaches to the
concept of ecological culture in the socio-philosophical knowledge, philosophical
reflection of ecological culture as value relations between man and nature.

If the United States were subject to a terrorist nuclear attack, its president would face overwhelming political pressure to respond decisively. A well-prepared response could help both to prevent additional attacks and to bring the perpetrators to justice. An instinctive response could be cataclysmically ineffective, inflicting enormous collateral damage without achieving either deterrence or justice. An international security doctrine of Mutually Assured Support can make the response to such attacks more effective as well as less likely—by requiring preparations that reduce the threat. The doctrine requires all subscribing nations to mobilize fully in support of the attacked nation, in return for a promise of nonretaliation. It provides a vehicle for domestic and international leadership, allowing the president to engage the American people, from a position of strength, around an issue that has had little public discussion. The authors describe its rationale, implications, and implementation.

If the United States were subject to a terrorist nuclear attack, its president would face overwhelming political pressure to respond decisively. A well-prepared response could help both to prevent additional attacks and to bring the perpetrators to justice. An instinctive response could be cataclysmically ineffective, inflicting enormous collateral damage without achieving either deterrence or justice. An international security doctrine of Mutually Assured Support can make the response to such attacks more effective as well as less likely—by requiring preparations that reduce the threat. The doctrine requires all subscribing nations to mobilize fully in support of the attacked nation, in return for a promise of nonretaliation. It provides a vehicle for domestic and international leadership, allowing the president to engage the American people, from a position of strength, around an issue that has had little public discussion. The authors describe its rationale, implications, and implementation.

Should "hate speech" be made a criminal offense, or does the First Amendment oblige Americans to permit the use of epithets directed against a person's race, religion, ethnic origin, gender, or sexual preference? Does a campus speech code enhance or degrade democratic values? When the American flag is burned in protest, what rights of free speech are involved? In a lucid and balanced analysis of contemporary court cases dealing with these problems, as well as those of obscenity and workplace harassment, acclaimed First Amendment scholar Kent Greenawalt now addresses a broad general audience of readers interested in the most current free speech issues. ; https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/books/1224/thumbnail.jpg

THIS ESSAY SUGGESTS THAT HOBBES' DOCTRINE OF METHOD REVEALS THE UNITY OF HIS TEACHING ABOUT SCIENCE, MAN, AND POLITICS. THE UNIFYING ROLE OF THE DOCTRINE OF METHOD CAN BE UNDERSTOOD ONLY AS A FUNCTION OF HOBBES' INTENTION TO REFORM WHAT HE SAW AS THE PREVIOUSLY DEFECTIVE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PRACTICE AND THEORY. THE NATURE OF THE LINK BETWEEN POLITICAL SCIENCE AND HOBBES' METHOD IS ESTABLISHED.

THIS ESSAY CRITICIZES THE IDEAL OF CONSENSUAL DECISION AS IT APPEARS IN LIBERAL POLITICAL THEORY. A HISTORICAL SURVEY BEGINS WITH LOCKE'S VIEW OF CONSENT, ITS CRITICISM, AND EXTENSION BY 19TH CENTURY FIGURES(GOODWIN,CALHOUN, MILL) THIS PAPER OFFERS A STRUCTURAL ACCOUNT OF POLITICAL DECISIONMAKING IN WHICH VULNERABILITY TO THE AUTHORITY OF OTHERS SEEMS INESCAPABLE.

This paper aims to offer a solution to Diderot's allegedly ambiguous complaint against the influence of men's despotism on women's morality, in his essay "Sur les femmes." Although such a complaint may appear as only a pretense, reading the essay in light of Diderot's writings dedicated to his materialist or political philosophy allows us to show that his criticism of men's despotism over women is not purely rhetorical, as sometimes claimed (see Trouille, 1994). Admittedly, the philosopher attributes to women a physiological propensity to immorality. But he does not view it as an inevitable outcome. On the contrary, he considers that this may be thwarted by economic and institutional factors, at the initiative of men, such as a proper sexual division of labor. However, Diderot does not believe that the opulence of the European society of his time is favorable to this because of the moral corruption which comes along with luxury. Thus, women's immorality would be the measure of the decadence of society but also the harbinger of economic decline.

