This essay explores the effects o f two specific life experiences upon the political attitudes and behavior of older African-Americans as compared with younger African-Americans. The findings that emerge are generally opposite what theory would predict. Poorer health and experiencing traumatic events seem to increase, by direct and indirect routes, the likelihood of African-Americans becoming more active in politics. Possible explanations for the unexpected findings are discussed.
In der Studie wird untersucht, wie bedeutend sozial-demographische Charakteristika sind, wenn politische Verhaltens- und Orientierungsweisen in der frühen Gesellschaft erklärt werden. Die Annäherung an das Problem erfolgt auf der Grundlage von Namenslisten und biographischen Daten der Repräsentanten der Frankfurter Nationalversammlung, der Pariser Assemblee nationale Constituante 1848/49 und des British House of Commons 1841/42. Zum Vergleich werden Ergebnisse ähnlicher Studien über die mexikanische Nationalversammlung von 1916/17 und des deutschen Reichstags von 1893 und 1903 benutzt. Die Haupthypothese lautet, daß der soziale Hintergrund und die soziale Zugehörigkeit der Repräsentanten ihre parlamentarischen Entscheidungen beeinflussen. Diese Annahme wird überprüft mit einem heterogenen oder Grundmodell, das Standardatribute kollektiv-biographischer Forschung kombiniert: Alter, Beruf, Mitglied des Adels, Heimatregion. In einem zweiten Schritt wird das Basismodell in drei Teilhypothesen geteilt, die von allgemeinen Vermutungen über die Entstehung und Weitergabe politischer Orientierung abgeleitet werden: (1) ein parteiisch ausgerichteter Ansatz, der politisches Verhalten interpretiert gemäß dem Wunsch, tatsächliche Vorteile im Wettbewerb um Macht, Reichtum und Prestige zu erlangen; (2) ein Ansatz der die Wirkungen der Sozialisierung betont und der davon ausgeht, daß politische Orientierung während der politischen Sozialisierung und Auswahl durch Institutionen, die Werte übermitteln, und durch Erfahrungen in der politischen Karriere erworben wird; (3) ein theoretischer Ansatz, der sich auf geographische Repräsentanz konzentriert und davon ausgeht, daß eine enge Beziehung zwischen parlamentarischen Entscheidungen und den Orientierungen der Wähler besteht. Die multiple Klassifikationsanalyse wird benutzt, um die verschiedenen Modelle zu testen. ; The purpose of this study is to investigate how significant social-demographic characteristics are if we want to explain the political behavior and orientations of actors in past societies. We approached this problem on the basis of rollcall data and biographical data of the representatives of the Frankfurt National Assembly, the Paris Assemblee Nationale Constituante 1848/49 and the British House of Commons 1841 - 1842. For comparative purposes results of related studies about the Mexican National Assembly of 1916 - 1917 and the German 'Reichstag' of 1893 and 1903 have been used. The main hypothesis was that the social background and the social affiliations of the representatives determined their parliamentary decisionmaking. This assumption has been tested first by a heterogeneous model ('basic model) which combines 'standard' attributs of collective-biographical research: age, profession, membership in the nobility, and regional origin. In a second step we split up the basic model in three partial hypotheses, which have been derived from general assumptions concerning the genesis and transmission of political orientations: 1. an interested oriented approach which interprets political behavior according to the wish to get actual advantages in the contest for power, wealth and prestige; 2. an approach which emphasizes the effects of socialization and which assumes that political orientations have been acquired during political socialization and selection by institutions which transmit values and by experiences in the political career; 3. a theoretical approach which is focused on geographic representation and which assumes a close connection between parliamentary decision making and the orientations of the electors.
Organizational behavior has developed into a particularly non-contextual applied social science. It is clear to any observer that organizational behaviors tend to differ across societies, yet discussions of these differences typically document variations in organizational practices and cultures, which are descriptive without being explanatory. These accounts do not address why organizational practices and behavior differ in different societal contexts and so cannot be used to, among other things, predict change. Here ideas drawn from comparative institutions theories are applied in an effort to better understand organizational behavior in the organizations of relatively more traditional societies, and the circumstances under which organizations are likely to adopt comparatively more modern practices.
