Suchergebnisse

В статье рассматриваются возможности развития поляризации значения слова "аукцион" под воздействием экстралингвистических факторов и оценить лингво-правовые последствия трансформации однозначного юридического термина в категорию энантиосеманта.

DOI 10.15826/tetm.2020.1-2.008This article aims to discuss the reasons and consequences of the recent historical monuments' destruction in the United States. The author uses the concept of Foundation myths as well as opinion polls' results and cases from modern history to provide argumentation for the idea of ongoing polarization in American society. The results show that, although the political elites are relatively united on the issue of historical memory, there is a certain division among ordinary citizens. The causes for the recent attacks on the monuments and the historical figures they represent lies in the crisis, caused by the COVID-pandemic, economic downturn and protests over racism. However, the fundamental reason lies in the chronic socio-economic, cultural, and political difficulties, particularly income inequality, political polarization of elites and mass publics of American society. In the conclusion of the article, the author discusses how the discourse over historical figures and foundation myths shaped 2020 Presidential elections in the US and how specific agenda related to Founding Fathers was used by the US President Donald Trump during his campaign.For citation: Sherlock, T. (2020). Evaluating the Legitimacy of the American Foundation Myth. Tempus et Memoria, 1, 1–2, 76–81.Submitted: 30.10.2020Accepted: 02.12.2020 ; This article aims to discuss the reasons and consequences of the recent historical monuments' destruction in the United States. The author uses the concept of Foundation myths as well as opinion polls' results and cases from modern history to provide argumentation for the idea of ongoing polarization in American society. The results show that, although the political elites are relatively united on the issue of historical memory, there is a certain division among ordinary citizens. The causes for the recent attacks on the monuments and the historical figures they represent lies in the crisis, caused by the COVID-pandemic, economic downturn and protests over racism. However, the fundamental reason lies in the chronic socio-economic, cultural, and political difficulties, particularly income inequality, political polarization of elites and mass publics of American society. In the conclusion of the article, the author discusses how the discourse over historical figures and foundation myths shaped 2020 Presidential elections in the US and how specific agenda related to Founding Fathers was used by the US President Donald Trump during his campaign.For citation: Sherlock, T. (2020). Evaluating the Legitimacy of the American Foundation Myth. Tempus et Memoria, 1, 1–2, 76–81.Submitted: 30.10.2020Accepted: 02.12.2020

In the article social and political differentiation of the population of the Volga region, shown in the election campaigns of 1917 is presented; social and economic requirements of workers, soldiers, peasants are revealed; ways of influence of society on power in revolution are analysed. ; В статье представлена социально-политическая дифференциация населения Поволжья, проявившаяся в избирательных кампаниях 1917 года; выявлены социально-экономические требования рабочих, солдат, крестьян; проанализированы способы воздействия социума на власть в революции.

In May of 2019, regular elections for the European Parliament will be held in the European Union. The results of these elections will be seriously affected by the financial, economic and migration crises, the Brexit, the polarization between different regions of the European Union, the growing popularity of Euroskeptical and populist parties. The author analyzes the influence of these factors and makes a forecast of the results of these elections for the leading pan-European parties, including the regional context.Key words: European Union, European elections, European Parliament, Eurosceptic parties, regionalism. ; В мае этого года в Евросоюзе пройдут очередные выборы депутатов Европарламента. На результаты этих выборов серьезное влияние окажут финансово-экономический и миграционный кризисы, Брекзит, поляризация между различными регионами Евросоюза, рост популярности евроскептических и популистских партий. Автор анализирует влияние данных факторов и делает прогноз результатов указанных выборов для ведущих общеевропейских партий, в том числе в региональном плане.Ключевые слова: Евросоюз, европейские выборы, Европарламент, евроскептические партии, регионализм.

