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The article aims to examine the role of non-farm actors and environmental interest groups in the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the European Union (EU). It uses policy networks as an analytical tool to understand the structure, dynamics and outcomes of the EU's agricultural decision-making processes. Both locations of actors in the CAP policy structures and interaction modes between actors are examined. Also, the role of networks in shaping the CAP's reform decisions is assessed. The article shows that non-farm actors, and specifically environmentalists, researchers and other agents interested in major CAP reforms, have limited influence on final policy outcomes. At the same time though it has been found that non-farm actors play an increasingly important role in framing the CAP policy debate. They form active and vocal issue networks that impinge upon initial stages of the agenda setting phase in the policy cycle process. Also, the EU institutions become more and more dependent on non-farm actors' expertise when it comes to policy evaluation. Although the pro-reform approach of these actors is clearly noticeable, it is still too small to bring more than incremental changes within the policy

The article aims to examine the role of non-farm actors and environmental interest groups in the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the European Union (EU). It uses policy networks as an analytical tool to understand the structure, dynamics and outcomes of the EU's agricultural decision-making processes. Both locations of actors in the CAP policy structures and interaction modes between actors are examined. Also, the role of networks in shaping the CAP's reform decisions is assessed. The article shows that non-farm actors, and specifically environmentalists, researchers and other agents interested in major CAP reforms, have limited influence on final policy outcomes. At the same time though it has been found that non-farm actors play an increasingly important role in framing the CAP policy debate. They form active and vocal issue networks that impinge upon initial stages of the agenda setting phase in the policy cycle process. Also, the EU institutions become more and more dependent on non-farm actors' expertise when it comes to policy evaluation. Although the pro-reform approach of these actors is clearly noticeable, it is still too small to bring more than incremental changes within the policy

Multi-level governance is now an established field of public policy research. In this context there is a need to introduce two new concepts: substantiation of public policy goals and multi- level coordination of public policy goals. In the study based on this assumption a qualitative approach is used. Usefulness of these two concepts was proved by participatory action policy research on one specific goal substantiated and coordinated within Europe 2020 Strategy in the policy area of poverty. In the course of the research (2012-2015) the author was a representative of the network of social NGOs in the governmental body responsible for implementation of the Europe 2020 Strategy in Poland. The main action research tool was an attempt to modify the goal of poverty reduction decided by the government in 2011. In that process rich data was generated, analyzed, interpreted and used for subsequent actions. The effect of the research is a deep insight and understanding of multi-level governance process in a specific policy area and a proposal for two new concepts. Emerging new research areas were proposed and discussed. ; Obszar teorii i badań, którego dotyczy artykuł, to wielopoziomowe rządzenie (multi-evel governance). Celem artykułu jest wprowadzenie do nauki o polityce publicznej dwóch nowych pojęć: konkretyzacja celu oraz wielopoziomowa koordynacja celu. W badaniach ugruntowujących tę propozycję zastosowano podejście jakościowe. Miały one charakter uczestniczący poprzez działanie (participative action research) w ramach praktyki polityki (policy work, policy practice). Autor jako przedstawiciel jednej z sieci organizacji pozarządowych brał aktywny udział w procesie realizacji Strategii Europa 2020 w Polsce w latach 2012-2015. Zasadniczym instrumentem badania uczestniczącego były działania na rzecz modyfikacji celu dotyczącego ubóstwa, który został ustalony przez polski rząd w roku 2011. Pozostałe dane pochodzą z analizy dokumentów i obserwacji uczestniczącej. W ich wyniku możliwe było uzyskanie głębszego zrozumienia procesu wielopoziomowego rządzenia w jednym z obszarów i propozycja nowych kategorii analitycznych. W rezultacie badań wyróżniono kilka faz krajowej konkretyzacji celu oraz dwa okresy wielopoziomowej koordynacji. Zaproponowano nowe kierunki rozwoju badań.

A deposit guarantee scheme is a crucial element of the financial safety network, which is currently undergoing a major reform in the European Union due to the process of the creation of the banking union. Therefore, it is important to present a variety of the possible target models, their adequacy in relation to the objectives set in the reform as well as to analyse the conditions which contributed to the choice of the one that is being implemented. What also needs to be addressed is the issue of the proposed model along with its potential to eliminate systemic dysfunctions, involving those addressed by the EU legislator as well as the moral hazard inherently present in the mere concept of a deposit guarantee scheme. ; System gwarantowania depozytów jest istotnym elementem sieci bezpieczeństwa finansowego, który w Unii Europejskiej przechodzi obecnie istotną reformę w związku z tworzeniem unii bankowej. Z tego względu istotne jest przedstawienie możliwych modeli docelowych, ich adekwatności w odniesieniu do założonych przez reformę celów, a także analiza uwarunkowań, które zadecydowały o wyłonieniu tego modelu, który jest wdrażany. Rozważenia wymaga również projektowana konstrukcja i jej potencjał w zakresie eliminacji dysfunkcji systemu, zarówno tych uwzględnionych przez unijnego prawodawcę, jak i inherentnie wpisanej w istnienie gwarancji depozytów pokusy nadużycia.

