Suchergebnisse

Die Modellierung des italienischen Parteiensystems durch G. Sartori wird dargestellt und kritisch diskutiert. Dazu werden aus konflikttheoretischer Perspektive folgende Punkte behandelt: (1) das Modell des polarisierten Pluralismus; (2) die Kritik am theoretischen Modell; (3) Wählertrends; (4) ideologische Polarisierung innerhalb der Wählerschaft; (5) ideologische Depolarisierung der politischen Eliten; (6) der PCI und das System; (7) von der zentrifugalen Struktur; (8) ein Modell für die 80er Jahre. Das Sartori-Modell ordnet die Parteien auf einem Bereich von zwei äußeren Polen (MSI, PCI) bis zur Mitte hin (DC) ein; dazwischen befinden sich die liberalen und sozialistischen Parteien. Abbau ideologischer Polarisierung, tripolare Strukturentwicklung und andauernde Blockierung des Systems durch die Sozialisten werden festgestellt; insgesamt koexistieren verschiedene Tendenzen in der Entwicklung dieses Parteiensystems. (HA)

Tests the thesis that US society is becoming more polarized, drawing on pooled data from the 1977, 1985, & 1993 General Social Surveys & highlighting several religious denominations across the ideological spectrum. It is observed that, since the early 1990s, commentators have described an increasing polarization in traditionally homogeneous institutions such as religion. In support of this thesis, it is found that public opinion is easily clustered into three categories: liberal, moderate, & conservative. However, on several issues, little distinction between the clusters is discerned. Moreover, no sharp decrease in moderates is found, indicating the relative stability of the clusters over time. It is shown that intraorganizational polarization has not increased in the recent past. Thus, little empirical support is found for the polarization thesis. 7 Tables, 24 References. D. M. Ryfe

"Left-Right Orientations and Voting Behavior" published on by Oxford University Press.

Investigates whether cultural tensions in the US are reflected in public opinion in the form of a single liberal-conservative continuum, drawing on 1988 General Social Survey data. A two-dimensional model of political division discerns two types of liberalism & conservatism: economic-justice & personal-moral. Analysis reveals that public opinion roughly corresponds to these political divisions. Although a deepened polarization in US culture has been cited, these divisions are not described well by an us-vs-them scenario. Rather, individuals seem to be pulled by cross-cutting pressures that may cause them to change their opinion depending on the issue under consideration, eg, religious identity & race. It is conceded that elites may be more polarized than the general public; however, this polarization is likely produced by social processes & organizations to which elites are exposed rather than any deep-seated polarization in the US electorate. 1 Table, 4 Figures, 23 References. D. M. Ryfe

"Party Systems: Types, Dimensions, and Explanations" published on by Oxford University Press.

"Ideology and Values in Political Decision Making" published on by Oxford University Press.

"The Demobilization of Protest Campaigns" published on by Oxford University Press.

The distinction between a generic sense of globalization & capitalist globalization is argued to need to be confronted in theory & research in order to have any grasp of the contemporary world & the prospects for alternative forms of globalization. The best prospect for ending capitalist globalization with its crises of polarization & ecological unsustainability are located in the globalization of economic & social human rights, & through the spread of genuine democracy. Competing approaches to globalization are differentiated by the fundamental unit of analysis that range from the state centrist approach, the globalist approach & the transnational approach. The central features of all the approaches agree that contemporary problems cannot be studied at the level of nationstates, but need to be theorized in terms of globalizing. The author defines generic globalization, global systems theory & the transnational capitalist class (TCC). Despite the fatalism characterizing much globalization literature, the path out of capitalism is described as moving from capitalist globalization through cooperatives at democracy to socialist globalization at the at the strategy of the gradual elimination of the culture ideology of consumerism that is replaced of the culture ideology of human rights. References. J. Harwell

This concluding chapter discusses changing German voters' behavior in the context of changing parties, campaigns, and media during the period of its hitherto most dramatically increased fluidity at the 2009, 2013, and 2017 federal elections. It summarizes the book's findings on three questions: How did the turbulences that increasingly characterize German electoral politics come about? How did they in turn condition voters' decision-making? How were electoral attitudes and choices affected by situational factors that pertained to the specifics of particular elections? Discussing the consequences of these developments the chapter finds that the ideological and affective polarization of the party system has increased, leading to a dualistic structure that pits the right-wing populist AfD against all other parties. It also shows how the formation of governments under the German parliamentary system of governance gets increasingly difficult. The chapter closes with speculations about the prospects of electoral politics in Germany.