Pei-Te Lien's The Political Participation of Asian Americans is a timely and much needed addition to the political behavior literature in Political Science and Asian American Studies. In the preface, Lien states that she hopes to "fill the research vacuum and to facilitate a dialogue long overdue" between these two academic fields (xiii). One of the main reasons for this vacuum is that Asian Americans have been undersampled in national and state-wide exit poll surveys. The result is a misrepresentation of their political opinions (45). For example, the Field Institute's 1992 California state-wide poll contained a sample size of 8,170 respondents, but less than 300 were Asian for approximately 3 percent despite the fact that they make up almost 12 percent of the entire state's population. Given such limited Asian sample sizes, the Los Angeles Times attempted to ameliorate this misrepresentation with a series of surveys conducted during 1992 and 1993, which over-sampled the Asian American population in Southern California.
This thesis was an experimental research project designed to identify the impacts of negative and positive political advertising on voting behavior. The research also focused on how negative and positive political advertising affects the character image of a candidate. Additionally, the research asked questions to determine if opinions on current political issues make a difference in voting behavior. The subjects (N=134) watched a series of commercials from an actual primary congressional election. The subjects viewed different combinations of advertisements to determine the different impacts. The results of the research suggest that there is a significant difference when comparing the reactions to negative and positive political advertising. Negative advertising can be informative to voters whereas positive advertising attracts more votes.
Although Eliza Haywood's works have generally not been considered political, examination of three of her novels from the 1720s reveals a significant political component. The narrators of these novels identify themselves as political actors by taking up the position of outsiders whose apparently disinterested position endows them with virtue and qualifies them to offer criticisms. These criticisms argue that behavior excused by politicians as merely private is, in fact, political behavior that affects the public sphere. Haywood thus aligns herself with the Tory element of the opposition to Walpole and claims a place for herself within the political sphere.
Procedural justice is placed within a larger theoretical context developed from theories of comparative institutions. In a sample of Lithuanian and American electronics companies it was found that: (a) Employees in the "neotraditional" political economy perceived their organizations as less meritocratic than did their peers in the "modern" political economy. (b) The relationship between political economy and employee perceptions of procedural justice was mediated by the organizations' use of meritocratic practices. (c) Procedural justice was associated with employee organizational commitment and coworker trust, controlling for political economy.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 429-456) and indexes. ; Introduction: federalism, political identity, and American state politics -- Going inside states: the geography of local political behavior -- State politics and presidential voting, 1988---2000 -- California -- Florida -- Texas -- Colorado -- Minnesota -- Georgia -- Connecticut -- Maryland -- Oregon -- Michigan -- Illinois -- Sectionalism and political change in the states -- Appendix A. The challenge of ecological inference -- Appendix B. Complete ecological inference estimates, by state -- Appendix C. Complete voter transition results, by state. ; Mode of access: Internet.
by Law Wun-sheng. ; Title on added t.p.: UDHK and election in Hong Kong : the behavior, strategies and objectives of a political elite group. ; Copy 3 contains chapter 6-7. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1992. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 102-105). ; ACKNOWLEDGMENT ; INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Problem and Hypothesis ; Data and Methodology ; The Setting ; Crisis and Opportunity ; Elections in1991 ; Emergence of UDHK ; Chapter CHAPTER 1: --- FOUNDATION OF UDHK --- p.20 ; Liberal Groups ; A Common Goal ; Infrastructure of UDHK ; Moral and Contractual Basis ; A Party of Populism? ; Chapter CHAPTER 2: --- HYBRID OF WESTERN AND CHINESE CULTURES --- p.31 ; Descendants of Refugees and Sojourners ; Esoteric Socialization of Elite ; Christianity and Rationality ; Impersonal Standard ; Impact of ICAC ; Political Fabians ; Normative and Pragmatic Rules ; Principle of Calculation ; Chapter CHAPTER 3: --- ELECTORAL STRATEGIES OF UDHK --- p.51 ; Constraints and Restraints ; A Mobilization Meeting ; Action-set and Quasi-group ; Home-visit to Voters ; Joint-ticket Strategy ; Principle of Reciprocity ; Denigration and Negative Campaign ; Traditional Strategies ; Chapter CHAPTER 4: --- OBJECTIVES OF UDHK --- p.73 ; A Greater Democracy in Hong Kong ; Legislative Restraints ; Universalistic and Particularistic Interests ; Prestigious and Pecuniary Goals ; The Burden of Chinese Culture ; From 'Rose Garden' to 'Rosy China' ; Chapter CHAPTER 5: --- CONCLUSION --- p.92 ; NOTES --- p.98 ; BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.102 ; Chapter APPENDIX I - --- Interview Questionnaire --- p.106 ; Chapter APPENDIX II - --- Home-visit Survey Questionnaire --- p.109 ; CHRONOLOGY OF MAJOR EVENTS IN HONG KONG --- p.112 ; POLITICAL HISTORY
This essay reviews some recent major research advances in comparative political behavior. We focus on a few major areas of research: political culture, political participation, value change, and electoral choice. I chose these areas for two reasons. First, I believe that these areas have made significant scientific advances in recent years. Second, although these examples are largely drawn from research on advanced industrial societies, they also are relevant to the process of transition for emerging democracies. These are areas where we can expand our present knowledge in the context of this global wave of democratization.
