Suchergebnisse

Varnost cestnega prometa najpogosteje povezujemo s številom prometnih nesreč in mrtvimi v prometnih nesrečah. Po statističnih podatkih Policije predstavlja vožnja pod vplivom alkohola enega izmed najpomembnejših dejavnikov za nastanek prometnih nesreč. V Sloveniji število povzročiteljev prometnih nesreč, ki so pod vplivom alkohola, sorazmerno pada z zmanjševanjem števila prometnih nesreč. V nalogi je prikazana prometna varnost ter socialna stališča ljudi do prometne varnosti v Evropi in Sloveniji. Podrobneje je analizirana prometna varnost na območju Policijske uprave Maribor v letih 2008–2012, s poudarkom na vplivu alkohola na varnost v cestnem prometu. Spremembe prometne zakonodaje in uvedba ukrepov na področju zmanjšanja rabe alkohola pripomorejo k zmanjševanju števila prometnih nesreč, ki jih povzročijo povzročitelji pod vplivom alkohola. V prihodnje je potrebno spodbujanje udeležencev v prometu k odgovornejšemu ravnanju in vedenju, oblikovanju zavesti o prometni varnosti in spoštovanju zakonodajnih predpisov, da bi se zagotovila večja prometna varnost cestnega prometa. ; Road traffic safety is most commonly related to the number of accidents and deaths in traffic accidents. Statistical data collected by the police show that driving under the influence of alcohol is one of the most important factors for the occurrence of traffic accidents. In Slovenia, the number of accidents caused by drivers under the influence of alcohol decreases proportionally to the decreasing number of traffic accidents. The study presents traffic safety and people's social perception about road transport safety in Europe and in Slovenia. More detailed analysis of transportation security highlighting the impact of alcohol on road traffic safety is given for the area within the Police Administration Maribor during the years 2008–2012. Modifications of traffic regulation and the implementation of measures to reduce usage of alcohol are assisting to lower the number of traffic accidents caused by alcohols intoxicated drivers. To assure better road transportation safety in the future, the encouragement of all road traffic participants to act responsibly, to be aware of traffic safety guidelines and to obey traffic regulation is necessary.

Trženjsko-komunikacijska orodja v interak-tivnem okolju niso več pod polnim nadzorom tržni-kov, zato je pomembno poznati njihov vpliv na proces ustvarjanja premoženja blagovne znamke. V članku pod drobnogled vzamemo vpliv spletnega trženja od ust do ust in televizijskega oglaševanja na posamezne dimenzije premoženja blagovne znamke v očeh porab-nikov in ga preverjamo na vzorcu slovenskih porab-nikov. Raziskava potrjuje pomembno vlogo obeh vrst orodij, a tudi opozarja na previdnost pri naslavljanju posameznih dimenzij premoženja blagovne znamke. Rezultati pritrjujejo nadgradnji tradicionalnih trženj-sko-komunikacijskih orodij z interaktivnimi orodji, ki običajno vključujejo porabnike in jih spodbujajo k soustvarjanju blagovne znamke, vendar ne na račun zanemarjanja tradicionalnega oglaševanja. Ključni pojmi: trženjsko komuniciranje, spletno trženje od ust do ust, televizijsko oglaševanje, premoženje bla-govne znamke v očeh porabnikov

Povzetek. Prvine obramboslovne politologije so obstajale v slovenskem družboslovju še pred drugo svetovno
vojno in so se po njej razvijale predvsem v delih zgodovinarjev. Leta 1975 je z ustanovitvijo obramboslovne
katedre na predhodnici današnje FDV prišlo do institucionalizacije obramboslovja kot akademske discipline.
Obramboslovna veja politologije se je odtlej razvijala
ob prepletanju z drugimi družboslovnimi disciplinami,
pod vplivom bolj razvitega zahodnega obramboslovja
in politologije ter sodelovanja v mednarodnih strokovnih združenjih in do leta 1991 v jugoslovanskem okviru.
Tesno je bila in ostaja povezana s pedagoško in znanstvenoraziskovalno dejavnostjo Obramboslovnega raziskovalnega centra na FDV in je tvorno prispevala k
razvoju slovenske politologije in demokratične politične
kulture v Sloveniji.
