Suchergebnisse

A periodic decision process, analogous to a repeated election, in a student-living group was studied to test the polarization model proposed by Berelson, Lazarsfeld & McPhee in VOTING (See SA 3242). Sociometric & attitude questions were askec in 3 panel waves: at the height of controversy as to whether the group should have a `beer bust'; 2 months later, in a period of calm; & 4 months after the initial wave, when a 2nd collective decision was taken. Results for reciprocated choices supported the polarization model, but those for unreciprocated choices were in the reverse direction. A steady trend toward attitude homogeneity in choices was also superimposed on the pulsating group polarization. Further studies of 'middle-sized' groups are recommended to illuminate the processes of attitude change & structural change in groups undergoing internal conflict. IPSA.

The hypothesis was that anticipating a debate will polarize S's highly committed to a partisan position, & moderate S's weakly committed. 156 undergraduates were tested in a simulated jury setting. Strength of commitment to an initial vote was varied. 50% of the S's were told to expect a debate, & 50% to expect 2 unrelated one-sided speeches. An opinion measure was then admin'ed. No debates or speeches were given. 3 indices of polarization were proposed: (1) discrepancy of opinion between partisan camps, (2) homogeneity of opinion within partisan camps; & (3) absence of moderate S's. The results generally supported the hyp, & were interpreted as reflecting defensive maneuvers undertaken prior to a debate for the purpose of minimizing dissonance-arousal. The results were also discussed re other res on the effects of debates. D. O. Sears.

`Summit meetings' are defined as ad hoc meetings where heads of state &/or heads of gov &/or foreing ministers from at least 2 of the big powers are present. 147 meetings of this kind in the period Jun 1941 to Jun 1961 are analyzed using as independent variable the diff phases in East-West relations. As dependent variables use is made of a number of indicators of how limited or restricted the meetings were in scope &/or participation. The data give a certain support to a combination of hyp's about the effects of polarization & predictability in soc relations, but there are also alternative interpretations. The data seem to indicate that summit meetings are used most often & in a least restricted way when: (1) there is an alliance against a 3rd power, or (2) there is conflict, with bloc-formation (relatively) completed. The standard polarization hypothesis in sociol'al theory is then modified so as to be valid only till the conflict org's have been completed & predictability has been obtained, but it is indicated that contact in this late phase of the history of a conflict may be of little instrumental value. Finally the need is pointed out for a permanent pattern of summit contact, perhaps within the framework of the UN while the big powers can use ad hoc meetings as pol'al sanctions. HA.

An attempt is made to illustrate some of the possibilities which an accumulation of data can offer to studies based on PO polls in countries having differing pol'al structures. The most important problem arising from the use of such data is one of discovering the relationships between the individual variations & the structural diff's which exist in such systems. In this comparative study, this problem arose when it became clear that the definite relationship claimed to exist between the characteristics of the individuals under consideration in the studies & electoral participation or amount of pol'al information known to them was not discovered in Norway. The proportion of militant party members was not greater in Ur regions, nor was it among individuals with a good educ, nor in the higher professional categories. The proposed explanation is that the local admin'ive org & the nature of the party systems are variables which are peculiar to the system. Other interpretations are also possible, but this one makes it possible to follow with precision the processes of soc polarization & integration. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.

In France there exists a traditional connection between the intellectuals & pol'al life: they have a more extensive relationship than in other nations. The intellectuals involved in politics are mainly writers, but their circle has gradually increased to include scholars, publishers, & academicians. Their pol'al behavior has specific characteristics: they express themselves through manifestos, through taking public stands, & through petitions. Their concern for pol'al issues stems from their concern with the moral & philosophical consequences of these issues. The history of the pol'al participation of the intellectuals varies between periods of activity & periods which see a return to pol'al unconcern. In the Dreyfus case the intellectuals were divided, the writers tending toward the Right & the professors toward the Left. The situation changed little during the following 20 yrs. The intellectual prestige of radicalism eclipsed around 1930, while Communism became increasingly attractive. After 1934, events of the time saw a polarization of the intellectuals at 2 extremes: anti-fascism & nationalism. These 2 camps were no less divided, notably the Left with regard to Communism. Since 1940, the concern of intellectuals with pol'al life was directly related to the great national crises: resistance & collaboration, relationship to Communism, overseas problems, & most recently, the relationship of the U to the army. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.