The article discusses current dilemmas of the European Union policy with regard to the development of competitive and low emission transport in the context of good governance principles. The first part discusses selected assumptions of the idea of public governance reflected in the EU transport policy. Then the current degree of development of the EU transport was assessed. The assessment of consequences of increased demand for transport confirmed the need to efficiently deliver on the strategy for the development of low emission transport. It is also stressed that the implementation of the assumptions of the public governance idea may be seen as an innovative solution in managing a complex network of ties and coordination of policies at different levels and support the shift towards low emission, circular economy model in transport. However, attention has been paid to the need to continue studies on the assessment of efficiency and effectiveness of good governance principles. ; Artykuł jest poświęcony prezentacji aktualnych dylematów polityki Unii Europejskiej dotyczących rozwoju konkurencyjnego i niskoemisyjnego transportu w kontekście realizacji zasad dobrego rządzenia (good governance). W pierwszej części artykułu omówiono wybrane założenia koncepcji współrządzenia (public governance), mające odzwierciedlenie w polityce transportowej Unii Europejskiej. Następnie dokonano oceny obecnego stanu rozwoju transportu Unii Europejskiej. Ocena konsekwencji wzrostu popytu na transport potwierdziła potrzebę efektywnej realizacji strategii na rzecz rozwoju niskoemisyjnego transportu. Podkreślono, że wdrażanie założeń koncepcji public governance może stanowić nowatorskie rozwiązanie w zakresie zarządzania skomplikowaną siecią powiązań i koordynacji polityk na wszystkich szczeblach, wspierając przejście transportu do modelu gospodarki niskoemisyjnej o obiegu zamkniętym. Zwrócono jednak uwagę na potrzebę kontynuacji badań nad oceną skuteczności i efektywności realizacji zasad good governance.

Celem tekstu jest ukazanie kształtowania się chińskiego szkolnictwa wyższego, jako formy soft power. Chińskie szkolnictwo wyższe traktowane jest jako element soft power polityki międzynarodowej Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej. Wykorzystanie instrumentu, jakim jest polityka szkolnictwa wyższego w postaci soft power możliwe jest dzięki dynamicznemu rozwojowi chińskich uczelni w ostatnich dwóch dekadach. Władze ChRL stawiają przed swoimi uczelniami ambitne cele, m.in. wprowadzenie kilkunastu uczelni do ligi najlepszych uniwersytetów świata. Chińskie uczelnie odchodzą od wzorca kultury organizacyjnej "copycat", rozwijając własną dynamikę innowacyjności uczelni, poprzez konsekwentne podnoszenie swoich pozycji w międzynarodowych rankingach. Jednocześnie jednak cele rozwojowe stawiane chińskim uczelniom powiązane są z globalną ekspansją gospodarczą ChRL. Dyplomacja naukowa Państwa Środka działa przede wszystkim poprzez Instytuty Konfucjusza. Uczelnie Unii Europejskiej stanowią cel strategiczny w tej polityce, gdyż posiadają one zasoby i praktyki konieczne do wzmocnienia uczelni chińskich. Artykuł analizuje wybrane aspekty użycia polityki uczelnianej jako soft power chińskiej dyplomacji. ; Higher education policy is an element of soft power in the international politics of the PRC. This has become possible because, for two decades, universities in China have been developing and undergoing profound changes. PRC authorities have set ambitious goals for their universities, e.g. making some of the universities top higher education institutions worldwide. Universities in China are abandoning the "copy-paste" pattern, developing their own technological innovations, and consistently raising their position in international rankings. Development goals set for Chinese universities are connected with the global economic expansion of the PRC. The scientific diplomacy of China is primarily executed through the Confucius Institutes network. European Union universities are a strategic goal of this policy as they possess the resources, practices and customs China needs to strengthen its universities. The paper analyzes selected issues of employing higher education policy as a soft power in Chinese diplomacy.

