After the Pink Tide: Introduction
In: Dissent: a quarterly of politics and culture, Band 66, Heft 1, S. 18-22
ISSN: 1946-0910
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In: Dissent: a quarterly of politics and culture, Band 66, Heft 1, S. 18-22
ISSN: 1946-0910
In: NACLA Report on the Americas, Band 40, Heft 2, S. 16-16
ISSN: 2471-2620
In: Postmodern culture, Band 23, Heft 2
ISSN: 1053-1920
In: Latin american perspectives in the classroom
Introduction. Latin America's pink tide governments: Challenges, breakthroughs, and setbacks$hSteve Ellner -- Latin America's pink tide: The straitjacket of global Capitalism$hWilliam I Robinson -- Has the pink tide cycle come to an end? Will it have a long-lasting impact?$hSteve Ellner -- Walking the "tightrope" of socialist governance: A strategic relational analysis of twenty-first-century socialism$hMarcel Nelson -- The limits of pragmatism: The rise and fall of the Brazilian Workers' Party (2002-2016)$hPedro Mendes Loureiro and Alfredo Saad-Filho -- The Frente Amplio governments in Uruguay: Policy strategies and results$hNicolas Bentancur and Jose Miguel Busquets -- Kirchnerism in Latin America's Anti-neoliberal Cycle$hMabel Thwaites Rey and Jorge Orovitz Sanmartino -- Class Strategies in Chavista Venezuela: pragmatic and populist policies in a broader context$hSteve Ellner -- An opportunity squandered? Elites, social movements, and the Bolivian government of Evo Morales$hLinda Farthing -- Left populism, democracy, state building and the ephemeral counterhegemony of the Citizens" Revolution in Ecuador$hPatrick Clark and Jacobo Garcia -- Neo-extractivism, class formations, and the pink tide: Considerations on the Venezuelan case$hLuis Fernando Angosto-Ferrandez -- The rise and fall of Sandinista alliances as a means of sociopolitical change in Nicaragua$hHector M. Cruz-Feliciano -- The limits of change: El Salvador's FMLN in power$hHilary Goodfriend -- The last surfer to hit the beach: Mexico and the "pink tide"$hJohn M. Ackerman.
World Affairs Online
In: Kay , C & Vergara-Camus , L 2021 , Neue Agrar-Demokratien : Die verlorene Chance der Pink Tide . in A Jenss , R Lehmann & T Boos (eds) , Sozialstrukturen in Lateinamerika: Dynamiken und Akteure im 21. Jahrhundert . Springer Nature , Wiesbaden , pp. 63-86 . https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-34428-3_3
Der Beitrag analysiert die Versuche der Regierungen in Argentinien, Bolivien, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Paraguay, Uruguay, Venezuela und Brasilien in den 2000er Jahren den ländlichen Raum zugunsten benachteiligter Sektoren und demokratisch umzugestalten. Die Bilanz fällt ernüchternd aus. Zwar gab es Verbesserungen bei den Lebens- und Arbeitsbedingungen auf dem Land, doch häufig unterstützten die Regierungen die großflächige Exportlandwirtschaft weiter. Die ländlichen sozialen Bewegungen und ihre basisdemokratischen Versuche wurden von den Mitte-Links-Regierungen politisch nicht gestärkt.
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In: Monthly review: an independent socialist magazine, S. 38-51
Steve Ellner analyzes the debate surrounding the wave of elections of left-leaning political leaders in Latin America, known as the Pink Tide. Critics of these governments, Ellner suggests, emphasize their shortcomings at the expense of recognizing their anti-imperial position.
In: Canadian journal of Latin American and Caribbean studies: Revue canadienne des études latino-américaines et carai͏̈bes, Band 33, Heft 65, S. 173-186
ISSN: 2333-1461
In: Vorgänge
World Affairs Online
In: TSQ: Transgender Studies Quarterly, Band 8, Heft 3, S. 409-412
ISSN: 2328-9260
In: World affairs: a journal of ideas and debate, Band 183, Heft 4, S. 359-388
ISSN: 1940-1582
This article examines the rise of leftist ideology in Ecuador and Bolivia in light of their deepening economic relations with China from 2005 to 2014. First, it reveals that market trends account for trade fluctuations but fail to explain Chinese investment in, and some loan deals with, Ecuador as well as loans to Bolivia. Second, it demonstrates how these forms of funding provided alternatives to U.S.-led international institutions, enabling Rafael Correa and Evo Morales to steer away from Western influence. Third, it contends that four factors led to a cyclic reinforcement of Chinese economic interests and the rise of leftist ideology in Ecuador and Bolivia, namely: mutual complementarity between China's demand for energy/natural resource supply diversification and Pink Tide development agendas; U.S.–China geopolitical competition for influence in Latin America; China's experience in engaging with leftist governments from developing countries; and anti-Americanism shaping national identity in Ecuador and Bolivia.
