Suchergebnisse

This paper focuses on two case studies, Brazil and Argentina, in which, after several years of leftist governments, two right-wing candidates succeeded and became president. These are Jair Bolsonaro, who was a candidate of the Social Liberal Party and is the current president of Brazil; and Mauricio Macri, who won the presidency of Argentina with the right-wing Coalition Cambiemos. Considering the results of the last presidential elections, it seems that in Argentina this right turn could not be sustained over time; meanwhile, in Brazil, the Partido de los Trabajadores achieve a relevant presence in Parliament. This paper concludes that this turn to the right did not happen because it was not a political turn like the pink tide. Three explanatory factors are considered: economic performance, the credibility of leftist leaders and the strength of the right. From there, each case will be thoroughly analyzed, and then compared. The result of this process is the finding of substantial differences, especially regards the economic crisis and the strength of the right. Finally, the reflections regarding the findings sustain that these electoral results only represent the attrition of leftist governments due to the great corruption scandals and the curb economic growth, and not necessarily the beginning of a new era in Latin American politics. ; El presente artículo se centra en dos casos de estudio, Brasil y Argentina, en los que, tras varios años de gobiernos de izquierda, lograron triunfar y llegar a la presidencia dos candidatos de derecha. Estos son Jair Bolsonaro, quien fue candidato del Partido Social Liberal y actualmente es presidente de Brasil; Mauricio Macri, quien ganó la presidencia de la Argentina con la Coalición de derecha Cambiemos. Tomando en cuenta los resultados de las últimas elecciones presidenciales, parece ser que en Argentina este giro a la derecha no se pudo sostener en el tiempo; mientras que, en Brasil, el Partido de los Trabajadores no perdió su presencia significativa en el Parlamento. Esta investigación concluye que este cambio no sucedió debido a que, en principio, no se trató de un giro político similar al pink tide. Se toman en cuenta tres factores explicativos: el desempeño económico, la credibilidad de los líderes de izquierda y la fuerza de la derecha. A partir de estos se analizará cada caso a fondo, para luego compararlos y contrastarlos. El resultado de este proceso es la identificación de diferencias sustanciales, sobre todo en lo referido a la crisis económica y a la fuerza de la derecha. Finalmente, se presentan reflexiones de cómo estos resultados electorales solo representan el desgaste de los gobiernos de izquierda debido a los grandes escándalos de corrupción y al freno del crecimiento económico, y no necesariamente el inicio de una nueva era en la política latinoamericana.

This book expertly traces the long, erratic, and incomplete path of Latin America's political and socioeconomic democratization, from a group of colonies lacking democratic practice and culture up to the present. Using the lens of democracy defined by the charter of the Organization of American States (OAS), it examines the periods of US gunboat diplomacy in the Caribbean Basin, the Cold War, the state terrorist dictatorships of the 1970s and 1980s, the imposition of neoliberalism in the 1990s, and the rise of the Pink Tide in the new millennium. The meaning of democracy has changed over time, from nineteenth-century liberalism - in which only a handful of wealthy males voted and individuals were responsible for their economic and social conditions - to governments in the late twentieth century that have embraced socioeconomic democracy by assuming responsibility (at least formally) for citizens' welfare. Latin America's movement toward democracy has not been linear. The book follows the appearance and evolution of both proponents and opponents of democracy over the last two centuries. The balance of these forces has shifted periodically, often in waves that swept across the entire region. Commitment to democracy does not guarantee implementation, but despite many setbacks, Latin America has made significant progress toward the democratic aspirations set forth in the OAS charter.

Discussing the civilizatory crisis and processes of refeudalization this volume brings into dialogue two of the most creative approaches, in Olaf Kaltmeier and Edgardo Lander, to rethink capitalism in the 21st century. In Part 1, Olaf Kaltmeier, takes issue with the state of social inequality in the region, highlighting the concentration of wealth within the upper 1% of society in Latin America. Comparing the current economic situation with the ancient regime, the discussion centers around the new phenomena like billionaires as president, increased luxury consumption, an emerging culture of distinction, and the intensification of land and spatial segregation. In Part 2, Lander urgently assesses the current state and political legacy of the "Pink Tide" governments in his essay "Crisis of Civilization." Reviewing the past two decades of the new millennium, Lander critiques the failure of these governments to provide alternatives to extractivism and economic dependencies. Finally, Hans-J©ơrgen Burchardt connects the arguments through interviews where both authors sum their efforts to open the issues to future dialogue. Refeudalization in Latin America provides an accessible and thought-provoking political diagnosis from the Global South which departs from the oft idiosyncratic and cyclical debates of the Global North to offer new vocabulary for social change. It will interest scholars and students of global studies, sociology, and political science.