Polityka administracyjna kierownictwa resortu spraw wewnętrznych II Rzeczypospolitej w zakresie służby zdrowia skupiała się na zwalczaniu epidemii i chorób zakaźnych, a zwłaszcza najgroźniejszej z nich – gruźlicy, na podniesieniu ogólnego poziomu higieny społecznej poprzez wydawanie różnego rodzaju zarządzeń sanitarnych, dotyczących np. czystości miast, oraz na nadzorowaniu w skali kraju rozrastającej się sieci aptek i składów farmaceutycznych. Po zamachu majowym 1926 r. nową politykę administracyjną w zakresie zdrowia publicznego realizował minister spraw wewnętrznych S.F. Składkowski poprzez program "Podniesienie zdrowotności i wyglądu kraju". Propagował on wśród ludności kraju używanie śmietników i ustępów oraz regularne sprzątanie ulic, placów, podwórzy i obejść domów. Szefostwo resortu pracowało na rzecz zwiększenia "stanu posiadania" w szpitalnictwie i lecznictwie otwartym. Szkoliło personel administracji służby zdrowia, głównie w Państwowej Szkole Higieny. Od 1 lipca 1932 r. z kompetencji urzędu ministra spraw wewnętrznych wyłączono sprawy służby zdrowia, poza niewielkim działem techniki sanitarnej. Od tego czasu MSW skupiało się na wykonywaniu zadań związanych z zagadnieniami techniczno-sanitarnymi kraju, zwłaszcza w zakresie zabudowy osiedli i zaopatrzenia ludności w wodę. Znaczenie tych spraw wzrosło, gdy w maju 1936 r. premierem i ministrem spraw wewnętrznych został S.F. Składkowski. Zainicjował on wielką akcję higieniczno-sanitarną, głównie na wsi, w ramach której propagował stosowanie zasad higieny tak w życiu osobistym, jak i publicznym. ; The administrative policy of the heads of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Second Polish Republic in the field of healthcare between 1918 and 1939 focused on combating epidemics and infectious diseases, especially tuberculosis, which was the most dangerous one among them. Furthermore, its aim was also to raise the general level of social hygiene by issuing various types of sanitary ordinances concerning, e.g. city cleanliness. Moreover, it concentrated on the supervision of the growing network of pharmacies and pharmaceutical companies across the country. After the May Coup in 1926, a new administrative policy in the field of public health was primarily carried out by S. F. Składkowski, the Minister of Internal Affairs, by means of the "Improvement of State Health and Appearance" programme. He propagated the use of garbage cans and lavatories among the population as well as regular cleaning of streets, squares, courtyards, and homesteads. The Ministry's head worked to increase "the inventory" in both hospitals and outpatient care. The administrative personnel of the healthcare service were trained, for the most part, at the State School of Hygiene. Since the 1st of July 1932, matters concerning healthcare were excluded from the competences of the office of the Minister of Internal Affairs except for a small department of sanitary technology. From that time on, the Ministry of Internal Affairs focused on carrying out the tasks related to the technical and sanitary issues of the country, especially in the field of the development of housing estates and supplying water to the population. The significance of all of the aforementioned issues increased in May of 1936 when S. F. Składkowski became the Prime Minister and the Minister of Internal Affairs. He launched a great hygiene and sanitary programme, mainly in the Polish countryside, in which he advocated the application of hygiene principles both in private and public life.

The idea of building interconnectors between the transmission systems of the EU Member States is now getting more visible in Poland. This approach is a part of the implementation of European energy policy, which aims to strengthen cooperation between Member States' energy sectors. Combining transmission networks in the EU has also been included as one of the strategic objectives of the national energy policy and a tool of ensuring security of supplies. It is pointed out that the EU needs a fully functioning, connected and integrated internal market of energy, so that no country is isolated from the European network of transmission. The article discusses the grid investments in Poland and make comments on national interconnections in the context of their use of free bandwidth. ; Ostatnie lata to zwiększone zainteresowanie rozbudową transgranicznych połączeń międzysystemowych. Realizowana systematycznie w toku rozwoju integracji na zachodzie Europy idea budowania interkonektorów pomiędzy systemami przesyłowymi państw członkowskich, zajmuje obecnie coraz większą uwagę także w Polsce. Podejście to, odzwierciedlone realnymi inwestycjami, jest jednym z elementów realizacji europejskiej polityki energetycznej i systemu finansowego wsparcia powiązanych z nią programów, których celem jest zacieśnianie współpracy pomiędzy sektorami energetycznymi państw członkowskich.

