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Since the earlier studies about the voting behavior of the United Nations members during the 1950s, there is no agreement among voting analysts on the best methodology to detect states aggregations & blocs in the General Assembly. Almost every author involved in this topic proposed a new method -- or at least a new application of a previous method -- to better show the map of UN members vote. The aim of this paper is to find some common patterns in the wide universe of voting behavior studies in order to turn out the methodological diversity in cumulative knowledge, & to provide practical paths of analysis for future researches. The first paragraph classifies the researches on voting behavior in the General Assembly by the goals, the object & the method of research. The following paragraph shows the main methods used in the last fifty years & their evolution. Finally, the Conclusion underlines the common aspects of voting behavior analysis in the General Assembly & suggests strategies of researches. Adapted from the source document.

The article intends to assess the EU's action in the field of labour migration, retracing its main stages, from the 1999 Tampere European Council to nowadays. The analysis focuses on the main legal tools adopted by the EU Legislator, evaluating their impact and efficacy, and then concludes with an overall assessment of the EU policy on labour migration with particular regard to the question as whether it may actually be considered as «common» as provided for in the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union under Article 79.

The report on cities. Metropolises through the crisis are the fruit of the first year of work of Urban@it, the National Centre for Studies for Urban Policy. The interest in the report, managed by Marco Cremali, is above all in choosing a specific point of view, the establishment of metropolitan cities, at a particular time when the country is trying to emerge from the economic, social and political crisis that has marked the last few years. In this respect, the report calls for a greater interest in the policy towards our cities, starting with metropolitan cities, bringing benefits to the whole country, as recommended by the European Union and international agencies. ; Il Rapporto sulle città. Metropoli attraverso la crisi è il frutto del primo anno di lavoro di Urban@it, Centro nazionale di studi per le politiche urbane.L'interesse per il Rapporto, curato da Marco Cremaschi, è innanzitutto nell'aver scelto uno specifico punto di vista, l'istituzione delle Città metropolitane, in un particolare momento storico in cui il paese cerca di uscire dalla crisi economica, sociale, ma anche politica che ha segnato gli ultimi anni. In tal senso, il Rapporto auspica un maggior interessamento della politica nei confronti delle nostre città, a cominciare proprio dalle città metropolitane, producendo benefici per tutto il paese, come raccomandato peraltro dall'Unione europea e dalle agenzie internazionali.

For at least a quarter of a century, sociologists, political scientists, & political analysts wondered if & how classical social variables -- in the first place those related to socio-structural cleavage -- which for decades had guided the analyses of political behavior & attitudes, could be capable of "explaining" the variance of electoral behavior today. Our empirical research consisted in building up an explanatory model for electoral choice in Italy, having -- in three subsequent steps -- social cleavages (class, religion & territory), socio-demographic variables (age, gender & education) & various political attitudes as independent variables, & applying such model over a rather long period of time. This, in order to see if & how the capability of this model -- & of the three different sets of variables -- of explaining electoral behavior has changed over time. We have applied such a model to the national elections of 1968, 1972, 1983, 2001 & 2006, using logistic regressions with vote dichotomized into Center-left vs. Center-right parties. The results show clearly the existence of a rather true gap between the elections of 1968, 1972, 1983 & the election of 2001 & 2006: the ability of the model to correctly predict voting outcome & the general fitting of the model sharply declined between these two groups of elections. In 2001 & in 2006 the variables that we can define as "socio-structural" for their link to social cleavages or to basic socio-demographic characteristics, seem to be almost completely irrelevant for the purpose of understanding-explain electoral behavior in Italy. We do not know how much of the different explanatory ability within the very same model for the years '70-'80, & at present, is due to the transformation of the political system (also as a consequence of the new electoral legislation), or if caused by a real process that makes collective identity grow significantly weaker, thus favoring the individualization of politics & electoral behavior. Whichever be the answer to this question, the fact is that today, sociological variables seem to be unable to explain voting behavior successfully in Italy. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

L'oggetto della nostra ricerca è l'opinione pubblica e il comportamento dell'elettore in una prospettiva comparata. L'obiettivo della ricerca è stato analizzare la relevanza degli approcci psicologici per una migliore comprensiore della partecipazione politica, delle opinioni e delle scelte elettorali degli studenti Italiani e Bielorussi. Nella parte teorica, noi discutiamo i modelli dell'approccio cognitivo al comportamento di voto. Discutiamo inoltre il concetto dello stile cognitivo e le sue cinque categorie: stile sintetico, idealistico, pragmatico, analitico o realistico, come descritti da A.Harrison and R.M. Branson e adattati da A. Alexeev and L. Gromova. Nonostante il fatto che la ricerca tratta il caso degli studenti, noi crediamo che i risultati siano pertinenti per un'ulteriore ricerca dell'auditorio più vasto e variegato. ; The object of our research is public opinion and voting behaviour, which we analyze in the comparative prospective. The aim of the research is to consider the relevance of psycho-political approach for a better understanding of political participation, public opinion and electoral choices of Italian and Belarusian students. In the theoreticasl part of this work, we deal with the main models of the cognitive approachto the study of political behavior. We also discuss the concept of cognitive styles, and their measurement by the questionnaire of A. Harrison and R. Branson, as modified by A. Alexeev and L. Gromova. Despite the fact that the research has dealt with the student audience only, we believe that its findings are extandable to larger audiences.

In 1970, a new institutional arena for interpolitical party competition was introduced in Italy with the creation of fifteen regions. This paper aims at developing the topic of territorial differentiation of the Italian party system. It highlights facets & features of regional party arenas through a comparison between these arenas & the national system. Five systemic properties are taken into account: fragmentation, concentration, competitiveness, net volatility, & regionalism of voting behavior. The various indexes measuring these dimensions have been computed from both regional & national election results. It appears that a general nondifferentiation between local & national arenas has occurred, with a few relevant exceptions. Also investigated is whether these properties & the pattern of regional voting have undergone any significant change during the transition from the so-called "first" to the "second" Italian Republic. Some distinctive cases &, overall, four clusters of local party systems are identified, & some hypotheses concerning the reasons for the emergence of the various patterns are offered. Notably, a "personal factor" in several southern regions may be regarded as relevant. 7 Tables, 3 Appendixes, 47 References. Adapted from the source document.

The close outcome of the Italian general elections of 2006 highlights the crucial role of floating voters, switching from one coalition to its opponent. Using survey data, the paper studies the relation between the degree of political interest & knowledge of individual voters & their propensity to switch between competing coalitions in subsequent elections. Two rival hypotheses are proposed. The first, dubbed the "electoral market," states that most vote change happens among the most interested & informed. On the contrary, the rival hypothesis of the "electoral bazaar" envisages a scenario where floating voters are mostly among the least politically involved. The results of the analysis show a marked difference between patterns in the First & the Second Republic. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.