Social Polarization
In: Russian social science review: a journal of translations, Band 35, Heft 1, S. 12-35
ISSN: 1557-7848
1261 Ergebnisse
Sortierung:
In: Russian social science review: a journal of translations, Band 35, Heft 1, S. 12-35
ISSN: 1557-7848
In: Sociological research, Band 32, Heft 5, S. 58-81
ISSN: 2328-5184
In: The journal of conflict resolution: journal of the Peace Science Society (International), Band 37, Heft 4, S. 735-748
ISSN: 1552-8766
Michael Wallace reports a very pronounced curvilinear relationship between a new measure of the polarization of the state system and warfare during 1815-1964. He suggests considerable caution when interpreting the results and urges replication. This is a replication. Given the original cautions, the additional ones made here, and the results of a reanalysis, the conclusion is clear. There is no relationship—linear, monotonic, or nonmonotonic—between polarization and the number, severity, or magnitude of international wars during the period 1815-1976.
In: The world today, Band 53, Heft 3, S. 70-72
ISSN: 0043-9134
THE NEW BRITISH GOVERNMENT THAT WILL TAKE OFFICE IN 1997 FACES THE DIFFICULT TASK OF RE-ESTABLISHING THE CREDIBILITY OF THE PEACE PROCESS IN NORTHERN IRELAND. IT MUST DO SO AGAINST THE BACKGROUND OF INCREASED POLARIZATION BETWEEN THE PROTESTANT COMMUNITY, WHICH LARGELY FAVORS CONTINUED UNION WITH BRITAIN, AND THE CATHOLIC COMMUNITY, WHICH GENERALLY WANTS CLOSER LINKS WITH THE IRISH REPUBLIC. INTERNATIONAL OBSERVERS ARE WAITING TO SEE IF A COMBINATION OF THE NEW WESTMINSTER GOVERNMENT, THE SECOND CLINTON ADMINISTRATION, AND THE IRISH GOVERNMENT FORMED AFTER THE REPUBLIC'S 1997 GENERAL ELECTIONS CAN PERSUADE THE PARTIES IN NORTHERN IRELAND TO REACH A POLITICAL SETTLEMENT THAT WILL ENSURE LASTING PEACE.
In: American review of politics, Band 24, S. 183-196
ISSN: 1051-5054
Population changes are leading TX to becoming a majority-minority state, especially with the increase of Hispanics. TX has become a GOP stronghold, & the GOP is increasingly cohesive, & conservative, winning all statewide offices in both 1998 & 2002, plus control of the legislature in 2002. Religious fundamentalism is clearly evident in the GOP, but many distance themselves from the Christian Right. Ideological differences between the parties have increased, largely because Democrats are more liberal. GOP activists are upbeat, while Democrats appear dispirited, although less so than in 1991. 6 Tables, 7 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: The journal of conflict resolution: journal of the Peace Science Society (International), Band 37, Heft 4, S. 735-748
ISSN: 0022-0027, 0731-4086
In: Group & organization studies, Band 12, Heft 4, S. 424-444
The central polarizations inherent in management theory are systematically analyzed. Group field dynamics, an integration and extension of Bales's SYMLOG and Lewin's field theory, is presented as a unifying model that allows for the detailed exploration of polarizations within management groups. A stereotypical key management group is then taken as the starting point for a consideration of polarization within organizations. A computer-assisted method of polarization analysis and an automated report writer are demonstrated and three other configurations of group members are discussed in terms of level of polarization and predicted team effectiveness.
In: Bulletin de la Classe des Sciences de l'Académie Royale de Sciences, des Lettres et des Beaux-Arts de Belgique, Band 12, Heft 7, S. 229-248
We describe a construction of a star-product on a quantizable symplectic manifold (M, ധ) using a complex polarization F on M. In an effort to generalize this deformation method, we introduce the concept of a complex polarization on a regular Poisson manifold (M, Δ) which can be used to produce a tangential star-product on M.
Standard spatial models of political competition give rise to equilibria in which the competing political parties or candidates converge to a common position. In this paper I show how political polarization can be generated in models that focus on the nexus between pre-election interest group lobbying and electoral competition.
BASE
Just one year into his six-year mandate, President Hugo Chávez Frías faced systematic opposition to his government from a powerful anti-Chávez movement. The aim of the opposition was to force a change of administration, through constitutional or unconstitutional means. The authoritative position assumed by the opposition is remarkable, not least because Chávez was a democratically elected head of state who had won a landslide vote on a platform of radical change. The strength of the opposition was additionally surprising because the groups that dominated the antigovernment forces were weak and discredited when Chávez took office. This article argues that opposition parties in Venezuela have experienced an artificial rebirth, which can be explained through an analysis of the regime change that took place in 1998. This catalyzed an intense polarization between pro- and antigovernment groups that precluded the consolidation of moderate 'transition' forces that had sought to liberalize Venezuela's pacted democracy in the 1990s. Although promising a rupture from the status quo, Chavismo was characterized by continuity with an established political culture of exclusion. This led moderates and conservatives to forge an unlikely opposition alliance.Desde el primer año de su mandato, el Presidente Hugo Chávez Frías enfrentó la oposición sistemática de un poderoso movimiento antichavista. El objetivo de este movimiento era forzar un cambio de administración a través de medios constitucionales o inconstitucionales. Merece atención la posición autoritaria adoptada por la oposición no solo debido a que Chávez fue electo democráticamente sino por que su ascenso a jefe de estado había estado respaldao por una avalancha de votos a favor de una plataforma de cambios radicales. También llama la atención la fortaleza mostrada por la oposición teniendo en cuenta que los grupos que predominaban en dicha oposición estaban bastante debilitados y desacreditados al tiempo de la toma de posesión de Chávez. En este artículo se argumenta que el resurgimiento artificial de los partidos de oposición puede ser explicado a través de un análisis del cambio de regimen que tuvo lugar en 1998. Esto catalizó una intensa polarización entre los grupos pro y antigubernamentales que impidió la consolidación de aquellas fuerzas moderadas de transición que aspiraban a liberalizar el sistema democrático pactado en la década de los 90. A pesar de sus promesas de ruputura con el status quo, el Chavismo dio continuidad a la cultura establecida de exclusión. Esto condujo a que los moderados y los conservadores forjaran una alianza de oposición bastante improbable bajo otras condiciones.
BASE
In: Political research quarterly: PRQ ; official journal of Western Political Science Association, Pacific Northwest Political Science Association, Southern California Political Science Association, Northern California Political Science Association, Band 54, Heft 1, S. 125-142
ISSN: 1065-9129
In: The journal of political philosophy, Band 10, Heft 2, S. 175-195
ISSN: 0963-8016
In: Regional and federal studies, Band 10, Heft 1, S. 112-124
ISSN: 1359-7566
Focuses on issues and prospects of the 1998-99 elections. Discusses political situation, regional elections, political parties, radicalism, constitutionalism, nationalism, and regionalism.
Maurice Mullard deals with the nature of contemporary globalization. He shows that globalization is not an inescapable, unstoppable process somehow beyond human control, rather that it represents, and is being shaped by, a series of deliberate policy choices and policy decisions