Civil dialogue has an impact on the quality of public policy, inthe online form it allows direct influence of stakeholders on the process of formulation and its implementation. It is also anew quality inthe process of evaluating public policy. Civil dialogue is usually understood as aprocess of communication between the state authority and non-governmental organizations, but the author of the article indicates that it is possible toconduct civil dialogue inadirect way with citizens through social media. He presents the results of research aimed at verifying the use of social media by the authorities inorder toestablish adialogue with citizens. The research consisted inmeasuring and analyzing communication conducted by selected Polish voivodeship cities on the Twitter social network. The author points out the characteristic styles of communication that can be interpreted from the perspective of civil dialogue. ; Dialog obywatelski wpływa najakość prowadzonej polityki publicznej, wformie online umożliwia bezpośrednie wpływanie interesariuszy naproces jej formułowania iimplementacji. Stanowi również nową jakość wprocesie ewaluacji polityki publicznej. Dialog obywatelski rozumiany jest najczęściej jako proces komunikacji pomiędzy władzą państwową aorganizacjami pozarządowymi, autor artykułu wskazuje jednak, że możliwe jest prowadzenie dialogu obywatelskiego wsposób bezpośredni zobywatelami za pomocą mediów społecznościowych. Przedstawia wyniki badań, których celem była weryfikacja sposobu korzystania przez władzę zmediów społecznościowych wcelu nawiązania dialogu zobywatelami. Badanie polegało napomiarach ianalizie komunikacji prowadzonej przez wybrane polskie miasta wojewódzkie wserwisie społecznościowym Twitter. Autor wskazuje nacharakterystyczne style komunikacji, które można interpretować zperspektywy dialogu obywatelskiego.

Lithuania was among the first republics of the disintegrating Soviet Union to announce its declaration of independence, and in September 1991 established diplomatic relations with Poland. In January 1992, both countries signed a joint declaration, and in April 1994 they signed the Treaty on friendly relations and good neighborly cooperation. Over the next 10 years, ways of achieving foreign policy objectives shared by both countries were sought and eventually worked out. Mutual support in pursuit of becoming a member of NATO and of the European Union was visible, which eventually turned into profound relations that were referred to as a strategic partnership. A network of cooperation was formed. It included deep political contacts at all levels and the paying of first foreign visits after being sworn in, which on the Polish side was initiated in 1996 by President A. Kwaśniewski, has become a symbol. Both countries have undertaken joint initiatives to improve energy security and military cooperation, and conduct cross-border and interregional cooperation. The end of the second decade of the two countries' relations showed, however, that unresolved problems, mainly related to the status of the Polish minority in Lithuania, have been increasingly influencing the policy of steadily building good neighborly relations between Warsaw and Vilnius. ; Lithuania was among the first republics of the disintegrating Soviet Union to announce its declaration of independence, and in September 1991 established diplomatic relations with Poland. In January 1992, both countries signed a joint declaration, and in April 1994 they signed the Treaty on friendly relations and good neighborly cooperation. Over the next 10 years, ways of achieving foreign policy objectives shared by both countries were sought and eventually worked out. Mutual support in pursuit of becoming a member of NATO and of the European Union was visible, which eventually turned into profound relations that were referred to as a strategic partnership. A network of cooperation was formed. It included deep political contacts at all levels and the paying of first foreign visits after being sworn in, which on the Polish side was initiated in 1996 by President A. Kwaśniewski, has become a symbol. Both countries have undertaken joint initiatives to improve energy security and military cooperation, and conduct cross-border and interregional cooperation. The end of the second decade of the two countries' relations showed, however, that unresolved problems, mainly related to the status of the Polish minority in Lithuania, have been increasingly influencing the policy of steadily building good neighborly relations between Warsaw and Vilnius.

There is no doubt that after the end of the Cold War the structure of the Interna­tional System had to reformulate. 20 years after the fali of the SovietUnion, itis worth asking the question: Are the Contemporary International Relation turning into the unipolar or multipolar system? And what impact on present-day states' capabilities to conduct foreign policy the globalization has and will be having? To capture the essence of the contemporary International environment the text is devoted to the historical evolution of International Relations which highlights the characteristics of the current period.The article reveals that, as a result of unsettled structure of the Contemporary International System and increasing influence of the globalization, present-day governments tend to look for different reference systems, depending on the objective to be achieved. In order to maximize security and developmentopportunities and minimize the level of dependence states are creating flexible networks of key partners. It seems that, atthe threshold of the 21th century a successful foreign policy making is seen as the ability to balance between efficient management and independent management.