Populism has become one of the most overused terms in political discourse today. It can embrace authoritarian and nativist right-wing politicians but also those on the left who appeal for popular support for transformation. In its dominant usage it is seen as inimical to the values of liberal democracy. Yet others see it as part of the construction of a people-centred project that can realize true democracy.What is clear is that much of the debate around populism has been from the perspective of the global North and the voice of the South has been largely missing. This volume addresses this absence and provides a Latin American perspective to the global study of populism.It argues that Latin America in its rich and early experience of populism is a valuable laboratory to further our understanding and to address the question of whether populism now goes beyond the dichotomy of left and right and is a new political phenomenon.The book presents a series of case studies with cross-cutting overview chapters that highlight the lessons to be learned from new research. Each chapter is set within a tight conceptual framework in order to better understand contemporary Latin American politics 'after the pink tide' and to enrich the international debate on populism from a Latin American perspective.

AbstractIn this article, we explain Ecuador's foreign policy shift away from the counter-hegemonic project of the Pink Tide and toward the US-led international order. Current scholarship assumes that small states pursue moral recognition from great powers by reproducing the normative principles of the hegemonic order. However, the dynamics of small-state status seeking remain underexplored. How does domestic elite competition, including their preferred strategic narratives and histories of elite socialization, shape policymakers' preferences for status within alternative international orders? Bourdieu's practice theory enables us to demonstrate how senior Ecuadorian diplomats embody the principles of the US-led hegemonic order. By analyzing documents, speeches, and the results of semistructured interviews, we show how diplomats' tacit background knowledge led them to reject former president Rafael Correa's initiatives and replace them with a "professional" diplomacy and "pragmatic" foreign policy. Diplomats pursue moral authority not only for its own sake but also as a means of alleviating stigmas associated with Ecuador's intense subordination. In this way, diplomats legitimated the restoration of the pre-Correa liberal state. Their experience of hysteresis, or a mismatch between their habitus and field position, drove them to assert their taken-for-granted truths as a new orthodoxy once Correa departed.

Liberation Theology and Liberation Christianity continue to inspire social movements across Latin America. Following Michel Lowy's analytical and historical distinction between Liberation Christianity (emerging in the 1950s) and Liberation Theology (emerging in the 1970s), this paper seeks to problematize the historical projects of democracy and human rights, particularly in relation to the praxis of Liberation Christianity and the reflection of Liberation Theology. Liberation Theology emerged across Latin America during a period of dictatorship and called for liberation. It had neither democracy nor human rights as its central historical project, but rather liberation. Furthermore, Liberation Christianity, which includes the legacy of Camilo Torres, now seeks to 'defend democracy' and 'uphold human rights' in its ongoing struggles despite the fact that the democratic project has clearly failed the majority of Latin Americans. Both redemocratization and 'pink tide' governments were not driven by liberation. At the beginning of the first Workers' Party government in Brazil, Frei Betto – a leading liberation theologian – famously quipped 'we have won an election, not made a revolution'. In dialogue with Ivan Petrella, this article suggests that Liberation Theology needs to 'go beyond' broad narratives of democracy and human rights to re-establish a historical project of liberation linked to what the Brazilian philosopher, Roberto Mangabeira Unger, calls institutional imagination.

The Arab Spring and U.S. Occupy movements surprised the world in 2011, showing that movements for radical social change remain viable responses to the intertwined crises of globalization: economic precarity, political disenchantment, rampant inequality, and the long-term fuse of potentially catastrophic climate change. These movements possess political cultural affinities of emotion, historical memory, and oppositional and creative discourses with each other and with a chain of movements that have gathered renewed momentum and relevance as neoliberal globalization runs up against the consequences of its own rapaciousness.Three paths to radical social change have emerged that differ from the hierarchical revolutionary movements of the twentieth century: 1) the electoral path to power pursued by the Latin American Pink Tide nations, 2) the route of re-making power at the local level or seeking change at the global level, both by-passing the traditional goal of taking state power, and 3) the occupation of public space to force out tyrants, as in Tunisia and Egypt.This paper assesses the strengths and limitations of each path, arguing that social movements and progressive parties together may possess the best chances for making radical social change in this new situation. These threads of resistance may also point toward a future of radical social change as we imagine their enduring results, self-evident and more subtle.