This article examines the rise of leftist ideology in Ecuador and Bolivia in light of their deepening economic relations with China from 2005 to 2014. First, it reveals that market trends account for trade fluctuations but fail to explain Chinese investment in, and some loan deals with, Ecuador as well as loans to Bolivia. Second, it demonstrates how these forms of funding provided alternatives to U.S.-led international institutions, enabling Rafael Correa and Evo Morales to steer away from Western influence. Third, it contends that four factors led to a cyclic reinforcement of Chinese economic interests and the rise of leftist ideology in Ecuador and Bolivia, namely: mutual complementarity between China's demand for energy/natural resource supply diversification and Pink Tide development agendas; U.S.–China geopolitical competition for influence in Latin America; China's experience in engaging with leftist governments from developing countries; and anti-Americanism shaping national identity in Ecuador and Bolivia.
BASE
In: Latin American politics and society, Band 65, Heft 2, S. 110-144
ISSN: 1548-2456
World Affairs Online
In: Human affairs: HA ; postdisciplinary humanities & social sciences quarterly, Band 33, Heft 3, S. 319-334
ISSN: 1337-401X
Abstract
The article analyses the two pink tides in Latin America in relation to contemporary global prospects. First, it recalls the main characteristics of the first tide, mainly linked to Venezuela, Brazil and Bolivia. Second, it explains the limits of the first tide. Third, it focuses on the main characteristics of the second tide, which are analysed in detail later in the article. Fourth, it analyses the reasons behind the recent changes in Colombia. Fifth, it describes the economic transformation system in Cuba. Sixth, it addresses how Brazil is joining the new tide, seventh, particularly concerning Bolsonaro's legacy and Lula's return. Eighth, it shows the revitalization of Lula's social policy, and ninth, the Latin American and global impacts of the recent elections in Latin America. In conclusion, tenth, it formulates future scenarios for the possible development of the second tide in Latin America.
In: Latin American perspectives, Band 49, Heft 2, S. 69-86
ISSN: 1552-678X
The recent evolution of capitalism has shifted the ground on which developmentalism stood as a civilizing utopia in Latin America, making the neodevelopmentalism that inspired different nuances of progressivism in the twenty-first century an idea "out of place." Starting from this premise, the notions of progressivism as regression and containment as accelerating desocialization form the foundations of an interpretation of the Pink Tide that emphasizes the contradictions inherent in its own dynamics, which reinforced the neoliberal rationale. The attempt to govern social tensions through containment of the ongoing dissociative movement did not stop the regression of the structure of production and the intensification of a self-destructive social dynamic. Progressivism is revealed as a political rationale that is different from but not contradictory to its opponents in a reality in which capital governs as a totalizing extraparliamentary force. A evolução recente do capitalismo modificou as bases materiais que davam sentido ao desenvolvimentismo como utopia civilizatória na América Latina, tornando o neodesenvolvimentismo que inspirou diferentes nuances de progressismo no século XXI, uma ideia fora do lugar. A partir desta premissa, são discutidas as noções de progressismo como regressão e de contenção como aceleracion de dissocializacion, como alicerces de uma interpretação da onda progressista que enfatiza as contradições inerentes à sua própria dinâmica que reforçou a razão neoliberal. A pretensão de governar as tensões sociais por meio de políticas de contenção do movimento dissocializante em curso não evitou a regressão da estrutura produtiva e o aprofundamento de uma dinâmica social autofágica. O progressismo revela-se como uma racionalidade política diferente, mas não contraditória em relação aos seus opositores em uma realidade em que o capital se impõe como uma força extra-parlamentar totalizante.
In: NACLA Report on the Americas, Band 52, Heft 3, S. 353-354
ISSN: 2471-2620