There is no doubt that after the end of the Cold War the structure of the Interna­tional System had to reformulate. 20 years after the fali of the SovietUnion, itis worth asking the question: Are the Contemporary International Relation turning into the unipolar or multipolar system? And what impact on present-day states' capabilities to conduct foreign policy the globalization has and will be having? To capture the essence of the contemporary International environment the text is devoted to the historical evolution of International Relations which highlights the characteristics of the current period.The article reveals that, as a result of unsettled structure of the Contemporary International System and increasing influence of the globalization, present-day governments tend to look for different reference systems, depending on the objective to be achieved. In order to maximize security and developmentopportunities and minimize the level of dependence states are creating flexible networks of key partners. It seems that, atthe threshold of the 21th century a successful foreign policy making is seen as the ability to balance between efficient management and independent management.

There is no doubt that after the end of the Cold War the structure of the International System had to reformulate. 20 years after the fall of the Soviet Union, it is worth asking the question: Are the Contemporary International Relation turning into the unipolar or multipolar system? And what impact on present-day states' capabilities to conduct foreign policy the globalization has and will be having? To capture the essence of the contemporary international environment the text is devoted to the historical evolution of International Relations which highlights the characteristics of the current period. The article reveals that, as a result of unsettled structure of the Contemporary International System and increasing influence of the globalization, present-day governments tend to look for different reference systems, depending on the objective to be achieved. In order to maximize security and development opportunities and minimize the level of dependence states are creating flexible networks of key partners. It seems that, at the threshold of the 21th century a successful foreign policy making is seen as the ability to balance between efficient management and independent management. ; Nie ulega wątpliwości, że po zakończeniu zimnowojennych zmagań bipolarny system międzynarodowy musiał ulec przeformułowaniu. Po 20 latach od upadku Związku Radzieckiego warto postawić pytanie: Czy współczesna scena polityczna zmierza w kierunku układu jedno- czy wielobiegunowego? Nie mniej istotny jest wpływ globalizacji i regionalizacji (fragmentaryzacji) – wielopłaszczyznowych procesów, które od połowy XX wieku coraz intensywniej kształtują sytuację gospodarczo-społeczną oraz polityczną świata . Aby uchwycić sedno współczesnego otoczenia międzynarodowego niniejszy tekst poświęcony został historycznej ewolucji stosunków międzynarodowych, która uwypukli cechy charakteryzujące okres obecny. W rezultacie systemowych uwarunkowań współczesne rządy będą szukały różnych układów odniesienia w zależności od rodzaju celu, jaki chcą osiągnąć. Wobec pragmatyzacji polityki współczesnych państw, sieci kluczowych partnerów, odpowiadające poszczególnym priorytetom ich strategii rozwoju, wydają się być rozwiązaniem maksymalizującym szanse i minimalizującym zagrożenia. Skuteczna polityka doby XXI wieku jawi się więc, jako umiejętność balansowania pomiędzy sprawnym zarządzaniem, a niezależnym zarządzaniem, dającym aktorom maksymalne bezpieczeństwo i możliwości rozwoju, przy możliwym do zaakceptowania poziomie uzależnienia.

Lithuania was among the first republics of the disintegrating Soviet Union to an nounce its declaration of independence, and in September 1991 established diplomatic relations with Poland. In January 1992, both countries signed a joint declaration, and in April 1994 they signed the Treaty on friendly relations and good neighborly cooperation. Over the next 10 years, ways of achieving foreign policy objectives shared by both countries were sought and eventually worked out. Mutual support in pursuit of becoming a member of NATO and of the European Union was visible, which eventually turned into profound relations that were referred to as a strategic partnership. A network of cooperation was formed. It included deep political contacts at all levels and the paying of first foreign visits after being sworn in, which on the Polish side was initiated in 1996 by President A. Kwaœniewski, has become a symbol. Both countries have undertaken joint initiatives to improve energy security and military cooperation, and conduct cross-border and interregional cooperation. The end of the second decade of the two countries' relations showed, however, that unresolved problems, mainly related to the status of the Polish minority in Lithuania, have been increasingly influencing the policy of steadily building good neighborly relations between Warsaw and Vilnius.

The presented study is an attempt to indicate the impact of the concept of multilevel-governance (multi-level governance), well-established in the provisions related to the planning and implementation of the EU policies, with a view to developing forms of cooperation between public administration and its environment. This can be observed in the field of regulations relating to preparation of a contract partnership and creation of strategies and programs connected with the implementation of cohesion and development policy, which was adopted within the European Union. They precisely determine transformation of the Polish law in this area in the direction of adapting it to the EU law, and thus, influence the intensity of forms of cooperation as well between administrative bodies as social and economic partners. This, in turn, results in the intensification of network type connections in the vertical and horizontal planes that reveal new organizational and legal forms in the preparation and implementation phases of development tasks at the national, regional and local levels.