__abstract__ The concept of food sovereignty has been enshrined in a number of countries' Constitutions around the world without any clear consensus around what state-sponsored 'food sovereignty' initiatives might entail given the complexity and interconnectedness of the global food system. In the vanguard of this movement at the national level has been the so-called 'pink tide' of Latin America – namely Venezuela, Ecuador, and Bolivia. As a constitutional right, food sovereignty presents a significant opening to promote a citizen's revolution of the food system, but is such a proposal possible or desirable as a top-down initiative? The concept itself is inherently peopleled as it implies constructing (or deconstructing) a food system that is defined, led, controlled, and accessed in a culturally appropriate and ecologically sustainable way by local people in a given territory. At the same time, state intervention is a necessary function to confront the global food system, dismantle unequal agrarian structures, and recognize the autonomy of people and communities in defining and controlling their food and agricultural systems. In different geographies and societies of food sovereignty, it is necessary to evaluate how state and social actors interact in the pursuit of a national food sovereignty strategy, with particular attention to the relations of control and access to decision-making and physical resources.

""The Tropical Silk Road" captures an epochal juncture of two of the world's most transformative processes: the People's Republic of China's rapidly expanding sphere of influence across the global south and the disintegration of the Amazonian, Cerrado, and Andean biomes. The intersection of these two processes took another step in April 2020, when Chinese President Xi Jinping launched a "New Health Silk Road" agenda of aid and investment that would wind through South America, extending the Eurasian-African "Belt and Road Initiative" to the Latin American tropics. How will this new tropical Silk Road shape political alliances, social landscapes, and ecological futures in South America? Through thirty short essays, this volume brings together an impressive array of contributors, from economists, anthropologists, and political scientists to Black, feminist, and Indigenous community organizers, Chinese stakeholders, environmental activists, and local journalists to offer a pathbreaking analysis of China's presence in South America that covers a wide range of topics, including humanitarian aid, agribusiness, and extractive industry-mineral mining, fossil fuel tapping, and port and transport infrastructure. As cracks in the progressive legacy of the Pink Tide and the failures of ecocidal right-wing populisms shape new political economies and geopolitical possibilities, this book provides a grassroots-based account of a post-U.S. centered world order, and an accompanying map of the stakes for South America that highlights emerging voices and forms of resistance."

This book provides a fresh interpretation of the rise and fall of Latin America's left turn', or movement towards more progressive economic or social policies. From a historical and comparative perspective, the book argues that Latin America is entering a new phase of authoritarian statism. Based on over 10 years of research on Latin American political economy and social movements, including years of fieldwork in Chile, Brazil, Venezuela and Argentina, this book combines the stories of individuals and groups in particular situations with the macro-level political and economic trajectory of the region since the postwar period. The book draws on over 100 interviews with community activists, workers, union leaders, politicians, journalists, and NGOs, as well as archival work. In addition, the book uses up-to-date national and regional economic data, including both standard and heterodox development indicators. By engaging with key case studies including Argentina's recovered enterprises, Chile's student movement, Brazil's free transit movement, and Venezuela's popular economy, this bookanalyzesthe complex relationship between "post-capitalist struggles" and the governance models ofthe "pink tide", the wave of left governments that began to sweep the region at the turn of the century. This book will be of interest to researchers across politics, development, Latin American studies and social movement studies. The original data and analysis of the relationship between social movements and governments will also benefit policymakers and those working within the NGO sector.

In three dramatic weeks in October and November 2019, the fourteen years of progressive change that Evo Morales' pink tide government had worked to implement in Bolivia and beyond came to a screeching halt. President Morales was forced to resign after protests against his re-election to a fourth term in allegedly fraudulent elections erupted among the urban middle classes, anti-indigenous racists, and prominent conservative politicians. The country's far right used the ensuing crisis to orchestrate a successful coup, with military and police backing, paving the way for a repressive "transition" government led by Jeanine Áñez to take power. The Áñez government quelled popular protests with lethal force, shut down critical media outlets, and targeted members of Morales' political party, the Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS). Despite postponing elections three times, the Áñez government was eventually forced to call elections in October 2020. The MAS swept back into power, winning elections with 55% of the vote and returning democracy to the country. This book tells the story of this year of upheaval in Bolivia, providing a critical analysis of the 14 years of the MAS government that preceded it as well as the MAS return to power in 2020. It includes personal stories and commentary from women and men on the streets, leaders in social movements, members of the MAS party and government, survivors of Áñez's abuses, and intellectuals.

