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Downs (1957) has proposed that new political parties may be formed in order to change the policy positions of established parties. Rather than seeking to implement their own manifestos directly from government office, some new parties may seek to influence the manifestos of established parties in order to see their policy goals realized. While the notion is old, it has not been studied extensively. This paper seeks to find out under what conditions established parties take over policy positions specific to new parties. It looks at two points in time when an established party can do so: in anticipation, ie, before a new party enters parliament, & in reaction, ie, after a new party has entered parliament. To this end, the paper will study the anticipatory behavior & reactions of all established parties to all new parties entering the Dutch political system since 1946. Adapted from the source document.

In a discussion of self-interest-based behavior, it is contended that the changing face of the political economy is reflected in emerging concepts of egoism. In standard Marxist, elitist, or public choice models of political systems, the motivation for any political action is self-interest. It is argued that the idea of individual self-interest is evolving as economic imperialism (which first created the concept) declines & is replaced by the new institutionalism. Reviewed here are both formal definitions of self-interest that exclude external political factors, & material definitions that focus on free choices & personal preference in political action. The centrality of self-interest in economic imperialist discourse is also examined, & revised versions of the self-interest concept -- eg, mixed motivation, indirect egoism, contextually contained egoism, & embedded egoism -- are explored. Neither extreme of direct egoism or political irrationality can replace the self-interest concept. 195 References. J. Sadler

Discusses voting as a paradoxical, cyclical social preference, reflecting a common method of social choice used in democratic political decisions, ie, majority rule. An example of the voting paradox is analyzed. In Nov 1994, the Dutch Parliament discussed the modernization of the nuclear power plant in Borssele, offering parliament members three distinct options. Development of the options is reconstructed, & it is shown that subsequent application of majority rule through voting would have led to a top cycle in social preferences. This example illustrates how the voting paradox can occur in Dutch politics. 5 Tables, 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

A scheme of analysis for separatism is proposed that identifies the essential factor in a separatist process & explains the waves of active & "dead" separatist activity. Three dimensions in the separatist process are distinguished: conflict, mobilization, & collective action. Each stage is determined by certain factors, eg: contradictions of identity & interests between people & nation; social, political, & economic opportunities of the people; elite behavior; & strength & social movement. Evolution from one dimension to the next depends on these factors, national policy, & societal changes caused by modernization. Periods of inactivity or activity can be explained by verifying the presence or absence of these factors. It is concluded that there are false & real "dead" periods, & that not all separatist activity has a sound basis. 2 Tables. Modified HA

In the public debate and amongst scientists anxiety prevails concerning the situation of modern parliamentary democracy regarding nearly all established of nearly democracies. The concern focuses on the electoral loss of middle parties and heavily fluctuating election results, and the rise of radical Left and Right, where words such as pallet democracy, crisis and Weimar republic are used. The author sketches the outlines of different research directions he studied regarding European politics: voter behavior; decreasing importance of the Left-Right antagonism; decreasing political faith; increasing numbers of extreme Right parties. This to study more closely the different aspects of the alleged crisis of European party democracies (do citizens have unrealistically high expectations of government; the evolution from cartel parties to campaign parties, including the growing importance of the media; lack of party representation for large groups of citizens). Foremost, the author mentions that neo-liberal economic policies of the European Union do not parallel public opinion of EU member states. Figures. O. van Zijl

One of the most important problems in political science is party choice. Choice problems of a general nature have been studied by psychologists & market-researchers. Models from these fields are applied to political choice behavior. Research here was based on the principles of the 'attitude-model', which incorporates cognitive & affective aspects, integrated by means of combination rules. Focus is on identification of central attributes that characterize the 14 Dutch political parties in parliament. This was done by utilizing multidimensional scaling representations & by presenting a set of prespecified attributes to a group of individuals. The investigation pointed out 3 dimensions representing the 14 parties: the leftist-religious & government dimension, the nongovernment group, & a 3rd dimension, which could not be labeled. Discrepancies between these results & those of earlier research are due to differences in methods of data collection. The need for additional information is stressed. 3 Tables, 2 Figures. Modified HA.

The political arithmetic of Sir William Petty is explored as a method of investigation, in relation to his political & economic ideas. Elements of the relevant cultural background are exposed. Petty's ideas are shown to exhibit a remarkable degree of interconnectedness: political institutions, economic behavior, & demographic developments are interrelated & influence each other in producing "peace & plenty" for the country. Petty's investigation into the central concept of 'plenty' is an example of the method of political arithmetic; he attempted to express man in terms of number, weight, or measure. Modified HA.

The ecologist (green) party, Agalev, & the radical right-wing party, Vlaams Blok, have often been considered each others' antipodes on the Belgium political spectrum in their attitudes toward immigrant rights, Flemish & Belgian nationalism, materialistic vs postmaterialistic values, & environmental policy. Using data from 2,619 Flemish voters after the 1991 general elections, attitudes & sociodemographic characteristics of these parties are analyzed in a global logistic regression model, using the electorates of all other parties as a reference category. It is found that young urban non-Catholics are overrepresented in the electorates of both parties; however, Agalev voters tend to be well-educated & have a high occupational status, whereas Vlaams voters are more likely to have little education & a low (blue-collar) occupational status. Controlling for social characteristics, these attitudinal variables show significant opposite net effects on the electoral choice. Agalev & Vlaams Blok each received about 10% of the votes, supporting Swyngedouw's thesis (1986 [see abstract 86Q8012]) about the emergence of two cleavages, the universalistic-particularistic & postmaterialistic-materialistic. 3 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