The evolution of the socio-economic systems is a non-linear process and it contains periods with smooth changes and subsequent periods of sharp jump transformation. The general design of new prospects opens at a stage of the birth of evolutionary processes, their forecasting requires the analysis of the historical prerequisites and risks, which are closely integrated to the change of moods in society. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the newly independent states have passed the transformational and evolutional stage of development from the regional economy (they actually were the regions) to the economy of the state; the Central and Eastern European countries have experienced a dramatic "drift" to the European Union. In the article, the results of almost 25 years' transformation of these states are considered. New states, formed as a result of the collapse of the USSR, passed throughout three types of transformation. Firstly, it is the transformation at the ideological level. The transformation of the second type was purely economic. The third type can be characterized as the institutional (including structural and financial) transformation. It is shown that one of the important reasons for the modest economic performance in the post-Soviet space is that newly independent states ignore and do not use in the practice the principles of regional policy and regional modernization. One of the important characteristic of the social and economic evolution of the countries of Eastern Europe after 1990 became the process of stratification and social differentiation of society with an insufficiently strong middle class and the polarization in income levels between the different regions. The increasing polarization in the income levels of the various regions acts as the dominating trend of the growing economic inequality. ; Рассмотрена экономическая эволюция постсоветского пространства. Представлены положительные и отрицательные стороны постсоветского трансформационного периода. Проанализированы региональное развитие и экономическое неравенство регионов в странах с низким уровнем доходов и догоняющим типом развития. Выявлены причины и последствия расширения Европейского союза. ; The research has been supported by the Russian Science Foundation (Research project No 14-28-00065 "Structural and cyclical paradigm of economic and technological renovation of macro-systems (World and Russia in the first half of the XXI century)".

The article analyzes the long-term impact of democratic institutions on socio-economic and political development of modern society. The author proves that the transitions to democracy in the twentieth century accelerated not only the pace of economic development, but also the processes of social polarization in society. Despite the positive impact of democratic institutions on economic development and political stability, democracy as a form of political rule cannot solve the problem of social inequality. The history of modern democracy shows that it reduces inequality levels only in certain cases, and in most cases social inequality increases both at the national and global levels. ; Анализируется долгосрочное влияние демократических институтов на социально-экономическое и политическое развитие современного общества. Автор доказывает, что переход к демократии в ХХ в. ускорил не только темпы экономического развития, но и процессы социального расслоения общества. Несмотря на положительное влияние демократических институтов на экономическое развитие и политическую стабильность, демократия как форма политического господства неспособна решить проблему социального неравенства. История современной демократии свидетельствует о том, что она только в отдельных случаях снижает уровень социального неравенства, а в большинстве случаев повышает его.

Liquid crystal devices are widely used in measuring instrumentation, consumer and industrial electronics, medical, scientific and military equipment. The production of these devices is a promising and developing industry. Analysis of the market of liquid crystal devices suggests that the demand for film polarizers of transmission, reflection and transmission reflection types will increase due to the constant growth of production of liquid crystal indicators and the expansion of their applications. Studies aimed at the creation of film polarizers for various functional purposes and the development of technologies for their manufacture are relevant. Naphthalene-1,5-diamine widely used in the production of complex intermediate intermediates, dyes, chemical additives to polymers, pharmaceuticals, pesticides, etc. Naphthalene-1,5-diamine is an available starting compound for obtaining on its base promising substances for the development of optical materials and biologically active compounds. By interaction of naphthalene-1,5-diamine with substituted aldehydes or benzaldehydes of vanillin series in the medium of boiling absolute methanol in the presence of catalytic amounts of glacial acetic acid, (E,E)-diazomethines with yields of 75–87 % were synthesized. ; Жидкокристаллические устройства широко используются в измерительном приборостроении, бытовой и промышленной электронике, медицинской, научной и военной технике. Производство этих устройств является перспективной и развивающейся отраслью промышленности. Анализ рынка жидкокристаллических устройств позволяет утверждать, что спрос на пленочные поляризаторы пропускающего, отражающего и пропускающе-отражающего типов будет возрастать в связи с постоянным ростом выпуска жидкокристаллических индикаторов и расширением сфер их применения. Исследования, направленные на создание пленочных поляризаторов различного функционального назначения и на разработку технологий их изготовления, актуальны. Нафталин-1,5-диамин широко применяется в производстве сложных промежуточных полупродуктов, красителей, химических добавок к полимерам, фармацевтических препаратов, пестицидов и др. Нафталин-1,5-диамин является доступным исходным соединением для получения на его основе перспективных соединений при создании оптических материалов и биологически активных соединений. Взаимодействием нафталин-1,5-диамина с замещенными альдегидами или бензальдегидами ванилинового ряда в среде кипящего абсолютного метанола в присутствии каталитических количеств ледяной уксусной кислоты были синтезированы (E,E)-азометины с выходами 75–87 %.