Half Title Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- 1 An Institutional Approach to Democracy and Democratization in Latin America -- Institutions and the Study of Democratic Politics -- What Is an Institution? -- What Is an Institutional Approach to Politics? -- Democracy in Latin America -- Democratic Transition -- Defining Democracy -- The Struggle for Democracy in Guatemala -- Conclusion -- Key Terms -- Discussion Questions -- Suggested Readings -- References -- 2 State and Nation in Colonial Latin America -- Pillars of Democracy: State and Nation -- Land and People -- Human Settlements in the Pre-Colombian Period -- The Colonial Impact on Settlement and Demography -- The Colonial Period -- The Arrival, and Conquest -- The Expansion of Spanish Colonialism -- Colonial Institutions -- Religious Institutions in Colonial Latin America -- The Long Road to Independence -- Explaining the Exceptionalism of Colonial Legacies in the United States -- Conclusion -- Key Terms -- Discussion Questions -- Suggested Readings -- References -- 3 Constitutions: From States and Nations to Regimes, and Back Again -- Constitutional Foundations: The Consolidation of Independent States and the Search for National Identity in Latin America -- The Caudillo Period (1820s-1870s) -- The Export Economy (1860s-1930s) -- The Opening of the U.S. Umbrella (1898) -- The Great Depression (1929) -- The Populist Era (1930s-1960s) -- Bureaucratic Authoritarianism and the Cold War (1960s-1980s) -- From the Washington Consensus to the "Pink Tide" (1980s to Present) -- Constitutions: The Rules of the Game and More -- Constitutional Development in Latin America -- Constitutionalism and Democracy -- Constitutions and Political Pacts -- Constitutions and National Identity -- The Politics of Constitutional Change -- Types of Constitutional Reform

This essay reviews the following works:Historia mínima de los feminismos en América Latina. By Dora Barrancos. Mexico City: El Colegio de México, 2020. Pp. 274. $12.13 paperback. ISBN: 9786075641850.The Sexual Question: A History of Prostitution in Peru, 1850s–1950s. By Paulo Drinot. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2020. Pp. xv + 328. $31.99 paperback. ISBN: 9781108717281.Seeking Rights from the Left: Gender, Sexuality, and the Latin American Pink Tide. Edited by Elisabeth Jay Friedman. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2019. Pp. 344. $28.95 paperback. ISBN: 9781478001522.An Open Secret: The History of Unwanted Pregnancy and Abortion in Modern Bolivia. By Natalie L. Kimball. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2020. Pp. 374. $42.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780813590738.The Politics of Abortion in Latin America: Public Debates, Private Lives. By Jane Marcus-Delgado. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2019. Pp. 181. $79.95 hardcover. 9781626378063.Feminism for the Americas: The Making of an International Human Rights Movement. By Katherine M. Marino. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2019. Pp. 368. $27.95 paperback. ISBN: 9781469661520.A Miscarriage of Justice: Women's Reproductive Lives and the Law in Early Twentieth-Century Brazil. By Cassia Roth. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2020. Pp. 376. $32.00 paperback. ISBN: 9781503611320.Demanding Justice and Security: Indigenous Women and Legal Pluralities in Latin America. Edited by Rachel Sieder. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2017. Pp. 310. $38.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780813587929.

Introduction: Why media pluralism matters for democratic governance / Ximena Orchard and Sara Garcia Santamaria -- Beyond pluralism : communication rights and civil society in Latin America / María Soledad Segura -- Towards a journalism-other as a paradigm of Latin American journalistic cultures within the framework of the decolonial turn / Martín Oller Alonso and María Cruz Tornay Márquez -- How to incorporate Latin American communication studies into Northern/Western circles? Reflections on academic pluralism as co-production / Florencia Enghel and Martín Becerra -- Democracy as corruption : the news media and the debunking of democracy in Brazil / Afonso de Albuquerque and Juliana Gagliardi -- Media in authoritarian contexts : a logics approach to journalistic professional resistance in Cuba and Venezuela / Sara Garcia Santamaria and Virpi Salojärvi -- The elite echo-chamber : media visibility as an intra-elite political resource / Ximena Orchard -- A trajectory of Caudillo Press, journalism, and the authoritarian dilemma in Venezuela / Edmundo Bracho-Polanco -- Commenting on disaster : news comments as a representation of the public's voice / Magdalena Saldaña -- Indigenous media in Argentina : beyond media pluralism, towards media diversity, through 'communication with identity' / Francesca Belotti -- Counter-hegemonic media production from urban and rural margins in Brazil / Leonardo Custódio and Paola Sartoretto -- Young Chileans' voices : the fabric of their listening practices while consuming news / Constanza Gajardo León and Tabita Moreno Becerra -- Conclusion: New maquilas for old powers? The (un)changing face of Latin America's media in the post-pink-tide era / Jairo Lugo-Ocando, Marcela Pizarro and Julieta Brambila -- Epilogue: Why the digital revolution hasn't made media pluralism irrelevant : communication abundance and concentration / Silvio Waisbord.