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Previous research has shown that thinking about some attitude object results in more polarized attitudes than being distracted from thinking about the object. Perhaps this difference is due to thought producing additional cognitions consistent with the initial attitude direction. To
test this hypothesis, 64 subjects indicated their attitudes toward fictitious persons described with either four or eight adjectives. After thinking about the person or being distracted from thinking about the person, they again scaled their attitude. Assuming that it is easier to add cognitions
to the smaller initial set, the following was predicted and obtained: Opportunity for thought and initial set size interact in polarizing attitudes (p < 0.05); the difference between thought and distraction conditions is more pronounced with four cognitions (p < 0.01) than
with eight cognitions (n.s.); and number of cognitions is negatively related to polarization under thought (0.10 < p < 0.05).

The transformation of the armed forces from a segregated to an integrated institution was an impressive achievement in directed social change. Yet in the present period the relationship between white and black servicemen is characterized by polarization with attendant interracial conflict. Data are presented which show an overconcentration of blacks in the combat arms as well as substantial cross-service variation in the distribution of black personnel. At the same time, service life continues to attract and retain a greater proportion of eligible blacks than whites. The special situation of black servicemen overseas is discussed along with an appraisal of the military establishment's current efforts to cope with its racial difficulties. Finally, despite the fact that racial strife has hampered the mission effectiveness of the armed forces, it may be that the military will most likely set the pace towards the alleviation of America's perennial dilemma—race.

This article is an interim report of a research project in which an attempt is made to measure the variations in East-West 'tension' in Europe after 1945 and to explain the variations by reference to, inter alia, variations in 'global bipolarization'. The author presents tentative theoretical definitions of these key concepts; he also discusses and illustrates how they can be made operational. Against the background of earlier theoretical literature about bipolarity vs. multipolarity and polarization vs. depolar ization in the international system, he then presents a number of hypotheses about the way in which variations in the degree of bipolarization may affect tension in inter national systems. He finds that there are good theoretical arguments in favour of the opinion that bipolarization tends to increase tension, but also good arguments in favour of the contrary idea, and he concludes by pointing out that the issue can only be settled by way of systematic empirical investigation.

According to an opinion poll which was carried out in the middle of 1975 with a representative sample of Belgian citizens, the problems which most imposed themselves about that time were economie problems, viz.inflation and employment. These two problems were perceived as the most pressing by the more active part of the population as well. However, the solutions that citizens favour for a broad range of problems are not logically consistent, and demonstrate that many citizens have but very little insight in the problems' structure. Yet, those who do feel more concerned, generally favour the same solutions as does the average citizen ; there is no polarization to be noticed.Considerable differences are brought forward by splitting up the results in two main regions : Flanders vs. Wallonia. The ethnic and linguistic difference appears to be also a political difference as far as problem-solving is concerned. The type of solutions citizens favour also shows that the stereotype «conservative Flanders» vs. «progressist Wallonia» is not valid any longer.

This study focuses on A. Lawrence Lowell's classic thesis that a parliamentary democracy must possess a majority party system if durable cabinets are to exist. The argument of this study is that majority party government is not essential to cabinet durability. Rather, in line with the British analyst W. L. Middleton as well as more contemporary game-theoreticians, the critical factor is held to be the coalitional status of the cabinet: (1) cabinets of minimum winning status should be durable; as cabinets depart from minimum winning status, cabinet durability decreases; (2) the coalitional status of the cabinet that forms is partially a product of party system fractionalization, instability, and polarization. Hypotheses derived from the theory are tested with data drawn from 17 Western parliamentary democracies, from 1918 to 1940 and from 1945 to 1970. The findings generally support the theory. A key to durable government is the minimum winning status of the cabinet. Minimum winning cabinets are possible in multiparty and majority party systems.