Ključni pojmi: obramboslovje, politologija, Slovenija

Povzetek. V članku predstavljava razširjenost obremenjujočih in pozitivnih izkušenj v otroštvu (OIO in PIO) na panelnem (pod)vzorcu 18- do 30-letnikov/-ic v Sloveniji ter njihovo povezanost s samoocenjenim šolskim uspehom. Skoraj petina 18- do 30-letnikov iz prve slovenske OIO-raziskave je poročala o podpovprečnem šolskem uspehu do 18. leta starosti. Skladno s predhodnimi študijami so o takem uspehu pogosteje poročali tisti, ki so doživeli večje število OIO, pa tudi tisti z manjšim številom PIO. Rezultati kažejo, da PIO zmanjšujejo tveganje za slabši šolski uspeh tudi ob sočasni prisotnosti OIO ter blažijo učinek OIO na slabši šolski uspeh. Članek opozarja na nujnost ozaveščanja šolskih strokovnih delavcev o psihološki travmi, pa tudi o oblikovanju politik, programov in praks, ki bi travmo v šolskem kontekstu eksplicitno in sistematično naslovili. Ključni pojmi: obremenjujoče izkušnje v otroštvu, travmatične izkušnje, pozitivne izkušnje v otroštvu, šolski uspeh, šole, utemeljene na razumevanju travme

V članku ugotavljamo, kako se prostorske vrednote prek aktivne vloge kraja, neformalnega druž-benega in političnega nadzora ter drugih značilnosti teritorialno-kulturnega okolja povezujejo s političnimi preferencami in prostorskim sistemom Slovenije. Članek se opira na geoprostorsko analizo volilnega vedenja na osmih zaporednih državnozborskih volitvah v obdob-ju 1996–2022, v kateri so volilni izidi opazovani skozi delitev med urbanim in ruralnim, natančneje skozi tip naselja glede na stopnjo urbaniziranosti in indeks fra-gmentiranosti. Rezultati so po eni strani pokazali, da so volilna telesa slovenskih političnih strank razmeroma heterogena, kar prispeva k ideji postopnega razvoja vse bolj raznolikih življenjskih stilov, načinov bivanja in splošnega funkcionalnega mešanja urbanih in pode-želskih območij. Po drugi strani pa rezultati kažejo, da je delitev na bolj levo usmerjena urbana in bolj desno usmerjena podeželska območja zelo zakoreninjena, da ob določenih nihanjih vztraja in se skozi politične dis-kurze napaja z elementi lokalizma.Ključni pojmi: prostorske vrednote, kraj, družbeni in politični nadzor, urbanizacija, mesto, podeželje, politič-ni razcep, lokalizem

V članku predstavljava razširjenost obre-
menjujočih in pozitivnih izkušenj v otroštvu (OIO in
PIO) na panelnem (pod)vzorcu 18- do 30-letnikov/-ic v
Sloveniji ter njihovo povezanost s samoocenjenim šol-
skim uspehom. Skoraj petina 18- do 30-letnikov iz prve
slovenske OIO-raziskave je poročala o podpovprečnem
šolskem uspehu do 18. leta starosti. Skladno s predhodni-
mi študijami so o takem uspehu pogosteje poročali tisti, ki
so doživeli večje število OIO, pa tudi tisti z manjšim števi-
lom PIO. Rezultati kažejo, da PIO zmanjšujejo tveganje
za slabši šolski uspeh tudi ob sočasni prisotnosti OIO ter
blažijo učinek OIO na slabši šolski uspeh. Članek opozar-
ja na nujnost ozaveščanja šolskih strokovnih delavcev o
psihološki travmi, pa tudi o oblikovanju politik, progra-
mov in praks, ki bi travmo v šolskem kontekstu eksplici-
tno in sistematično naslovili.