The nearly simultaneous appearance of the 2 books by William Kornhauser, THE POLITICS OF MASS SOCIETY, (Glencoe, Ill: Free Press, 1959) & Seymour Martin Lipset, POLITICAL MAN, (See SA 7523) constitutes an important landmark in the development of pol'al sociol. Their common focus of interest is on the soc conditions which underlie the functioning of modern democratic gov both positively & negatively. Lipset's primary problem statement regards a major phase of the failure of the Marxian productions. His main findings concern: the attenuation of Wc militancy, Wc authoritarianism & the structural non-specificity of fascism, & adversely, the relevance of normative, cultural factors for liberalism & the politics of intellectuals. Such conclusions should necessitate a drastic revision of one of his points of reference, the Marxian view of the relation between a hierarchical soc stratification & an increasingly polarized pol'al-econ power system. Kornhauser builds his analysis around the problem of 'mass society'. His point of reference is communal society, where elites are 'non-accessible' & the masses not 'available'. In mass society, elites are accessible & masses available, whereas in totalitarian society a non-accessible elite stands over against an available mass. The most serious omission concerns the pluralist society where analysis would show that just as the non-elite is only relatively unavailable, & so the elite is only relatively accessible. This leads to a polarization at the leadership level. IPSA.

A theoretical analysis of the causes of fam conflict & of means of preventing & resolving conflicts is presented. Causes include: (1) 'compulsion'--eg, the inability of hostile fam members to withdraw from the field, (2) 'intimacy' of contact between fam members, (3) the small size of the group which facilitates the polarization of factions, & (4) the rapidity of developmental alterations in whatever equilibria may be established. 'Normative mechanisms' for preventing fam conflict include: (1) avoiding probable sources of conflict by discouraging incompatible marriages & minimizing contact between 'dangerous' fam members, (2) allocating rights & duties to particular roles. according to prescribed cultural patterns which narrow the area open for debate, & (3) culturally prescribed rules for fair treatment of fam members, esp those calling for equal treatment of children when they arrive at the same age. 'Instrumental mechanisms' for resolving fam conflicts include: (1) providing increased facilities for fam living (such as a 2nd car), (2) enacting priority systems for the use of limited facilities (eg, establishing a budget or TV schedule), (3) enlarging areas of autonomous decision-making within the fam as by giving the marriage partners financial allowances to spend as they see fit, & (4) providing opportunities for tension-reduction as by temporary vacations from the fam. Processes of resolving fam conflict include: (1) discussion leading to consensus, compromise, or concession, (2) mediation by a 3rd party, & (3) accommodation. In the event of failure to achieve any of these, more drastic withdrawal from the field may be the only remaining means of ending open conflict. AA.

The process of PO formation was studied by a panel survey of a local flood control controversy. Alternative proposals confronting residents of a Kansas river valley were (1) a single large dam to be built by the Army Engineers or (2) about 90 small dams constructed by an association of land owners in the watershed. Focused interviews with 95 residents were conducted one yr apart, before & after an active propaganda & recruitment campaign conducted by the watershed association. Persons most in favor of the watershed treatment plan increased. Knowledge of both advantages & disadvantages of watershed treatment increased while knowledge of big dams decreased. Propaganda generated informal counter propaganda. However, affective concern over the issue declined & polarization was slight. The decreasing salience of personal interests as a determinant of opinion was shown by comparing the att's of residents up or down stream from the site of the big dam. The diff. was tested by Chi-square. Decreased salience of interests can be attributed to the appeal to group values by the watershed advocates. Persons who showed a positive change in opinion or attitude were compared with the negative or nonchangers in their interests, soc participation, & personal communication on the subject of water control. Signif was tested by Chi-square & association measured by Cramer's V. Changers reported signif'ly more personal communication than nonchangers & the diff's were greatest when there was interaction in primary relationships. Of the several criteria of soc participation compared, only diff. in number of memberships in associations was large enough to reject the 0-hyp. Changers also included disproportionate N's of M's & persons reared outside the county of residence. Indicators of material interests were not associated with opinion change. The resolution of the controversy through opinion formation appeared to be primarily a consequence of changing knowledge, affectivety level, relative salience of values & interests, & diff.ial recruitment. Ideas advanced by org's & projected through mass media emerged as opinions through interpersonal communication. AA.