INDIVIDUALISTIC INTERPRETATIONS OF EQUALITY OF OPPORTUNITY ARE CONTRASTED WITH A CLASS INTERPRETATION. THE STANDARD INTERPRETATION, WHICH IS INDIVIDUALISTIC, INVOLVES RADICAL EQUALIZATION OF EDUCATIONAL OPPORTUNITIES, & OF SOCIALIZATION PATTERNS. AN ALTERNATIVE DEFINITION IS FORMULATED IN TERMS OF INTERCLASS MOBILITY FREQUENCIES. PATTERNS OF INTERCLASS MOBILITY ARE COMPARED FOR 9 COUNTRIES, REVEALING THAT WC PEOPLE ARE LIKELIER TO BECOME LC THAN ARE MC PEOPLE TO BECOME WC; CONVERSELY, HIGHER CLASS MEMBERS HAVE GREATER UPWARD MOBILITY CHANCES. THIS PATTERN (REDISTRIBUTIVE MOBILITY) ALLOWING A MODEST RANGE OF UPWARD MOBILITY, TO THE WC, IS CONTRASTED WITH OTHER PATTERNS: (1) UPGRADING & DOWNGRADING, IN WHICH ALL CLASSES MOVE IN THE SAME DIRECTIONS, (2) POLARIZATION, IN WHICH MOBILITY EXAGGERATES CLASS SEGREGATION, & (3) REVOLUTIONARY MOBILITY, IN WHICH CLASS RANKS ARE REVERSED. THE GREAT PROBLEM WITH REVOLUTIONARY MOBILITY IS ITS TENDENCY TO PRODUCE CLASS CONFLICT WHEN MC PERSONS TRY TO AVOID DOWNWARD MOBILITY. THE BUSINESS CYCLE IS INTERPRETED AS PRODUCING ALTERNATING UPGRADING & DOWNGRADING, EACH IN TURN PRODUCING A COUNTERTREND. 4 TABLES. MODIFIED HA.

An analysis of de-polarization draws on four analytical models. The traditional balance- of-power analysis suggests that as the level of integration of the two blocs (East and West) declines, the number of possible political combinations increases, foreign policy gains in the number of political options, the probability of a military showdown declines, and the ideological fervor is expected to be reduced. The balance-of-terror, the model behind deterrence, is weakened by the appearance of an increasing number of small nuclear powers, and it is expected to be further undermined by more nuclear powers with a growing nuclear capability. This is an unbalancing trend. Game-theory is used to point out the non-zero-sum characteristics of the de-polarizing system and the pay- offs it offers to all sides. Psychological analysis is employed to suggest that, bi-polarity is frustrating for both blocs, while a competition limited by rules would allow some ex pression to the legitimate drives of all sides.

An attempt is made to illustrate some of the possibilities which an accumulation of data can offer to studies based on PO polls in countries having differing pol'al structures. The most important problem arising from the use of such data is one of discovering the relationships between the individual variations & the structural diff's which exist in such systems. In this comparative study, this problem arose when it became clear that the definite relationship claimed to exist between the characteristics of the individuals under consideration in the studies & electoral participation or amount of pol'al information known to them was not discovered in Norway. The proportion of militant party members was not greater in Ur regions, nor was it among individuals with a good educ, nor in the higher professional categories. The proposed explanation is that the local admin'ive org & the nature of the party systems are variables which are peculiar to the system. Other interpretations are also possible, but this one makes it possible to follow with precision the processes of soc polarization & integration. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.

In seeking to determine whether international interchanges produce favorable attitudes toward other nations, & whether such favorable attitudes have a bearing on international relations & the world order, the political relevance of such interchanges must first be considered. Such interchanges can have a meliorating impact on international conflict in 4 ways: (1) they develop networks of international relationships with cross-cutting loyalties, (2) they reduce polarization & thus create an atmosphere in which basic conflict negotiation can occur, (3) they render the development of cosmopolitan or internationalist ideologies more likely, & (4) they make openness in attitudes toward other nations more likely. A recent study (H. Kelman & R. Ezekiel, CROSS NATIONAL ENCOUNTERS, San Francisco, Calif: Jossey-Bass, 1970) has shown that changes in cognitive structures as well as the development of more favorable images of the host country do indeed follow such interchanges. The key to fostering favorable attitude effects, however, is to insure genuine involvement in an enterprise & interpersonal involvement with members of the host or foreign country. New information in the context of positive interactions based on equal status contact seems most likely to facilitate favorable attitude changes. 1 Table. F. Hydoski.

The impact of colonialism on St Lucia's Ru political experience is explored. The shift to cash cropping is examined, particularly, the interaction of the peasant population with local political leaders, & that of the political leaders with metropolitan agents. The colonial history of St Lucia is traced: from the cultivation of sugar cane & other tropical crops within a classical plantation economy through the transformation that took place in the 1950s when bananas replaced sugar & small farmers became involved in an international export market. Various political changes have occurred as a result of the banana crop. A banana producers' cooperative, the Banana Growers Assoc, influenced the acceptance of bananas as a cash crop which resulted in the involvement of peasants in national & regional decision making. Peasant awareness of metropolitan manipulation & internal exploitation by political leadership grew. This consciousness led to political polarization which reached a climax in the power struggles of the 1960s. Government enlistment of metropolitan assistance in curtailing small grower involvement in the banana industry, when threatened by loss of control, is described. The implications of these events for St Lucia's political development are discussed. G. Simpson.