Since the late 19th century, the international scene has witnessed several waves of globalization that have transformed regulation and cooperation between nations. The current wave – that economists have defined as "globalization 4.0" – is shaped by an industrial revolution that combines digital, physical and biological transformations. Digital technology has a deep structural impact on public and private goods such as health, education, transportation or energy, which changes the terms of the global condition. It disrupts both the organization of societies and the relation between individuals and globalization. Compared to previous waves of globalization, globalization 4.0 affects the international system and runs throughout the global social fabric by increasing throughout the world the level of inequalities and by triggering subsequent polarization and fragmentation. In this global context, our current modes of cooperation and regulation are facing growing issues of legitimacy and efficiency, that are not entirely new, but that are now becoming particularly acute. Those issues of legitimacy and efficiency are furthermore complicated by a shared experience of disconnection from globalization – the rise of the globalization's so-called "left-behinds" – that could be characterized as a form of anomy at the international level. This complex challenge has not yet been fully embraced by the major institutions of global governance. There have been however responses at the sub-global level: connectivity politics, launched by China and followed by the European Union, is one illustration of the new paths that might be taken by global policy makers.

Since the late 19th century, the international scene has witnessed several waves of globalization that have transformed regulation and cooperation between nations. The current wave – that economists have defined as "globalization 4.0" – is shaped by an industrial revolution that combines digital, physical and biological transformations. Digital technology has a deep structural impact on public and private goods such as health, education, transportation or energy, which changes the terms of the global condition. It disrupts both the organization of societies and the relation between individuals and globalization. Compared to previous waves of globalization, globalization 4.0 affects the international system and runs throughout the global social fabric by increasing throughout the world the level of inequalities and by triggering subsequent polarization and fragmentation. In this global context, our current modes of cooperation and regulation are facing growing issues of legitimacy and efficiency, that are not entirely new, but that are now becoming particularly acute. Those issues of legitimacy and efficiency are furthermore complicated by a shared experience of disconnection from globalization – the rise of the globalization's so-called "left-behinds" – that could be characterized as a form of anomy at the international level. This complex challenge has not yet been fully embraced by the major institutions of global governance. There have been however responses at the sub-global level: connectivity politics, launched by China and followed by the European Union, is one illustration of the new paths that might be taken by global policy makers.

The article addresses main issues of United States-Soviet Union relations in 1985–1987 as per perception by the Media of the People's Republic of China. After World War II, the world split into two opposing blocs, led by the USA and the USSR. The 1980s brought about a significant shift in international economic relations. In 1985, new trends emerged: firstly, a number of developed and developing countries opposed the arms race fearing it might expand as far as the outer space and bring back the military polarization with unpredictable consequences for the economy; secondly, the demands of renouncing the tough confrontation were voiced within the military alliances. The leaders of both blocs found themselves unable to effectively control their allies. These changes forced the leadership of the USSR and the USA to adopt new foreign policies. This paper describes the course of negotiations between the USSR and the USA, the attitude of the Soviet leaders to American politicians, and the assessments of the actions of Soviet leaders by Chinese media. The evolution of Soviet foreign policy at that period can be divided into three stages: simultaneous dialogue and confrontation, first Soviet concessions and compromises, and two concessions of the USSR. In order to objectively and fairly describe the historical facts of the Soviet-American negotiations in 1985–1987, the author carefully analyzes the most important foreign policies of the USSR from the standpoint of the Chinese press and quotes the opinions of major Chinese newspapers, such as Renmin Ribao, Guangming Ribao, Xinhua Ribao and Zhongguo Qingnian Bao.

В статье рассматривается два аспекта феномена фашизма в 1930-е гг. Первый касается межгосударственных отношений, в рамках которых импульс внешнеполитической инициативы смещался от Италии к Германии на фоне растущей зависимости малых аграрных государств Центральной и балканской Европы от все более настойчивых автаркических амбиций нацистской Германии. В идеологическом аспекте подчеркивается стремление Италии и Германии усилить вмешательство в жизнь центрально-европейских государств путем слияния близких Риму и Берлину профашистских движений с другими партиями правого спектра. Такая политика редко достигала успеха и не способствовала усилению влияния автохтонных фашистских движений, в то время как традиционные консервативные элиты стремились подавить и маргинализировать фашистские движения, особенно в период до начала Второй мировой войны. Fascist phenomenon covers at least two aspects as far as international relations in the thirties are concerned. First are the inter-state relations with the slow shift of Fascist Italy from the occidental powers to Nazi Germany, as well as a growing polarization of the small agrarian countries from Eastern Europe by the autarchy politics of the second industrial world power, mainly after the remilitarization of the Rhineland in March 1936. But ideological dynamics adds a transnational convergence between far-right movements, Italy and mostly Germany trying to intervene on the inner political scenes of the Central European States in favor of the merging of the political right and thus acquiring a lever in these countries. Nevertheless, such policies were seldom successful and rarely benefitted to the main Fascist autochthonous movement, but rather to more obedient far right parties. Moreover, they had a contrary effect on the traditional conservative elites in charge with power, and the fascist defy often turned to harsh repress which marginalized them until the beginning of the war.

