Suchergebnisse

Since the beginning of the 1990s there has been in Italy a partial and incomplete transition from a consensual to a majoritarian form of democracy. And the traditional interpretations of the 'Italian case' have been gradually abandoned without having been substituted by new ones. So, nowadays there are many detailed empirical researches about specific aspects of the Italian political system and transition, but no comprehensive model is available to understand the overall logics of its functioning and development. The thesis of the article is that the models proposed to depict the First Republic can be useful to understand also the Second one, once they have been adequately revisited and updated. Then, three frameworks are analyzed -- polarized pluralism, party government, and the theory of democratic consolidation and anchoring -- in order to suggest how they can be applied and how to 'rediscover' a tradition of research that risks to be lost. Adapted from the source document.

After defining deliberation as a form of public discussion central to the functioning of deliberative democracy, E. Noelle-Neumann's (1984) theory of the spiral of silence is outlined & applied in modeling deliberation processes. A formal model of public deliberation is elaborated & tested on two hypothetical groups defending & advancing arguments in support of their political/ideological viewpoint. Statistical formulas for computing the probabilistic distribution of motivations to speak out are developed, & monological & pluralistic equilibriums are described as stable & unstable, respectively; the motivational transformations necessary to produce a stable pluralistic equilibrium are considered & several such outcomes are modeled. The theoretical & applicational aspects of the model proposed are discussed, outlining three strategies, & their underlying procedural rules, leading to a stable equilibrium in a multilateral exchange of views & arguments during deliberation. Figures, References. Z. Dubiel

Multiculturalism's main assumption is that 'diversity matters', and within contemporary multicultural societies the different religious experiences of the members are perceived as one of their most relevant features, one that might also lead to a number of dangerous and (at least seemingly) unsolvable conflicts. In the first and second sections of this article, I consider Bhikhu Parekh and Tariq Modood's positions concerning the relationship between multiculturalism and the variety of religious experiences, while in the third section I discuss the main theoretical problems that remain open. Essentially, such problems have all to do with the lack of an explicit addressing the issue of religious diversity from an effective intercultural perspective. Lastly, I try to bring back the variety of religious experiences to a different theoretical paradigm, which aims at importing some of the conceptual achievements of contemporary complexity theories into the social sciences' discourse. In doing so, my goal is not to elaborate a single model able to give definite answers, but rather, to the extent to which it is possible, to secure its flexibility, as well as its ability to adequate to the inputs coming from an unceasingly changing 'reality'. Adapted from the source document.

The article draws an assessment of the impact of communication & electoral campaigns during the four elections that followed the entry of Berlusconi in the political arena. The article explores three questions. First, the characteristics of communicative & televise supply. Second, the specific features of the 2006 electoral campaign. Third, the media consumption by voters & its "effects" on their attitudes & electoral behaviour. The first section discusses the debate on mass media influence on politics before & after the electoral transition at the beginning of the Nineties & presents some data on pluralism on television. The second section discusses the characteristics of the 2006 campaign: its development, the strategies by Berlusconi & Prodi & the role of survey predictions. The third section deals with media consumption & its "effects." The strength of the relationship between TV preferences & voting in Italy can be explained partly as "media influence" & partly (for the most part) as "political encapsulation" of media preferences. The conclusive remarks assess the relationship between a very stable inter-coalitional electoral market & the high aggressiveness of Italian electoral campaigns & offers some indications for future research. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

Historically the Mediterranean has been crossed by civilizations, peoples and goods which interacted, not always peacefully, respecting pluralism and mutual acknowledgment. The colonial expansion was a rupture which introduced the European hegemony all over the basin denying the "other". France and Italy were the most relevant beneficiaries. Italian colonialism started in the Red Sea and founded the Empire in the Horn but landed in the Northern Africa with Libya's conquest in 1911-12. Not even decolonization, with the access to independence of the colonial possessions after the Second World War, entirely filled the gap between North and South opened by colonialism as such because of the asymmetry at the level of power and the economic and commercial dependence. Italy pursued its international alliances in a perspective focussed on the Atlantic Ocean. Despite the Cold War strains Rome tried to save a good neighbouring with the Arab states. Europe has its border -- as a place where the diverse actors meet -- in the Mediterranean. However, the united Europe failed in all the attempts to bring about a real cooperation with the South shore. The Euro-Mediterranean partnership setup in 1995 did not survive the evaluation Conference ten years later. Is the cooperation season over? Italy too has been involved in the coalition that waged a war to accelerate the collapse of Qadhafi's regime under attack from an internal upsurge covering the will of France to reaffirm a post-colonial influence after the liberty wave (Arab Spring) that is going to change the profile of North Africa. Adapted from the source document.