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Introduction. Latin America's pink tide governments: Challenges, breakthroughs, and setbacks$hSteve Ellner -- Latin America's pink tide: The straitjacket of global Capitalism$hWilliam I Robinson -- Has the pink tide cycle come to an end? Will it have a long-lasting impact?$hSteve Ellner -- Walking the "tightrope" of socialist governance: A strategic relational analysis of twenty-first-century socialism$hMarcel Nelson -- The limits of pragmatism: The rise and fall of the Brazilian Workers' Party (2002-2016)$hPedro Mendes Loureiro and Alfredo Saad-Filho -- The Frente Amplio governments in Uruguay: Policy strategies and results$hNicolas Bentancur and Jose Miguel Busquets -- Kirchnerism in Latin America's Anti-neoliberal Cycle$hMabel Thwaites Rey and Jorge Orovitz Sanmartino -- Class Strategies in Chavista Venezuela: pragmatic and populist policies in a broader context$hSteve Ellner -- An opportunity squandered? Elites, social movements, and the Bolivian government of Evo Morales$hLinda Farthing -- Left populism, democracy, state building and the ephemeral counterhegemony of the Citizens" Revolution in Ecuador$hPatrick Clark and Jacobo Garcia -- Neo-extractivism, class formations, and the pink tide: Considerations on the Venezuelan case$hLuis Fernando Angosto-Ferrandez -- The rise and fall of Sandinista alliances as a means of sociopolitical change in Nicaragua$hHector M. Cruz-Feliciano -- The limits of change: El Salvador's FMLN in power$hHilary Goodfriend -- The last surfer to hit the beach: Mexico and the "pink tide"$hJohn M. Ackerman.

This article examines the rise of leftist ideology in Ecuador and Bolivia in light of their deepening economic relations with China from 2005 to 2014. First, it reveals that market trends account for trade fluctuations but fail to explain Chinese investment in, and some loan deals with, Ecuador as well as loans to Bolivia. Second, it demonstrates how these forms of funding provided alternatives to U.S.-led international institutions, enabling Rafael Correa and Evo Morales to steer away from Western influence. Third, it contends that four factors led to a cyclic reinforcement of Chinese economic interests and the rise of leftist ideology in Ecuador and Bolivia, namely: mutual complementarity between China's demand for energy/natural resource supply diversification and Pink Tide development agendas; U.S.–China geopolitical competition for influence in Latin America; China's experience in engaging with leftist governments from developing countries; and anti-Americanism shaping national identity in Ecuador and Bolivia.

Abstract
The article analyses the two pink tides in Latin America in relation to contemporary global prospects. First, it recalls the main characteristics of the first tide, mainly linked to Venezuela, Brazil and Bolivia. Second, it explains the limits of the first tide. Third, it focuses on the main characteristics of the second tide, which are analysed in detail later in the article. Fourth, it analyses the reasons behind the recent changes in Colombia. Fifth, it describes the economic transformation system in Cuba. Sixth, it addresses how Brazil is joining the new tide, seventh, particularly concerning Bolsonaro's legacy and Lula's return. Eighth, it shows the revitalization of Lula's social policy, and ninth, the Latin American and global impacts of the recent elections in Latin America. In conclusion, tenth, it formulates future scenarios for the possible development of the second tide in Latin America.

The recent evolution of capitalism has shifted the ground on which developmentalism stood as a civilizing utopia in Latin America, making the neodevelopmentalism that inspired different nuances of progressivism in the twenty-first century an idea "out of place." Starting from this premise, the notions of progressivism as regression and containment as accelerating desocialization form the foundations of an interpretation of the Pink Tide that emphasizes the contradictions inherent in its own dynamics, which reinforced the neoliberal rationale. The attempt to govern social tensions through containment of the ongoing dissociative movement did not stop the regression of the structure of production and the intensification of a self-destructive social dynamic. Progressivism is revealed as a political rationale that is different from but not contradictory to its opponents in a reality in which capital governs as a totalizing extraparliamentary force. A evolução recente do capitalismo modificou as bases materiais que davam sentido ao desenvolvimentismo como utopia civilizatória na América Latina, tornando o neodesenvolvimentismo que inspirou diferentes nuances de progressismo no século XXI, uma ideia fora do lugar. A partir desta premissa, são discutidas as noções de progressismo como regressão e de contenção como aceleracion de dissocializacion, como alicerces de uma interpretação da onda progressista que enfatiza as contradições inerentes à sua própria dinâmica que reforçou a razão neoliberal. A pretensão de governar as tensões sociais por meio de políticas de contenção do movimento dissocializante em curso não evitou a regressão da estrutura produtiva e o aprofundamento de uma dinâmica social autofágica. O progressismo revela-se como uma racionalidade política diferente, mas não contraditória em relação aos seus opositores em uma realidade em que o capital se impõe como uma força extra-parlamentar totalizante.

Over the last two decades, military and authoritarian regimes in Latin America have receded as indigenous social movements and popular protests have demanded and won peaceful transitions to democratically-elected governments. Across the entire Southern hemisphere, democracy arose with a radical flourish, bringing dramatic changes in politics, education, civil society, and the media. Historically, revolution in Latin America has been depicted as civil war, violent conflict, and armed resistance, but recent social change has resulted from the political power of mass social movements reflected in elections and government policy change rather than guerrilla insurgencies. The Pink Tide investigates the relationship between media access and democracy, arguing that citizen participation in broadcasting is a primary indicator of the changed social relations of power in each country. Democracy has meaning only to the extent that citizens participate in discussion and decisions. This book demonstrates that participation in public communication is a prime ingredient in democratic action and citizen self-organization, a vital means for constructing new cultural practices and social norms.

Abstract
Political and social developments in Venezuela have significantly influenced the events of the entire Latin American continent in the first two decades of the 21st century. Our research, time-framed between 1999 and 2013, focuses on the political, legal, social and economic aspects of the Venezuelan society development at the end of the last century and the first two decades of our century. The article also examines how social movements set in motion by chavismo led, in 1999, to the adoption of a new constitution based on the principles of the separation of the five powers and how it contributed to the formation of the political movements across the Latin American continent known as the pink tide (marea rosa).