The article examines the role of experts and digital technologies in organizing non-hierarchical public communication related to the discussion of common problems. Digital technologies provide openness, which can contribute to the formation of an active position of all participants in the interaction, and vice versa, support the passivity of following a certain expectation, opinion of the authorities or the majority. The diversity of digital platforms and expert opinions presented on them creates conditions for the representation of various positions, which can both preserve and strengthen political and value polarization, and serve as a condition for mediation of experts working for local political consensus. The potential impact of digital technologies becomes relevant both in hierarchical communication, where they are used as a vehicle for management, control and regulation by the authorities, and in non-hierarchical communication. In the latter case, technologies allow to specify the problem, identify unexpected third-party effects, and thus establish a flexible design of governance as a coordination of various actors. ; В статье рассматривается роль экспертов и цифровых технологий в организации неиерархической публичной коммуникации, связанной с обсуждением общезначимых проблем. Цифровые технологии обеспечивают открытость, которая может способствовать как формированию активной позиции всех участников взаимодействия, так и, наоборот, поддерживать пассивность следования определенному ожиданию, мнению власти или большинства. Многообразие цифровых платформ и представленных на них экспертных суждений создает условия для репрезентации различных позиций, что может, как сохранять и усиливать политическую и ценностную поляризацию, так и служить условием посреднической деятельности экспертов, работающих на локальный политический консенсус. Потенциал воздействия цифровых технологий становится актуальным как в иерархической коммуникации, где они используются в качестве проводника управления как контроля и регулирования со стороны власти, так и в неиерархической коммуникации. В последнем случае технологии позволяют специфицировать проблему, выявить неожиданные сторонние эффекты и, тем самым, наладить гибкий дизайн управления как координации различных субъектов.

This article assesses the impact of sovereign countries in global financial governance. It uses the methodology of international political economy that studies the interaction between political and economic processes in the international arena. It shows the dualistic nature of international financial institutions, which, on the one hand, represent intergovernmental organizations and, on the other hand, are financial institutions with financial goals. The author investigates the principles of sovereign equality, equitable geographical representation and equal (parity) representation of groups of countries with distinct interests in the International Monetary Fund (IMF), Group of 20 (G20) and Financial Stability Board (FSB). The IMF's decision-making mechanism is shown in detail, including its executive board and the recent redistribution of quotas among member states, with special attention on the formula for calculating quotas, its criticism and possible reform. The article shows the major causes of reducing the impact of the IMF and the formation of a new, globally distributed system of financial governance. The article shows the hierarchy (by function as well as by country representativeness) of the system of global financial governance, established by 2010. It discusses the leadership of countries according to quantity and to key indicators (revenues, assets and market capitalization) of global systemically important financial institutions (banks and insurance company). Based on countries' membership in the G7 and the G20, the FSB, IMF, Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, and Bank for International Settlements countries are designated as at the core, semi-periphery or periphery of the international financial system in the context of the world systems theory. The influence of the technical elite, prevailing in the international financial sector, as well as the qualitative composition (education) of its members are revealed. The article concludes that there is significant polarization in the international financial system (core and the socalled marginal majority). Unlike the IMF, the newly created global financial institutions of the G20 and FSB fully comply with the principles of equitable geographical representation and parity representation of states with distinct interests.