Includes bibliographical references and index. ; / Sue Davis -- Robert G. McCloskey, historical institutionalism, and the arts of judicial governance / Howard Gillman -- Robert Dahl : democracy, judicial review, and the study of law and courts / David Adamany and Stephen Meinhold -- Martin Shapiro : anticipating the new institutionalism / Herbert M. Kritzer. ; The study of judicial behavior and the discipline of political science / Nancy Maveety -- C. Herman Pritchett : innovator with an ambiguous legacy / Lawrence Baum -- Glendon Schubert : the judicial mind / Jeffrey A. Segal -- S. Sidney Ulmer : the multidimensionality of judicial decision making / Robert C. Bradley -- Harold J. Spaeth : the Supreme Court computer / Sara C. Benesh -- Joseph Tanenhaus : the "learned discipline" of public law / Robert A. Carp -- Beverly Blair Cook : the value of eclecticism / Lee Epstein and Lynn Mather -- Walter F. Murphy : the interactive nature of judicial decision making / Lee Epstein and Jack Knight -- J. Woodford Howard Jr. : fluidity, strategy, and analytical synthesis in judicial studies / Nancy Maveety and John Anthony Maltese -- David J. Danelski : social psychology and group choice / Thomas G. Walker -- David Rohde : rational choice theorist / Saul Brenner -- Edward S. Corwin as public scholar / Cornell W. Clayton -- Alpheus Thomas Mason : piercing the judicial veil ; Mode of access: Internet.
This dissertation examines ways in which differences in states' political activity laws affect the political attitudes and reported behavior of senior state government employees. Of particular concern is whether a stringent little Hatch Act engenders any "chilling effects" that may lead these workers to shy away from permissible political activities. The study included officials employed in Pennsylvania, which has a restrictive political activity statute, and New Jersey, which has generally permissive laws. Mail questionnaires were sent to 962 officials, 512 from Pennsylvania and 450 from New Jersey. Responses were received from 582 employees, yielding a 61.91% response rate. Compared to New Jersey officials, those from Pennsylvania were less knowledgeable about their state's political activity laws. The Pennsylvania employees also reported being less politically active and less satisfied with their activity, and were more likely to indicate that they would increase their level of political activity if state prohibitions were eliminated. However, compared to their New Jersey counterparts, these officials were no less inclined to engage in permissible political activities. This finding casts doubt on the notion that a highly restrictive statutory climate spawns chilling effects. ; Ph. D.
A predictive relationship is proposed between stronger communitarian normative ideological values and beliefs regarding the political and economic social contract, and greater amounts of organizational citizenship behavior (OCB). The theoretical foundation supporting this relationship is based in management literature on organizational cooperation, and political theory literature on individualist and communitarian ideological orientation, which derives from the social contract theories of Hobbes, Locke, and Rousseau. Survey data from 315 organizational employees supported the study's proposal that stronger communitarian ideological orientation had statistically significant and positive direct and interaction effects predicting greater OCB performance. ; Ph. D.
In this paper we investigate whether there are any tactical motives behind the distribution of grants from central to lower level governments. We use a temporary grant program that is uniquely suitable for testing theories of vote-purchasing behavior of incumbent governments. The temporary grant program differs from traditional intergovernmental grants in several aspects, most importantly in the sovereign decision making power given to the incumbent central government. We find support for the hypothesis that the incumbent government used the grant program under study in order to win votes. In particular, we find strong support for the Lindbeck-Weibull/Dixit-Londregan model in which parties distribute transfers to regions where there are many swing voters. This result is statistically as well as economically significant. We do however not find any support for the model that predicts that the incumbent government transfers money to its own supporters.