Ključni pojmi: obremenjujoče izkušnje v otroštvu, trav-
matične izkušnje, pozitivne izkušnje v otroštvu, šolski
uspeh, šole, utemeljene na razumevanju travme

Tale Zbornik prispevkov je večinoma nasledek vsakoletne prireditve v režiji Sinagoge Maribor, ki poteka že več let na dan spomina na holokavst pod naslovom Šoa - spominjajmo se. Vsako leto ta dogodek, enodnevni znanstveni posvet, prinese toliko novega gradiva, spoznanj in sintez, da lahko brez pretiravanja rečemo: čeprav so slovenske judovske študije in študije holokavsta močno finančno podhranjene in v nacionalni shemi financiranja temeljnega raziskovanja komajda tu pa tam pridobijo kak skromen projekt, so prav te študije v Sloveniji med najbolj propulzivnimi. ; Ovaj zbornik radova je najvećim delom rezultat godišnje manifestacije u organizaciji mariborske sinagoge, koja se već nekoliko godina održava na Dan sećanja na Holokaust pod nazivom Šoa - da se setimo. Svake godine, ovaj događaj, jednodnevna naučna konferencija, donosi toliko novog materijala, znanja i sinteze da možemo reći bez preterivanja: iako su slovenačke studije Jevreja i Holokausta ozbiljno finansijski nedovoljno finansirane, a nacionalna šema finansiranja osnovnih istraživanja jedva da postoji, ovaj, iako skroman projekat, jedan je od najzahtevnijih studija u Sloveniji. ; Although the Slovenian Jewish and Holocaust studies which have successfully consolidated during the past decade and a half does not enjoy any systematic support and financing from the part of the Slovenian state, they are nevertheless one of the most propulsive fields of scientific inquiry, with a proliferation of seminal publications. The yearly "Shoah - Let Us Remember" symposium organised by Synagogue Maribor as a central part of the commemorations of the Holocaust Remembrance Day regularly brings to light a wealth of new data, insights and syntheses. The reasons for such flourishing of the Slovenian Jewish and Holocaust studies are perhaps twofold: one, there exists a growing understanding especially among the engaged intellectuals in the social sciences and historiography that Slovenia has yet to embark on, and conclude the process of de-Fascistisation, the process that was nowhere in the western world a particularly swift or immediate one. Two, there exists a growing public awareness that history tends to repeat itself in a cyclic fashion and that the collapse of social and economic structures and the sharp decline of democratic principles such as we have witnessed especially since the 2008 world financial crisis bear striking resemblances to the circumstances that existed in the pre-WWII world, and that caused an unheard of genocide and global war. This volume is yet another in the series of very poignant publications on the Holocaust in Slovenia. It is especially commendable that the authors have taken a decisive step into studying the genocide perpetrated on the Romany who was, next to the Jews, principal victims of systematic Nazi extermination policies. Most appropriately, the volume also examines the more exceptional fates of the Jews who were veteran officers of WWII in the Austro-Hungarian armada, and a portrait of Slovenian resistance fighter Ali Kardoš. Two portraits of Slovenian "Righteous Among the Nations", customs officer Uroš Žun and Catholic priest Andrej Tumpej, complement these historical portraits. All these histories are cast against the backdrop of a huge, tragic canvas of Jewish refugees who have, following the Anschluss of Austria in 1938, flooded Europe, ex-Yugoslavia as well, in their frantic search of an exit from "mousetrap Europe". ; Zbornik je pripremljen u okviru projekta Šoa - da se setimo 2012/2013, koji je finansijski podržala Međunarodna alijansa za sećanje na holokaust (IHRA). Objavljivanje zbornika sufinansirala je Opština Maribor (the collection was prepared as part of the Shoah project - let's remember 2012/2013 financially supported by the International Holocaust Remembrance Association (IHRA) Holocaust Remembrance Alliance. The publication of the proceedings was co-financed by the City Municipality Maribor).

