Suchergebnisse

Rad je razmatra pitanja uspostavljanja i razvijanja pedagoškog pluralizma u obrazovnoj politici i praksi u Srbiji u razdoblju od sredine 20. stoljeća do danas. Pod pedagoškim pluralizmom podrazumijevamo uvažavanje i afirmaciju različitih pedagoških koncepcija i pristupa u razvijanju teorije i prakse obrazovanja, odnosno njegovanje različitih teorijskih orijentacija u području obrazovanja, kao i omogućavanje i ostvarivanje alternativnih rješenja glede organizacije i funkcioniranja školskog i nastavnog rada u odnosu na dominantni model školovanja. U vrijeme jugoslavenskog socijalističkog sustava, koga karakterizira nepostojanje demokratskog političkog poretka i odsustvo njegovanja pluralističkih stavova i vrijednosti, izostao je i pedagoški (i školski) pluralizam. Povoljniji uvjeti za razvoj pedagoškog i školskog pluralizma u Srbiji stvoreni su u post-socijalističkom razdoblju. Nakon 90-tih godina 20. stoljeća otvorena je mogućnost osnivanja privatnih odgojno-obrazovnih ustanova, a od nedavno i vrtića i škola posebne pedagoške orijentacije (tj. alternativnih škola). Također, u proteklom razdoblju realiziran je veći broj projekata, programa i obuka usmjerenih ka unaprjeđenju kvalitete nastavnog i školskog rada, u okviru kojih se mogu prepoznati ideje i koncepti karakteristični za reformne pedagoške pokrete. Međutim, dojam je da se inicijative i napori kojima se podupire pluralizam u obrazovanju, a koji dolaze od znanstvene i stručne javnosti, kao i od prosvjetnih vlasti, odnose uglavnom na demokratizaciju i unaprjeđivanje kvalitete obrazovanja unutar javnog sustava školstva, a ne na promoviranje i podršku privatnom obrazovanju i/ili alternativnim pedagoškim koncepcijama u njihovom izvornom obliku. ; The paper addresses the issue of introducing and fostering pedagogical pluralism in the education policy and practice in Serbia from the mid-20th century onwards. Pedagogical pluralism implies the appreciation and affirmation of different pedagogical conceptions and approaches aimed at developing education theory and practice, i. e. the promotion of different theoretical orientations in the field of education, as well as the implementation of alternative solutions to the organisation and functioning of school work and teaching that differ from the prevailing education model. During the Yugoslav socialist system characterized by the lack of a democratic political order and pluralistic attitudes and values, there was no room for pedagogical (and school) pluralism either. More favourable conditions for the development of pedagogical and school pluralism in Serbia were created in the post-socialist period. After the 1990s, possibilities opened up for privately founded educational institutions, and since recently – kindergartens and schools with special pedagogical orientation (alternative schools). A significant number of projects, programmes and trainings were also implemented in the previous period aimed at enhancing the quality of school work and teaching conveying the ideas and concepts typical of reform pedagogy movements. However, it seems that the initiatives and efforts encouraging pluralism in education undertaken by the academic community and the education authorities are directed more at fostering the democratisation of education and improving its quality inside the public school system and less at promoting and supporting private education and/or alternative pedagogical approaches in their original form.

The paper analyzes developments on the Croatian television market during the last decade, focusing specially on the changes that have been taking place since 2009 and their effect on the diversity and pluralism of the current television programs. The study presents the data on the structural diversity of the Croatian television market which reached its peak in the second decade of the 21st century, as the processes of privatization and commercialization had been completed. The research includes data and the analysis of the television audience distribution during last several years, showing the major change regarding the position of the public service broadcaster which occurred during that time. Content pluralism and diversity of the television programs were analyzed using the data on the genres structure of the main national broadcasters, one public and two commercial, with the emphasis on the news and current affairs genres as well as the other high social value programs regarded as the content in the public interest. The genres structures and distribution in the overall national television program output were put in the relation to the genres audience ratings, showing the gap between the 'supply' of the programs offering content in the public interest and the audience 'demand' expressed by their total audience share, which could be considered as the guideline for the media policy and regulation. In the conclusion, the potential of the television pluralism and diversity as the possible tool to enhance the democratic functions of the media in Croatia are pointed out, as well as the need for further audience research which would explore complex relation between genres and audience expectations, needs and choices. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the interpretations of the political events of 1971 in Croatia. The issue of political pluralism is the bone of contention in the recent debates about these events. The author shows that the efforts of some analysts to relate the events of 1971 to political pluralism are unfounded. References. Adapted from the source document.