The article deals with the proper identification & localization of the effect of election predictions on voting behavior. As a revision of the "traditional bandwagon concept" stemming from the 1930's & 1940's, which is still in use despite its conceptual fallacy, new lines of thought are merged into the definition of the "modern bandwagon concept:" the relative & subjective bandwagon effects, together with the relative & subjective underdog effects & the slack effect, constitute the declaration effect as a resultant. Using matrices based upon party preferences, upon exposure to, perception of & interpretation of election predictions, & upon possible voting behavior, the several effects are localized. The real existence of effects is briefly discussed in relation to favorable or neutralizing conditions from the fields of pol'al sci & of mass COMM's. A warning is issued, on methodological & pol'al grounds, against too quick an acceptance of US res findings as valid for the Netherlands. IPSA.

THE STUDY OF CORRUPTION IS PURSUED ALONG ECOLOGICAL LINES, FOCUSING ON THE INTERRELATIONSHIP OF POLITICS & ADMINISTRATION. IF POLITICS IS DEFINED IN TERMS OF VALUES, POWER, & PUBLIC POLICY, THEN AN ADMINISTRATOR MAY BE CONSIDERED A 'POLITICIAN' IN MANY RESPECTS, ALTHOUGH HE IS OPERATING IN A MORE STRUCTURED CONTEXT & SUBJECT TO DIFFERENT NORMS (ADMINISTRATIVE OUTPUT-CULTURE, VS POLITICIAN'S INPUT-CULTURE). WHETHER CORRUPTION IS DEFINED AS THE VIOLATION OF NORMS, AS SELF-INTERESTED BEHAVIOR, OR AS A TRANSACTION, THE VARIOUS FORMS OF CORRUPTION MAY BE EXPLAINED BY THE CONFUSION & OVERLAP OF POLITICS & ADMINISTRATION. OFFICIAL POSITIONS MAY SERVE AS SPOILS, USED AS POLITICAL RESOURCE, OR CORRUPT LOYALITIES MAY GUIDE AN ADMINISTRATOR'S BEHAVIOR; THE LATTER MAY BE RELATED TO THE INFORMAL ORGANIZATION WITHIN THE BUREAUCRACY OR TO THE SOCIAL & POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT. IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES, INTERNAL BUREAUCRATIC COMPETITION & ENVIRONMENTAL NEEDS FOR CORRUPT INFLUENCE ON PUBLIC POLICY ARE ESPECIALLY STRONG BECAUSE OF SOCIAL CONFLICTS, DISRUPTIVE CONTACT BETWEEN TRADITIONAL & WESTERN NORMS & ROLES, & BECAUSE OF AN INCREASING IMPACT OF THE NATIONAL ADMINISTRATION UPON THE CULTURALLY DISTANT LOCAL COMMUNITIES. CULTURAL CONFUSION & POLITICAL EXCLUSION OF MANY GROUPS LEAVE CORRUPTION AS THE ONLY EFFECTIVE MEANS TO INFLUENCE PUBLIC POLICY AT THE OUTPUT STAGE. MODIFIED HA.

A discussion of the development of political protest in the Netherlands based on: (1) a study conducted by S. H. Barnes, M. Kaase, et al in 1974 (Political Action. Mass Participation in Five Western Democracies, Beverly Hills: Sage, 1979); (2) a 1979 replication conducted by J. J. A. Thomassen et al (De verstomde revolutie. Politieke opvattingen en gedragingen van Nederlandse burgers na de jaren zestig [The Speechless Revolution. Political Opinions and Behavior of Dutch Citizens after the Sixties], Samson: Alphen a.d. Rijn, 1983); & (3) a 1985 replication survey conducted by the department of political science of the U of Amsterdam. Analysis indicates that the protest potential in the Netherlands has diminished, but that participation has increased; while youth in the 1960s had relatively high protest potential & protest participation, youth of the 1980s appear to be even more active. The questionnaire also examined willingness to demonstrate for (or against) issues classified as socialist, new (immaterialist), or traditional. Although a distinction was expected, the willingness to demonstrate for the socialist & new issues was relatively high, & there were no clear boundaries between the supporters of these groups. It is concluded that much remains to be learned about the manner in which a potential for certain actions develops & is mobilized. 11 Tables, 1 Appendix, 31 References. Modified AA

An attempt to analyze the concepts of depoliticization & of decline of ideology, followed by a theory which partly explains these phenomena. Some forms of depoliticization & of decline of ideology are described, but the field of investigation is not developed enough to show to what extent these 2 facts really occur. Some of the functions of pol'al ideology are the integration of knowledge & evaluation; the explanation & evolution of the choice of pol'al purposes, of ways & means, of the leaders' positions, of the followers' positions, behavior & opinions; & the integration of adherents & the exclusion of others. IPSA.

A review of the literature indicates that only a minority of youth shift to a more extreme (leftist or rightist) political position because of their experience with unemployment. Rather, unemployment deepens the political apathy of youth because it serves to isolate youth. The learned-helplessness experience of unemployment also contributes to their political apathy. Analysis of 1985 survey data from 536 employed & 220 unemployed youth regarding their political, socioeconomic, & religious attitudes, & their voting behavior, reveals that the unemployed described themselves as "center left," & were more radical on socioeconomic issues & favored a more leftist vote than the employed. The unemployed were also more skeptical about religion & more permissive in sexual ethics. 3 Tables. Modified HA