Suchergebnisse

This articleanalyzesthe 'educational experience' of JoséVeríssimoassociated with 'marginalization' and political 'engagement' in the province of Pará. In the context of political polarization between imperial tradition and scientific politics, the competition for the French chair of the Lyceum of Paraense took place (1881) and the Paraense Society Promoting Education (1883-1884) emerged. I consider that the disqualification in the contest was a way of marginalizing the prestigious professional positions and finding about the decay of imperial institutions – knowing the 'knowledge of power' – allowing the engagement in society – promoting the 'knowledge is power' –, while appropriate the Generation 1870 political-cultural practices of contesting the status quosaquaremain the Amazonian context. ; Este artículo analiza la 'experiencia educativa' de JoséVeríssimoasociada con la 'marginación' y el 'compromiso' político en la Provincia de Pará. En el contexto de la polarización política entre la tradición imperial y la política científica, tuvo lugar la competencia por la cátedra francesa del Liceo Paraense (1881) y surgió la Sociedad Promotora de la Educación Paraense (1883-1884). Considero que la descalificación en el concurso fue una forma de marginar las prestigiosas posiciones profesionales y descubrir la decadencia de las instituciones imperiales – conocer el 'conocimiento del poder' –, permitir la participación en la Sociedad – promover el 'conocimiento es poder' –, mientras que apropiarse de las prácticas político-culturales de la Generación 1870 de impugnar elstatusquosaquaremaen el contexto amazónico. ; Este artigo analisa a 'experiência educativa' de José Veríssimo associada à 'marginalização' e ao 'engajamento' político na província do Pará. No contexto de polarização política entre tradição imperial e política científica, ocorreu o concurso para a cadeira de francês do Liceu Paraense (1881) e emergiu a Sociedade Paraense Promotora da Instrução (1883-1884). Considero que a desclassificação no concurso foi uma forma de marginalização das posições profissionais prestigiadas e constatação a respeito da 'decadência' das instituições imperiais – conhecendo o 'saber do poder' –, permitindo o engajamento na Sociedade – promovendo o 'saber é poder' –, ao se apropriar das práticas político-culturais da Geração 1870 de contestação do status quo saquarema no contexto amazônico.

This paper sought to analyze the power dynamics that govern bodies and conduct among practitioners of erotic BDSM. It adopts a Foucauldian perspective in order to anchor the analysis of fetishistic practices under the fulcrum of power games and relationships. The method adopted involved observations and interviews, and keeping a field diary. Analysis of the research corpus was based on a Foucauldian enunciative approach used to highlight a list of utterances, practices, and rules of conduct that are linked to a dense network of power relationships between practitioners. In conclusion, we question the degree of rupture from and reproduction of the hegemonic sexual matrix that is experienced by practitioners. We also point out the importance for organizational studies of undertaking studies into the multiplicity of dissident sexualities in their political struggle and resistance process. ; Este trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar cómo se configuran las relaciones de poder que rigen los cuerpos y comportamientos entre los practicantes del BDSM erótico. Adopta una perspectiva foucaultiana, buscando anclar el análisis de las prácticas fetichistas bajo el fulcro de los juegos y las relaciones de poder. Metodológicamente, se realizaron observaciones, entrevistas y un diario de campo. El análisis del corpus de investigación se basó en el análisis enunciativo foucaultiano, mostrando un listado de enunciados, prácticas y reglas de conducta que se articulan en una densa red de relaciones de poder entre sujetos practicantes. A modo de conclusión, se discute el grado de ruptura y reproducción de la matriz sexual hegemónica que experimentan los practicantes. Además, destaca la importancia de que los Estudios Organizacionales abarquen estudios sobre la multiplicidad de sexualidades disidentes, en su proceso de lucha y resistencia. ; Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar como se configuram as relações de poder que regem corpos e condutas entre praticantes do BDSM erótico. Adota uma perspectiva foucaultiana, buscando ancorar ...

My aim with this text is to offer an analysis of the concept of violence in Hegel's philosophy. This concept is far from being unambiguous and is not a central topic in Hegel's thought. Nevertheless, although its apparent problematic and secondary role, I believe this concept can help us to tackle two blind spots of Hegel's philosophy: 1) a time previous to the foundation of the State and 2) the postrevolutionary future, that is, the contradictions emerging from modern civil society, which tend to generate potentially violent state of marginalization. While the first includes the problem of the conceptual relation between our concept and the concept of power, the second shows that there is a challenging bound between violence and poverty. Our departing point are several uncomfortable questions such as: Is violence a previous, necessary moment of power? Is the irrational the ground of the rational order of the State? Can violence contribute to the realization of a political, objective order?