Spoštljivost v komuniciranju je eden izmed ključnih elementov deliberativnosti in predpogoj za razvoj kakovostne razprave. Še posebej zanimivo je raziskovanje le-te v interaktivnih komunikacijskih prostorih na internetu, kot so spletni forumi. Pripisuje se jim namreč velik potencial za razvoj kritičnih, racionalnih in argumentativnih razprav. Vendar pa je v raziskovanju pojma spoštljivosti prisotne veliko konceptualne in empirične nejasnosti, neskladnosti in problematičnosti. Analize pogovorov v spletnih forumih med drugim kažejo, da udeležencem ne uspe zagotoviti medsebojne spoštljivosti. Osrednji namen magistrskega dela je proučiti komunikacijski vidik spoštljivosti v razpravah, s poudarkom na pogovorih v spletnih forumih. Glavna predpostavka je, da je kljub potencialom spletnih forumov za razvoj deliberativnih razprav in posledično medsebojne spoštljivosti v teh prostorih stopnja spoštljivosti (še vedno) nizka. To tezo preverjam skozi teoretske razprave in v metodološkem delu s kvalitativno vsebinsko analizo debate v spletnem forumu Pred domačim pragom (ki spada pod forume RTV Slovenija), kjer uporabniki foruma razpravljajo o političnih strankah Republike Slovenije, ki bodo sodelovale v parlamentarnih volitvah junija 2018. Analiza kaže nizko stopnjo spoštljivosti in visoko stopnjo uporabe nespoštljivih izjav v razpravi, kar potrjuje mojo predpostavko in med drugim odpira različne predloge za nadaljnje raziskovanje. ; Respect in communication is one of the key elements of good deliberation and a prerequisite for developing a quality debate. It is particularly interesting to explore this phenomenon in interactive communication spaces on the Internet, such as online forums, to which great potential for the development of critical, rational and argumentative debate has been ascribed. However, there are many conceptual and empirical ambiguities, inconsistencies and problems in researching the notion of respect. Analyses of conversations in online forums show, among other things, that participants fail to achieve mutual respect. The main purpose of master's thesis is to study the communication aspect of respect in discussions, with emphasis on conversations in online forums. The main premise is that despite the potential of online forums to develop deliberative discussions and, consequently, mutual respect, the degree of respect is (still) low. I am ewxamining this assumption through theoretical discussions and, in methodological work, through a qualitative content analysis of the debate in one of the online forums of RTV Slovenia, where the users of the forum discuss the political parties of the Republic of Slovenia, that will take part in the June parliamentary elections. The analysis shows a low degree of respect and a high degree of use of disrespectful statements in the debate, which confirms my assumption and, among other things, opens up various ideas for further research.

Magistrsko delo analizira delovanje male države, ko je ta na čelu Organizacije za varnost in sodelovanje v Evropi (OVSE), v okviru enega od glavnih področij delovanja institucije – upravljanja in preprečevanja konfliktov. Analizira, kako lahko mala država s pametno uporabo svoje mehke moči deluje kot agent preventivne diplomacije in s katerimi ovirami se pri tem srečuje. Magistrsko delo kot študijo primera obravnava krizo v Kirgiziji leta 2005, ki sovpada s predsedovanjem Slovenije OVSE. Delo pokaže, da ima mala država ravno zaradi svojih specifičnih lastnosti primerjalne prednosti pri delovanju v okviru preventivne diplomacije, saj jo druge države pogosto dojemajo kot razmeroma nepristranskega akterja, ki se v reševanje krize ne vpleta aktivno zato, da bi zasledoval (ozko definirane) nacionalne interese, kar je pogost očitek velikim državam. Prav tako se pokaže, da je zaslomba, ki jo mali državi daje institucija (v našem primeru OVSE), lahko ključnega pomena, saj se mali državi pod okriljem institucije s tem krepi legitimnost. Analiza delovanja Slovenije v primeru krize v Kirgiziji še pokaže, da je ena od glavnih nalog male države kot predsedujoče mednarodni instituciji skupnostno delovanje, ki mora upoštevati pravila odločevalskega procesa, obenem pa ravno skupnostno delovanje prinaša mali državi možnost, da se v mednarodnem okolju izkaže kot zanesljiv partner in deluje kot most med različnimi interesi. S tem krepi svoj mednarodni ugled in posledično svojo mehko moč. ; The thesis analyses activities of small states (focusing on Slovenia) during their Chairmanship of Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), in the field of conflict management and conflict prevention as one of the main areas of the OSCE. It analyses how a small country can put its soft power to smart use and act as an agent of preventive diplomacy and what the main obstacles for its activities are. The thesis deals with a case-study of the Kyrgyz revolution in 2005, which coincided with Slovenia's Charimanship of the OSCE. The thesis shows that a small country's specific characteristics bring comparative advantages in preventive diplomacy, because small countries do not engage actively in crisis resolution in pursuit of their (narrowly defined) national interests as it is often associated with big states. It also shows that organizational backing (in our case the OSCE's) is vital for small states, because it provides legitimacy. With the analysis of Slovenia's Chairmanship, the thesis shows that one of the main tasks for a small country, chairing an international institution, is a community action with an emphasis on the decision-making process. A successful community action brings about opportunities for a small country to prove itself in an international environment and to act as a bridge builder between different interests. With this, the small country can strengthen its international reputation and its soft power.