This paper aims to offer a solution to Diderot's allegedly ambiguous complaint against the influence of men's despotism on women's morality, in his essay "Sur les femmes." Although such a complaint may appear as only a pretense, reading the essay in light of Diderot's writings dedicated to his materialist or political philosophy allows us to show that his criticism of men's despotism over women is not purely rhetorical, as sometimes claimed (see Trouille, 1994). Admittedly, the philosopher attributes to women a physiological propensity to immorality. But he does not view it as an inevitable outcome. On the contrary, he considers that this may be thwarted by economic and institutional factors, at the initiative of men, such as a proper sexual division of labor. However, Diderot does not believe that the opulence of the European society of his time is favorable to this because of the moral corruption which comes along with luxury. Thus, women's immorality would be the measure of the decadence of society but also the harbinger of economic decline.

"The book probes how the serious and sometimes fatal decision was made to admit individuals to asylums during Germany's age of extremes. The book shows that - even during the Nazi killing of the sick - relatives played an even more important role in most admissions than doctors and the authorities. In light of admission practices, this study traces how ideas about illness, safety and normality changed when the Nazi regime collapsed in 1945 and illuminates how closely power configurations in the psychiatric sector were linked to political and social circumstances"--

This book charts and traces state-mandated or state-encouraged "patriotic" histories that have recently emerged in many places around the globe. Such "patriotic" histories can revolve around both affirmative interpretations of the past and celebration of national achievements. They can also entail explicitly denialist stances against acknowledging responsibility for past atrocities, even to the extent of celebrating perpetrators. Whereas in some cases "patriotic" history takes the shape of a coherent doctrine, in others they remain limited to loosely connected narratives. By combining nationalist and narcissist narratives, and by disregarding or distorting historical evidence, "patriotic" history promotes mythified, monumental, and moralistic interpretations of the past that posit partisan and authoritarian essentialisms and exceptionalisms. Whereas the global debates in interdisciplinary memory studies revolve around concepts like cosmopolitan, global, multidirectional, relational, transcultural, and transnational memory, to mention but a few, the actual socio-political uses of history remain strikingly nation-centred and one-dimensional. This volume collects fifteen caste studies of such "nationalizations of history" ranging from China to the Baltic states. They highlight three features of this phenomenon: the ruthlessness of methods applied by many state authorities to impose certain interpretations of the past, the increasing discrepancy between professional and political approaches to collective memory, and the new "post-truth" context.This book will be of interest to students and researchers of international politics, the radical right and global history. It was originally published as a special issue of the Journal of Genocide Research.

"The Matter of Empire examines the philosophical principles invoked by apologists of the Spanish empire that laid the foundations for the material exploitation of the Andean region between 1520 and 1640. Centered on Potosí, Bolivia, Orlando Bentancor's original study ties the colonizers' attempts to justify the abuses wrought upon the environment and the indigenous population to their larger ideology concerning mining, science, and the empire's rightful place in the global sphere. Bentancor points to the underlying principles of Scholasticism, particularly in the work off Thomas Aquinas, as the basis of the instrumentalist conception of matter and enslavement, despite the inherent contradictions to moral principles. Bentancor grounds this metaphysical framework in a close reading of sixteenth-century debates on Spanish sovereignty in the Americas and treatises on natural history and mining by theologians, humanists, missionaries, mine owners, jurists, and colonial officials. To Bentancor, their presuppositions were a major turning point for colonial expansion and paved the way to global mercantilism"--Provided by publisher

"Challenging the posthumanist canon which celebrates the pre-eminence of matter, Ruth Miller, inFlourishingThoughtargues that what nonhuman systems contribute to democracy is thought. Drawing on recent feminist theories of nonhuman life and politics, Miller shows that reproduction and flourishing are not antithetical to contemplation and sensitivity. After demonstrating processes of life and processes of thought are indistinguishable, Miller finds that four menacing accumulations of matter and information--global surveillance, stored embryos, human clones, and reproductive trash--are politically productive rather than threats to democratic politics. As a consequence, she questions the usefulness of individual rights such as privacy and dignity, contests the value of the rational metaphysics underlying human-centered political participation, and re-evaluates the gender relations that derive from this type of participation. Ultimately, in place of these human-centered structures, Miller posits a more meditative mode of democratic engagement. Miller's argument has shattering implications for the debates over the proper use and disposal of embryonic tissue, alarms about data gathering by the state and corporations, and other major ethical, social, and security issues"--