p. 1521-1529 ; The world population is expanding exponentially, UN [13]; it is currently estimated that over 3 billion people now live in urban contexts; and this number is expected to swell to almost 5 billion by the year 2030. Many of these new urbanites are poor and live in slum environments. Warfare, loss of tribal lands, and the search for a better life, often driven by technology, is shifting human-kind from low-density indigenous rural settings to highdensity urban centers where new urbanites are often economically deprived and lack the basic essentials of life; food, water, sanitation and habitation, Kusa [9]. Modern society, in an era of dwindling fossil-fuel energy, is experiencing unprecedented pressure to adapt cities for accommodation of the impoverished with affordable sustainable habitation, Reuters[11]. Our recent research is focused on improved habitation for urban slum dwellers; we realize the complexity of the necessary political, legal, financial and infrastructure improvements that will be necessary pre-requisites to the realization of major urban design habitat projects. Encouragingly, world-wide, many non-profit organizations are making efforts to assist with this monumental problem of human habitation, often through financial donations or volunteer materials and labor for housing. Our research hypothesis is that technology, the "thing" often attributed as the culprit that has caused of much of the poverty and human deprivation in the modern world, can be part of the answer to global housing. We feel technology should, and will, be a major contributor to future resolutions to human inequality and affordable sustainable habitation in the 21st century. ; Barrow, L.; Alarayedh, S. (2010). Performance Pods - a shell spatial housing system. Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València. http://hdl.handle.net/10251/7152

This article presents a theoretical conceptualisation of the pervasiveness of mechanisms of economic and political power in modern media, as represented in José Ricardo Morales' play Cómo el poder de las noticias nos da noticias del poder (1971). This article focuses on two interconnected research questions: 1) What are the specific rhetorical strategies hybridising corporate-political discourse in the media that are represented by José Ricardo Morales in his play? 2) How do the rhetorical strategies and discourses represented in the play contribute to a new understanding of the impact of media intervention, both by corporate media and politicians, on audiences/readers today? This article critically analyses and discusses Morales's unique, oblique critical approach to the media, and the political and discursive challenges made in the play. These orientate contemporary sets of beliefs while re-signifying the material and symbolic configurations of the Western globalised social fabric. The analysis shows that the dramatic piece contains a predictive discourse in presenting the role of journalism, both defying national literary canons and anticipating several issues related to media intervention by corporate media and politicians in the 1970s, especially in the Chilean context.

El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo extraer dos sentidos del poder político dentro de la estructura constitucional de 1991, teniendo como eje central la relevancia del constituyente (potencia), a partir de ciertos elementos que configuran un sentido positivo del poder político como sentido primordial y fundamental para el Estado y la sociedad colombiana, sin dejar de reconocer la presencia del sentido dominante del poder como algo vigente y contrario a la esencia misma de la Constitución en términos reales. ; This paper aims to extract two senses of political power that operate within the Colombian Constitution of 1991, based on the importance of the constituent, drawing from certain elements that make up a positive sense of political power as the primary and fundamental sense for the state and society of Colombia, while recognizing that the dominant sense of power continues to prevail and is contrary to the very essence of the constitution in real terms.

Se discuten las posibilidades de la solidaridad económica como parte decisiva de un proyecto alternativo societal como el Buen Vivir, considerando la crisis contemporánea del patrón de poder capitalista, moderno/colonial. La (Des)Colonialidad del poder, plantea la necesidad de una ruptura epistemológica respecto a la forma en que el conocimiento científico liberal, en tanto una expresión de las relaciones de poder en la colonialidad-modernidad capitalista, ha impuesto una visión única, natural y homogénea de la vida social y de la economía. Por tanto, según la (Des)Colonialidad, Estado, democracia representativa, mercado, empresa capitalista, dinero, familia patriarcal, explotación de la naturaleza, explotación humana, conocimiento positivista y racionalista, entre otros, no son sino una manera de concebir la vida asociada a los intereses del capitalismo por dominar y explotar; una concepción basada en el eurocentrismo, en una manera distorsionada y distorsionante de explicar la realidad y sus posibilidades de transformación, que nos hace entender la vida social desde el espejo de Europa, tomándola como meta civilizatoria, tratando infructuosamente de repetir su recorrido histórico reproduciendo su racionalidad instrumental, su manera de conocer, sus instituciones, sus valores y normas y su imaginario. Dada la crisis mundial del trabajo asalariado, una ruptura epistemológica descolonial es imprescindible para pensar y practicar la emancipación de la humanidad y la naturaleza de la prisión eurocéntrica capitalista, y para tratar de ubicar la emergencia de la solidaridad económica en un sentido orientado al autogobierno, a la desmercantilización del trabajo, de la vida y de la naturaleza, y a la reciprocidad. Se requiere establecer que la economía se practica bajo diversas modalidades organizativas e impulsar relaciones sociales sujeto-sujeto, entre las personas y con la naturaleza, para satisfacer las necesidades básicas a partir de la producción, distribución y consumo de valores de uso, instituyendo relaciones solidarias dentro y entre las diversas fases de la economía.