Poljska predstavlja trg s skoraj štiridesetimi milijoni prebivalcev. Gre hkrati za državo izjemne geografske lege, zaradi česar je bilo to ozemlje v zgodovini predmet številnih vojn in konfliktov. V današnjem času pomeni ta lega predvsem prednost. Ima namreč neposreden dostop in možnost gospodarskega sodelovanja s številnimi gospodarsko ter tudi inovacijsko pomembnimi in uspešnimi državami. Inovativnost v podjetništvu se je posebej v zadnjih nekaj letih pokazala kot izjemna konkurenčna prednost. Postala je skoraj nuja, če želi podjetje rasti in se razvijati. Poljska se tega sicer zaveda, vendar v preteklosti njena inovacijska politika ni pokazala vidnejših pozitivnih učinkov. Ob pregledu dimenzij inovativnosti na Poljskem smo ugotovili, da so glede uspešnosti daleč pod povprečjem Evropske unije skoraj v vseh obravnavanih vidikih. Ugotovili smo, da bo morala država v prihodnosti storiti še veliko več, če želi izboljšati inovacijsko uspešnost. Država si je sicer skupaj z Evropsko unijo zastavila ambiciozne cilje in tudi konkretne ukrepe za izboljšanje stanja inovativnosti in nasploh gospodarske uspešnosti države. Lahko le upamo, da bodo tem ciljem aktivno sledili, saj iz izkušenj iz preteklosti vidimo, da ni bilo vedno tako. Če bi državi uspelo pri podjetjih vzbuditi pomen inovativne kulture, potem verjamemo, da bi se inovacijska uspešnost Poljske izboljšala. ; Poland represents a market of almost forty million inhabitants. It is also the country with exceptional geographical location and therefore in the history this territory was a place of numerous wars and conflicts. Nowadays its location is of foremost advantage. It has direct access and the possibility of economic cooperation with a number of economically and innovatively important countries. Innovativeness in entrepreneurship has been shown as a remarkable competitive advantage especially in the last few years. It has become almost a necessity if a company wants to grow and develop. Poland is aware of this, but in the past its innovation policy did not show big positive effects. When reviewing the dimensions of innovativeness in Poland we found that they are far below the European Union average in performance in almost all addressed viewpoints. We found that the state should do more in the future, if they want to improve innovation performance. The country, in cooperation with the European Union, has made ambitious goals as well as concrete measures to improve the state of innovativeness and economic performance generally. We can only hope that they will actively pursue these goals, because from the past experiences of this country we know that it was not always like that. If the country would like to be successful with its enterprises and increase the importance of an innovative culture, then we believe that the innovation performance of Poland can be improved.