The author shows why Gray's modus vivendi tolerance has not been particularly effective in designing stable global governance. The essay is divided into two parts. The first part describes Gray's link between globalization & tolerance, & the second presents Barry's disproof of Hobbesian justice as mutual utility, & Barry's criticism of Locke's argument for tolerance. The author uses Barry's theoretical maneuvers to show why he does not find Gray's solution particularly convincing. Although he accepts Gray's idea of pluralism derived from incommensurability, the author is of the opinion that it does not exclude a possibility of a supracultural pursuit of a consensus on how the planet ought to be governed to the benefit of all. 4 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author demonstrates how the individual is implied in the very idea & concept of democracy as being free in principle & equal to other individuals. The emancipation & subjectivization of man in the new era appears to be the fundamental presupposition of every democracy, including, of course, the pluralistic one. In a political community in which the free individual does not happen to be the starting point & the purpose of the political system, there is no democracy. Neither is there any demos, as this entity is only possible if a full & unalienable political subjectivity of the individual is presupposed. Without the philosophy & the historical experience of liberalism, there would be no possibility for a modern pluralist democracy either. Pluralism suits human nature & relationships among people more than all other political forms. Man himself is "structured pluralistically" because of the complex mental structure & the different interests that activate him. No social order or political system based on the principle of collectivity (regardless of its social, national, religious, or philosophical origin) has any chance either to promote social progress or to survive. Adapted from the source document.

A poll on political tolerance was conducted using a 772-subject sample. Because of the long-lasting totalitarian system & the short period of democracy, a rather low level of political tolerance was expected. However, the results of the poll showed a high level of political tolerance instead. Similar findings have been obtained by an American survey conducted in several European countries, including Croatia. This means that political tolerance in Croatia has not been shaped by the totalitarian system but by the pluralist traits of the Croatian culture, ensuing from numerous contacts with a plethora of different cultures. If the pluralist democracy in Croatia is to function democratically, appropriate legal prerequisites & institutions do not suffice; the people who are in line with the principles of pluralist democracy are central to this as well. Pluralist democracy legalizes various political options & enables citizens to organize themselves & act in accordance with the embraced option. All this, however, is a moot point if people are not willing to accept the existence & activism of different political options. That is why the concept of political tolerance always goes hand in hand with the concept of pluralist democracy. The essence of political is not tolerance & patience but non-restriction of political freedoms & political pluralism. Those who accept political pluralism must acknowledge the existence of various political options, even those of which they do not approve. They more readily accept the existence of various political options & nurture a less intensive feeling of intolerance & bigotry. So, tolerance means accepting, not just tolerating, different political options. 12 Tables, 2 Graphs, 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author deals with the issue of just conflict resolution. The first part of the article is devoted to the analysis of the importance of resolving social & political conflicts in every community. It also tackles the two views -- monistic & pluralistic -- of the very nature of conflict. The second part looks into the three levels of conflict -- the conflict concerning the way of life & the concept of the good, the conflict regarding the manner in which we want to accomplish universally accepted goals &, finally, the conflict surrounding the fundamental principals of justice. In the last part the author analyzes the methods we can adopt in conflict resolution & discusses which of those approaches is most righteous from the point of view of pluralism. 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the relationship among atomism, pluralism, & democracy from the standpoint of contemporary Rawlsian & Kafkian theory of justice. The author views fairness & justice as forms of substituting democratic decision making in multicultural communities. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the relationship among atomism, pluralism, & democracy from the standpoint of contemporary Rawlsian & Kafkian theory of justice. The author views fairness & justice as forms of substituting democratic decision making in multicultural communities. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the usefulness of the theoretical concepts that have popped up in the riveting perennial debate between liberals & multiculturalists that revolves around the states of the developed liberal democracy. The question is: how enlightening the theoretical categories of the Anglo-Saxon tradition are for us, & can the solutions from that tradition serve as a guideline in a transitional country such as Croatia. The argument unravels in three steps. In the first two parts the author presents some of the key theoretical concepts by outlining the discussions by Iris M. Young & Brian Barry, & in the third he challenges their usability. The author points out the theoretical as well as the practical-political problems stemming from the politicization of culture. References. Adapted from the source document.