Propuesta sometida por los Ciudadanos y Organizaciones Pro Reforma Legislativa y Constitucional-COPRELEC- a la Comisión de Reforma Legislativa de la Cámara de Representantes de Puerto Rico.

The understanding of the concept of power in the social sciences and in the field of mental health means adopting certain epistemological positions which are not always explicit. Gregory Bateson referred disparagingly to the indiscriminate use of the idea of power, considering it a metaphor based on a epistemological error. His criticism was directed primarily to the linear, essentialist and simplificante approach that has prevailed in multiple scientific trends. In this article I examine their arguments and propose a bailout of the idea of power that does not fall into the epistemological vices reported by Bateson. Thus I explore two proposals from different disciplinary sources and apparently disconnected: the systemic psychotherapeutic model (influenced by Batesonian theories) and political science research by Pilar Calveiro. In both cases, although separate paths, we arrive at an antiessentialist, recursive, dialectical, ecological and relational conception about power. Furthermore, interdisciplinary dialogue records it fertility.

Aquesta tesi doctoral ha estudiat les experiències i els discursos de dones que, trencant totes les expectatives sobre la seva classe i posició social, han arribat a ocupar alguns dels càrrecs més importants i representatius de la política colombiana, i les ha volgut mostrar com a actores, subjectes polítics que formen part d'un règim de poder que deixa fora de l'esfera de la presa de decisions a més de la meitat de la població i que estructura la manera en què aquestes dones s'identifiquen com a subjectes, com a dones i com a polítiques. ; Esta tesis doctoral ha estudiado las experiencias y los discursos de mujeres que, rompiendo todas las expectativas sobre su clase y posición social, han llegado a ocupar algunos de los cargos más importantes y representativos de la política colombiana, queriendo mostrarlas como actoras, sujetos políticos que forman parte de un régimen de poder que deja fuera de la esfera de la toma de decisiones a más de la mitad de la población y que estructura la manera en que estas mujeres se identifican como sujetos, como mujeres y como políticas. ; This thesis studied the experiences and discourses of women who, breaking all expectations about their class and social status, have achieved to occupy some of the most important and representative offices of Colombian politics. It also wanted to show them as actors, political subjects forming part of a system of power that moves more than half of the population outside from the sphere of decision-making and structures the way in which these women are identified as subjects, as women and policies.

This paper aims to extract two senses of political power that operate within the Colombian Constitution of 1991, based on the importance of the constituent, drawing from certain elements that make up a positive sense of political power as the primary and fundamental sense for the state and society of Colombia, while recognizing that the dominant sense of power continues to prevail and is contrary to the very essence of the constitution in real terms. ; El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo extraer dos sentidos del poder político dentro de la estructura constitucional de 1991, teniendo como eje central la relevancia del constituyente (potencia), a partir de ciertos elementos que configuran un sentido positivo del poder político como sentido primordial y fundamental para el Estado y la sociedad colombiana, sin dejar de reconocer la presencia del sentido dominante del poder como algo vigente y contrario a la esencia misma de la Constitución en términos reales.

El presente artículo constituye un recorrido sintético a la ubicación institucional que tiene y que debe tener el Tribunal Constitucional en la estructura política o instrumental de una Constitución, y, en especial, en el caso colombiano. El artículo puede dividirse en cuatro componentes: En primer lugar, se bosqueja un poco sobre los principios de la supremacía de la Constitución y la división de poderes, para señalar históricamente quiénes han sido los defensores de la Carta Política. En segundo lugar, se reflexiona abiertamente sobre dónde debe estar el Tribunal Constitucional. En tercer lugar, se analiza desde el derecho comparado dónde está ubicado el Tribunal Constitucional en los ordenamientos constitucionales de América del Sur. Por último, se aportan unas conclusiones donde se concreta la idea de emancipar a la Corte Constitucional colombiana de la rama judicial. This article is a brief journey to the institutional location that the Constitutional Court has, and to the one it should have, within a Constitution's political or instrumental structure, particularly in the Colombian case. The article can be divided in four parts: first, an overview of the principles of the supremacy of the Constitution and the division of powers is presented, in order to point out who, historically, the defenders of the Constitution have been. Second, the author reflects openly on where the Constitutional Court should be. Third, the article performs a comparative legal analysis of where the Constitutional Court is located in different South American legal systems. Finally, some conclusions are proposed, whose main thrust is the idea of emancipating the Colombian Constitutional Court from the judicial branch.