Evropska unija (EU) je Bosni in Hercegovini (BiH) obljubila podpis stabilizacijsko-pridružitvenega sporazuma pod pogojem, da BiH prestrukturira svoj razdrobljen policijski sistem po treh načelih EU, ki predvidevajo centralizirano in enotno policijo. Ker pa policije v različnih državah članicah EU niso vedno centralizirane, so lokalni akterji izkoristili argument neenotnih standardov pri upravičevanju odpora do predvidene reforme. V magistrskem delu raziskujem razsežnosti učinkov, ki jih ima odsotnost skupnega normativnega okvira na prizadevanja mednarodne organizacije po prenosu norm v tretje države. Raziskava temelji na preseku teoretskih sklopov reforme varnostnega sektorja¬ ter prenosa norm ; skozi to prizmo analiziram pristop EU k reformi varnostnega sektorja ter študijo primera reforme policije v BiH, z modelom zunanjih spodbud pa učinke neenotnih standardov v državah članicah EU na to reformo. Foucaultovski pristop k fenomenu prenosa norm omogoča, da proces pogojevanja razumemo kot dinamično in kompleksno razmerje moči med EU in lokalnimi akterji. Ugotavljam, da lahko odpor lokalnih akterjev do prenosa norm resno ošibi moč EU, kadar ta ne temelji na močnih normativnih temeljih. V primeru reforme policije v BiH je visoki predstavnik za BiH, avtor treh načel EU, zanemaril, da EU pri svojem zunanjem delovanju nastopa kot normativna moč. Ob odsotnosti normativnega okvirja, torej odsotnosti enotnih standardov na področju policije, pa je bila moč EU ohromljena, posledica tega pa je bila neuspešna reforma policije v BiH. ; The reform of a fragmented police system according to three European Union (EU) principles, which foresee a centralized and unified police force, was set as a condition by the EU to sign the Stabilization and Association Agreement with Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). However, as the police in the different EU Member States are not always centralized, local actors have used the argument of divergent standards to justify their resistance to the envisaged reform. This Master's thesis effects of the absence of a common normative framework within an international organization on the norm diffusion to a third country. The research is based on the convergence of theories dealing with security sector reform and norm transfer. Through such a lens, I analyse the EU approach to security sector reform and contextualise it via the study of police reform in BiH. The Foucault's approach to norm transfer understands the process of conditionality as a dynamic and complex power relation between the EU and local actors. Findings show that genuine resistance from local actors can seriously undermine the EU's normative power when the latter is not based on strong normative foundations. In the case of police reform in BiH, the author of the three EU principles – the High Representative for BiH – neglected the EU's role of normative power in its external action. The absence of a normative framework, in this case, the absence of harmonized standards regarding policing undermined the power of the EU and resulted in the failure of police reform in BiH.

Visoka kakovost upravljanja storitev v posamezni občini pomeni zagotavljanje kakovostnega življenjskega okolja za bivanje. Namen naloge je obravnavati kakovost upravljanja v slovenskih občinah in s pomočjo statistične analize ugotoviti morebitno povezanost z indikatorji uspešnosti občin. V okviru raziskovalne naloge sem opravila anketno raziskavo o kakovosti upravljanja v 31 občinah v Sloveniji. Preverjala sem tri javne storitve: izobraževanje, zdravstvo in redarstvo v primerjavi s kakovostjo, nepristranostjo in korupcijo teh storitev. Naredila sem analizo povezanosti kakovosti upravljanja v občinah z indikatorji uspešnosti občin in pri tem uporabila kot statistično metodo za obdelavo podatkov standardizacijo, metodo rangov in Pearsonov koeficient korelacije. Najpomembnejša ugotovitev raziskovalne naloge je, da so občine iz osrednjeslovenske regije dosegle najboljše rezultate v kakovosti raziskovanih storitev in tudi, da je kakovost upravljanja povezana z indikatorji uspešnosti občin. Dobljeni rezultati kažejo na to, da obstajajo velike razlike glede kakovosti upravljanja znotraj države. Več kot polovica obravnavanih občin ima kakovost upravljanja na področjih izobraževanja, zdravstva in redarstva pod povprečjem. Analiza povezanosti kakovosti upravljanja z indikatorji uspešnosti občine je pokazala, da občine, ki so imele visoko kakovost upravljanja, so imele tudi najboljše vrednosti indikatorjev uspešnosti. Moja analiza lahko služi vsaki obravnavani občini za pregled stanja kakovosti storitev na področju izobraževanja, zdravstva in redarstva in pojasnilo kje iskati vzroke za takšne rezultate. ; High quality of service governance in single municipality means providing a quality living environment. The purpose of the research study is to address the quality of governance in slovenian municipalities and to identify, through statistical analysis, a possible connection with the performance indicators of municipalities. As part of the research study, I conducted a survey on the quality of governance in 31 municipalities in Slovenia. I checked three public services: education, health and city constabulary in comparision with the quality, impartiality and corruption of these services. I made an analysis of the correlation between the quality of governance in municipalities with the performance indicators of municipalities. I used as a statistical method for data processing standardization, ranking method and Pearson coefficient of correlation. The most important finding of the research paper is that municipalities from the central slovenian region have achieved the best results in the quality of the services explored, and also that the quality of governance is related to the indicators of the performance of municipalities. The results obtained show that there are big differences in the quality of governance within the country. More than half of the municipalities discussed have the quality of governance in the fields of education, health and city constabulary, below average. The analysis of the connection between the quality of governance and the performance indicators of municipalities showed that municipalities that had high quality governance also had the best values of performance indicators. My analysis can serve every municipality to review the situation of the quality of services in the fields of education, health and city constabulary, and an explanation of where to find the reasons for such results.