The article is devoted to the analysis of culturological factors in the study of the consolidation of democracy. Within the framework of the article, the main subjects of research are such concepts as "democratic political culture", "civic culture", "ethics of discourse" and "culture of political dialogue". In the context of the final transition and the successful overcoming of the stage of consolidation of democracy, the author notes that there should be a minimalconsensus between all the key players in the political landscape regarding the functioning of political institutions, as well as generally accepted norms of behavior and rules of a democratic political game. And such agreements can be reached only in the case of a limited polarization of the political system. In this case, if there is a certain "dialogical gravitation" between the main socio-political actors, their unilateral actions are significantly limited, while simultaneously increasing the likelihood of formation of the culture of political dialogue, as an important factor in the process of consolidation of democracy. ; Հոդվածը նվիրված է ժողովրդավարության համախմբման մշակութաբանական գործոնների վերլուծությանը: Հետազոտության առարկան են այնպիսի հասկացություններ, ինչպիսիք են՝ «ժողովրդավարական քաղաքական մշակույթ», «քաղաքացիական մշակույթ», «դիսկուրսի էթիկա» և «քաղաքական երկխոսության մշակույթ»: Ժողովրդավարության համախմբման փուլը հաջողությամբ հաղթահարելու համատեքստում նշվում է, որ անհրաժեշտ է նվազագույն փոխհամաձայնություն քաղաքական դաշտի առանցքային դերակատարների միջև: Դա վերաբերում է ինչպես քաղաքական ինստիտուտների, այնպես էլ վարքի ընդհանուր խաղի ընդունված նորմերին և խաղի կանոններին: Նման համաձայնություններ կարելի է ձեռք բերել միայն քաղաքական համակարգի սահմանափակ բևեռացման դեպքում: Եթե հիմնական հասարակական-քաղաքական ուժերի միջև առկա է «երկխոսական ձգողականություն», ապա նրանց միակողմանի գործողությունները զգալիորեն սահմանափակվում են, և մեծանում է ժողովրդավարության ամրապնդման կարևոր գործոն հանդիսացող քաղաքական երկխոսության մշակույթի ձևավորման հավանականությունը: ; Статья посвящена анализу культорологических факторов консолидации демократии. Предметом исследования становятся такие понятия, как «демократическая политическая культура», «гражданская культура», «этика дискурса» и «культура политического диалога». В контексте успешнего преодоления стадии консолидации демократии отмечается, что между ключевыми игроками политического ландшафта необходим минимальный консенсус. Он касается функционирования политических институтов, а также общепризнанных норм поведения и правил игры. Такие соглашения могут быть достигнуты только в случае ограниченной поляризации политической системы. Если наличествует «диалогическая притягательность» между основными общественно-политическими силами, существенно ограничиваются их односторонние действия и повышается вероятность формирования культуры политического диалога - важного фактора консолидации демократии.

Раздел "Международные отношения" - рубрика "Зарубежный опыт" ; Политическая ситуация в Соединенных Штатах Америки все чаще характеризуется экспертами как безвыходная. Действительно, почти по всем показателям межпартийной поляризации разногласия между конгрессменами от Республиканской и Демократической партий стали за последние 25 лет настолько значительными, что достигли уровня межпартийной конфронтации 1920-х гг. Хотя и в средствах массовой информации, и в научной литературе часто высказываются предостережения по поводу опасных последствий такой ситуации, многие все же считают, что «безвыходная ситуация» всегда была свойственна американской политике и что отцы-основатели намеренно создали институциональную политическую систему, постоянно сохраняющую статус-кво. На фоне этих мнений в статье исследуются современные тенденции политики в области окружающей среды. Анализ строится на двух основных допущениях. Во-первых, автор исходит из того, что, несмотря на полученное демократами по итогам последних выборов большинство в обеих палатах Конгресса, «безвыходная ситуация» действительно определяет национальный политический ландшафт. Во-вторых, структура американской конституционной системы компенсирует влияние «безвыходной ситуации» и обусловливает возможность проведения эффективной политики в области окружающей среды даже в условиях «безвыходной ситуации» на федеральном уровне. = The claim that policymaking in the United States is mired in a state of gridlock has been repeated often and loudly. Indeed, by almost any measure of partisan polarization, the divide between Democratic and Republican members of Congress has widened deeply over the past twenty-five years, reaching the levels of partisan conflict not witnessed since the 1920s. Yet, if both the popular media and the scholarly literature are awash with dire warnings, others maintain that gridlock has long characterized the American system and that the founders intentionally designed a system of institutional politics that largely preserves the status quo. This article explores recent trends in environmental policymaking in light of these competing claims. The analysis is based on two basic assumptions: first, that policy gridlock does reasonably describe the current situation at the national level, this despite the recent midterm capture of both chambers of Congress by the Democrats. The second assumption, however, is that the constitutional structure of the American political system diminishes the importance of gridlock at the national level; thus, in spite of gridlock, effective environmental policy is continuing to evolve.