Belgium is characterized by minority/majority conflicts between Flemish-speakers & Francophones, workers & employers, & until the end of the 19th century, between Catholics & free-thinkers, which is reflected in the dynamics of the political parties. It is hypothesized that cross-cutting cleavages would keep conflicts in check; that intercursive power (power between) would be prevalent over integral power (power over); that voluntary associations will play important roles, especially as links between disparate conflict groups. 103 voluntary associations that were frequently mentioned in the literature between 1954 & 1968 were chosen for study; in 1970 questionnaires were sent to the 64 associations still existing & accessible. It was found that 90% of the associations were involved in 1 or more of the conflictual dimension; that 62% were not oriented exclusively to a single political party; that the largest memberships were found in those associations that were political & with more than 1 conflictual dimension; that the degree of criss-cross, though sizeable, was not as high as expected; that the linking roles were played by associations functionally suited for this. The hypotheses on polarization were confirmed. Some modifications were noted. 9 Figures, 11 Tables. D. Burkenroad.

What are the effects of the Green Revolution on the possibilities of peasant based revolutionary movements in developing Third World societies? 2 processes tend to accompany the introduction of the seed-fertilizer technology: (1) forced Ru to Ur migration; & (2) intensified pressure on the middle peasant in the countryside. The first process, forced Ur'ization, may be replaced by Ru proletarianization. The second process, polarization of the peasantry, transforms middle peasants who can afford the whole technological package into successful capitalist farmers but ruins small middle peasants into landless farm laborers. Middle peasants were crucial to the sustaining of Ru guerilla movements in base areas in China, Cuba & Viet Nam. But under the Green Revolution regional grievances may ripen or riots without sustained movements for power may break out before Ru-based revolution can develop in rapidly changing Third World societies. The technical assistance & foreign aid that emanates from imperialist centers, such as the Green Revolution, may possibly alleviate some suffering in Third World countries in the short run, at the expense of inflicting prolonged suffering by strengthening the system of domination in the long run. A. Karmen.

Frequent elections and a long tradition of census taking in India should combine to provide excellent scope for aggregate data analysis, but so far they have not, largely because the electoral constituencies and the census tracts do not match. A number of ways have been devised to surmount the problem, none of them very satisfactory. This paper offers a new solution in the form of isoplethic mapping, a method that avoids the shortcomings of other approaches and permits use of demographic and voting data at the level of the state legislative assembly constituency.Substantively the paper traces patterns of voting for Muslim candidates to the Bihar Legislative Assembly and the relationship between Muslim population distribution and vote polled by different political parties over six elections. Instead of becoming more integrated over time within the general body politic, it appears that the Muslim minority group has become more politically cohesive and better able to elect Muslims to office where their numbers are strong. At the same time, Muslims have become less able to win elections where they are fewer in numbers. This tendency has not reached a state of political polarization between the Hindu and Muslim communities, however.

You cannot play with force, by Pierre Hassner
In the early sixties, the "arms control" school had tried to chart a third way, starting from nuclear strategy, between pacifism and militarism. It had stressed the importance of the political control of military force and of its deterrent use. Since then, a new polarization has occured, partly as a result of events like the Vietnam war or of trends like the increase in civil violence. Strategists like T. Schelling went from the notion of nuclear deterrence to that of compellence, or to thinking about the actual and positive or offensive use of force. On the other hand they were attacked more and more violently by the "peace research" school. The strategists made, by and large, a positive and essential contribution as long as they were dealing with deterrence and with the nuclear balance, but that their role was disastruous when they tried to deal with the actual use of force. But they and their critics do have too an abstract (whether technical or romantic) view of force, and don't try enough to integrate it within an historical and a moral framework.
[Revue française de science politique XXI (6), décembre 1971, pp. 1207-1233]

The French town hall has always been sought after by politicians; it offers a platform for leadership, a source of patronage, a headquarters for a clientele & a base for a career-in the Vth Republic with a subordinate Parliament & overshadowed Ministers, the pol'al eminence of the mayor is enhanced. The Gaullists have tried to use the municipal elections in their drive to reshape the party system; in 1959 they replaced proportional representation in the towns with less than 120,000 pop with the majority system already in use in the villages. In 1964 the law was changed again, in the 158 large towns with over 30,000 inhabitants, to a system much nearer the 'first-past-the-post' system. The Gaullist hope to profit by the new rules failed both in 1959 & 1964-the hoped-for polarization of pol did not happen. Most French voters preferred stability (usually provided by the Center). At a Presidential & even at a Parliamentary election the Gaullists get the credit for providing stable & successful gov's but at local contests they may lack local roots & cannot count on the nat'list appeal or the General's prestige to pull them through. The French voter has learned to practice his own form of ticket-splitting. IPSA.