The objective of the present study was to identify the politic activities implemented by gerontological nursing in Brazil in the period spanning 1970 to 1996, which aimed at making it an effective specialty in elderly care. This descriptive-qualitative study was performed using a historical approach, using thematic oral history. Fourteen nurses, pioneers in the field, took part in the study. The following categories were identified: 1) Political organization of the field; and 2) Relationship between the field and the State. Results identified the following examples of political activities: traveling throughout Brazil, aimed at getting researchers interested in the theme; creating the Scientific Department of Gerontological Nursing; and assuming an effective participation in the creation of public policies in the country. The specialty is aware of the political relevance for its construction and has been making efforts to achieve recognition as a field of knowledge within the multidisciplinary team of elderly care. ; Estudio que objetivó identificar las actividades políticas implementadas por la enfermería geriátrica en Brasil para su consolidación como especialidad en la atención de ancianos, entre 1970 y 1996. Estudio descriptivo-cualitativo, con abordaje histórico, que utiliza la historia oral temática, realizado con 14 enfermeras pioneras en el área. Las categorías halladas son: 1. Organización política del área; y 2. Relación del área con el Estado. Los resultados identifican como ejemplos de actividades políticas: la realización de las jornadas brasileñas, con el fin de agregar investigadores interesados en la temática; creación del Departamento Científico de Enfermería Geriátrica; y la participación efectiva de la enfermería en la elaboración de políticas públicas en el país. La especialidad es consciente de la relevancia política para su construcción, y viene emprendiendo esfuerzos para alcanzar reconocimiento como área del conocimiento en el equipo multidisciplinario de atención al anciano. ; O presente estudo teve como objetivo identificar as atividades políticas implementadas pela enfermagem gerontológica no Brasil, para sua consolidação como especialidade no atendimento ao idoso, no período de 1970 a 1996. Trata-se de um estudo descritivo-qualitativo, com abordagem histórica, que utiliza a história oral temática e que se realizou com catorze enfermeiras pioneiras na área. As categorias encontradas foram: 1. Organização política da área; e 2. Relação da área com o Estado. Os resultados identificam como exemplos de atividades políticas: a realização das jornadas brasileiras, com objetivo de agregar pesquisadores interessados na temática; criação do Departamento Científico de Enfermagem Gerontológica; e a participação efetiva da enfermagem na elaboração de políticas públicas no país. A especialidade tem consciência da relevância política para sua construção e vem empreendendo esforços para alcançar reconhecimento como área do conhecimento na equipe multidisciplinar de atendimento ao idoso.

This article presents a theoretical conceptualisation of the pervasiveness of mechanisms of economic and political power in modern media, as represented in José Ricardo Morales' play Cómo el poder de las noticias nos da noticias del poder (1971). This article focuses on two interconnected research questions: 1) What are the specific rhetorical strategies hybridising corporate-political discourse in the media that are represented by José Ricardo Morales in his play? 2) How do the rhetorical strategies and discourses represented in the play contribute to a new understanding of the impact of media intervention, both by corporate media and politicians, on audiences/readers today? This article critically analyses and discusses Morales's unique, oblique critical approach to the media, and the political and discursive challenges made in the play. These orientate contemporary sets of beliefs while re-signifying the material and symbolic configurations of the Western globalised social fabric. The analysis shows that the dramatic piece contains a predictive discourse in presenting the role of journalism, both defying national literary canons and anticipating several issues related to media intervention by corporate media and politicians in the 1970s, especially in the Chilean context.

This article presents a theoretical conceptualisation of the pervasiveness of mechanisms of economic and political power in modern media, as represented in José Ricardo Morales' play Cómo el poder de las noticias nos da noticias del poder (1971). This article focuses on two interconnected research questions: 1) What are the specific rhetorical strategies hybridising corporate-political discourse in the media that are represented by José Ricardo Morales in his play? 2) How do the rhetorical strategies and discourses represented in the play contribute to a new understanding of the impact of media intervention, both by corporate media and politicians, on audiences/readers today? This article critically analyses and discusses Morales's unique, oblique critical approach to the media, and the political and discursive challenges made in the play. These orientate contemporary sets of beliefs while re-signifying the material and symbolic configurations of the Western globalised social fabric. The analysis shows that the dramatic piece contains a predictive discourse in presenting the role of journalism, both defying national literary canons and anticipating several issues related to media intervention by corporate media and politicians in the 1970s, especially in the Chilean context.