We find ourselves in a time that has brought significant changes to the way we communicate. The technological progress and rise of social media have shaped both the news media and the contemporary political landscape, impacting and altering political discourse. As a result, the role of social media in political communication has become pervasive, and politicians now tend to communicate more directly with the public without the intermediary of traditional media. The position of the mainstream media as a neutral actor in reporting the news has also been tainted as the media has become increasingly dependent on advertising and thus more vulnerable to the pressures of corporate or state sponsors. Combined, we find ourselves situated in an era where more people are turning to social media for their news, while terms such as disinformation, fake news, post-truth, hate speech and conspiracy theory have become commonplace. In this new public square of communication, it often happens that one person's conspiracy theory is another person's truth, one person's facts are another's fake news, and one person's hate speech is someone else's freedom of speech. ; We find ourselves in a time that has brought significant changes to the way we communicate. The technological progress and rise of social media have shaped both the news media and the contemporary political landscape, impacting and altering political discourse. As a result, the role of social media in political communication has become pervasive, and politicians now tend to communicate more directly with the public without the intermediary of traditional media. The position of the mainstream media as a neutral actor in reporting the news has also been tainted as the media has become increasingly dependent on advertising and thus more vulnerable to the pressures of corporate or state sponsors. Combined, we find ourselves situated in an era where more people are turning to social media for their news, while terms such as disinformation, fake news, post-truth, hate speech and conspiracy theory have become commonplace. In this new public square of communication, it often happens that one person's conspiracy theory is another person's truth, one person's facts are another's fake news, and one person's hate speech is someone else's freedom of speech. ; We find ourselves in a time that has brought significant changes to the way we communicate. The technological progress and rise of social media have shaped both the news media and the contemporary political landscape, impacting and altering political discourse. As a result, the role of social media in political communication has become pervasive, and politicians now tend to communicate more directly with the public without the intermediary of traditional media. The position of the mainstream media as a neutral actor in reporting the news has also been tainted as the media has become increasingly dependent on advertising and thus more vulnerable to the pressures of corporate or state sponsors. Combined, we find ourselves situated in an era where more people are turning to social media for their news, while terms such as disinformation, fake news, post-truth, hate speech and conspiracy theory have become commonplace. In this new public square of communication, it often happens that one person's conspiracy theory is another person's truth, one person's facts are another's fake news, and one person's hate speech is someone else's freedom of speech. ; We find ourselves in a time that has brought significant changes to the way we communicate. The technological progress and rise of social media have shaped both the news media and the contemporary political landscape, impacting and altering political discourse. As a result, the role of social media in political communication has become pervasive, and politicians now tend to communicate more directly with the public without the intermediary of traditional media. The position of the mainstream media as a neutral actor in reporting the news has also been tainted as the media has become increasingly dependent on advertising and thus more vulnerable to the pressures of corporate or state sponsors. Combined, we find ourselves situated in an era where more people are turning to social media for their news, while terms such as disinformation, fake news, post-truth, hate speech and conspiracy theory have become commonplace. In this new public square of communication, it often happens that one person's conspiracy theory is another person's truth, one person's facts are another's fake news, and one person's hate speech is someone else's freedom of speech. ; We find ourselves in a time that has brought significant changes to the way we communicate. The technological progress and rise of social media have shaped both the news media and the contemporary political landscape, impacting and altering political discourse. As a result, the role of social media in political communication has become pervasive, and politicians now tend to communicate more directly with the public without the intermediary of traditional media. The position of the mainstream media as a neutral actor in reporting the news has also been tainted as the media has become increasingly dependent on advertising and thus more vulnerable to the pressures of corporate or state sponsors. Combined, we find ourselves situated in an era where more people are turning to social media for their news, while terms such as disinformation, fake news, post-truth, hate speech and conspiracy theory have become commonplace. In this new public square of communication, it often happens that one person's conspiracy theory is another person's truth, one person's facts are another's fake news, and one person's hate speech is someone else's freedom of speech. ; Današnji čas je prinesel pomembne spremembe v načinu, kako komuniciramo drug z drugim. Tehnološki napredek in razmah družbenih medijev sta vplivala tako na informativne medije kot na sodobni politični prostor, kar ima pomembne posledice za politični govor. Vloga družbenih medijev v politični komunikaciji se je povečala, saj politiki čedalje bolj neposredno komunicirajo z javnostjo brez posredništva tradicionalnih medijev. Poleg tega je čedalje bolj pod vprašajem nevtralnost osrednjih medijev pri poročanju, saj so vedno bolj odvisni od oglaševanja in tako pod posrednim ali neposrednim vplivom različnih korporativnih ali državnih sponzorjev. Tako smo se znašli v času, ko vse več ljudi informacije pridobi v družbenih medijih, medtem ko so izrazi dezinformacija, lažne novice, postresničnost, sovražni govor in teorije zarote postali vsakdanji del govora. V novem javnem prostoru komunikacije se pogosto zgodi, da je to, kar kdo dojema kot teorijo zarote, za koga drugega resničnost, da so to, kar kdo dojema kot dejstva, za koga drugega lažne novice, in da je to, kar kdo dojema kot sovražni govor, za koga drugega svoboda govora.

Magistrska naloga je posvečena poglobljeni obravnavi evropskih vrednot. Vrednote demokracije, pravne države in svobode na samem začetku evropske integracije niso bile popolnoma pozabljene, niso pa tudi zavzemale osrednjega mesta v razpravah o evropski unifikaciji. Večja pozornost jim je bila posvečena šele v devetdesetih letih, ko jih prvič posredno zasledimo v členu F Maastrichtske pogodbe in nekoliko kasneje v 6. členu Amsterdamske pogodbe. Svoboda, demokracija, vladavina prava in človekove pravice so bile sprva omenjene kot načela Evropske unije in so bile šele z novo terminologijo v 2. členu Lizbonske pogodbe (PEU-Liz) preimenovane v vrednote Evropske unije. V okviru naloge sem raziskala, v katerih evropskih dokumentih zasledimo omembo vrednot, kako so se te vrednote skozi čas razvijale in kakšen je njihov pomen v evropskem prostoru. Nadalje sem vrednote, zapisane v 2. členu PEU-Liz, nekoliko bolj podrobno razčlenila, pri tem pa nisem pozabila tudi na vrednoto miru, ki sicer ni našteta med vrednotami 2. člena, a predstavlja temelj evropskega povezovanja, brez katerega nadaljnji razvoj evropskih vrednot ne bi bil možen. Na koncu sem se poglobila še v zunanjo politiko Evropske unije in preučila, kako evropske vrednote učinkujejo v razmerju s tretjimi državami, ki niso članice Evropske unije. Analizirala sem tako pozitivno kot negativno plat širjena evropskih vrednot pod okriljem univerzalnosti in v tem kontekstu ovrednotila različne teorije o razvoju evropskih vrednot preko skupne in zunanje politike EU. ; This master's thesis is dedicated to an in-depth examination of European values. At the beginning of the European integration, values of democracy, the rule of law and liberty were not completely forgotten, but neither did they occupy a prominent position in discussions on European unification. More attention was paid to them later in the 1990s, firstly indirectly acknowledged in Article F of the Maastricht Treaty and later in Article 6 of the Amsterdam Treaty. Freedom, democracy, the rule of law and human rights were originally referred to as the principles of the European Union and were renamed as values only later in the new terminology of Article 2 of the Treaty of Lisbon (TEU-Liz). As part of my assignment, I reviewed in which European documents we can find the notion of values, how they evolved over time and what is their special significance in the European area. Furthermore, I comprehensively analysed the values laid down in Article 2 of the TEU-Liz, among which I also mentioned the value of peace which, incidentally, is not mentioned in Article 2, but represents the foundation of European integration without which further advancement of European values would not be possible. Finally, I expanded my research into the area of EU common foreign and security policy, where I investigated the impact of proliferation of European values in relation to third countries, states which are not members of the European Union. I analysed positive as well as negative aspects of the spread of European values under the auspices of universality and in this context, I examined the various theories regarding the expansion of European values through EU's common foreign and security policy.