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The purpose of this course is to explore various aspects of political communication in the UnitedStates. Our first topic will be presidential rhetoric and the rhetorical presidency. As we explorethis topic, we will investigate the historical development of presidential communication and themajor genres which help shape and structure that communication. Our second topic will bepolitical campaigns and the evolution of the "long campaign," particularly its inescapableconnection to mass media. Our third topic will be grassroots and resistance politicalcommunication. Here, our focus will be on the nontraditional approaches taken by ordinarycitizens and citizen groups as they strive to have their voices heard and impact policy.

The term "strategic communication" traditionally has been understood as referring to external corporate communication, such as public relations, marketing communication, and advertising, with insufficient consideration beyond its role as a tool of persuasive influence. In recent years, however, the field of strategic communication has evolved to be more holistic in its approach and its role within sociocultural contexts. Articles, textbooks, and handbooks have attempted to define the scope, purpose, and nature of the concept, but as the first major comprehensive work of its kind, The International Encyclopedia of Strategic Communication captures the full scope of contemporary theory and practice in strategic communication. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This review seeks to introduce political communication by showing the kinds of studies currently published. Of necessity not complete, it does not list every study nor does it include every possible approach to political communication, but only those published in the sample of journals—one hopes enough to indicate the scope of this wide area of communication study

Political communication includes the relation between politics, media and the government that specifically is reflected in the freedom of the press. However, in an undemocratic political system, where the ruler puts tight control into practice, the freedom of the press does not constitute the commitment of the government. The reason is that the freedom of the press even gives the room for the media, and also various parties, to take control or monitor the government. This study looks at how a nation, which was undergoing a political system from the authoritarian to the democratic system, made changes by establishing the law regulating the freedom of the press. By using the unstable democracy theory, the freedom of the press, and the political communication, this study analyzes the cases happening in Indonesia. Even though there were important changes, especially with the removal of the ruling authoritarian regime, Indonesia had not fully executed the democratic system. This nation was building a consolidated democracy, where the political elites possessed the commitment through the coordination mechanism over the constitution, political institution, and building the agreement to support the state authority. The commitment was realized by the political elites of the new government by ratifying the draft of the press law that was sufficiently liberal. The president through the Minister of Information and the members of the legislative from the political parties, and also the media representatives, were involved in the discussion of the crucial issues such as the freedom of the press, legal protection for the journalists, the press publication registration, and the independent press council. The discussion of this draft is an interesting case study especially how the media communicated the ideas of the political actors who were involved in it. This study also reveals how the media made use of the freedom that was obtained from the new press law to have critical attitude to the government, especially to the president. In the new government, under Presidents BJ Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid, and Megawati Soekarnoputri, the freedom of the press had generated tense relationship, pressing one to each other. The political transition constitutes an arena for the establishment of the "new" press system. Keywords: political communication, democracy, freedom of the press, transition, press system. The dissertation has been defended on December 10, 2008 at the Institute of Media and Communication Science, Ilmenau University of Technology, Germany. Assesors: Prof.Dr.Loeffelholz (Ilmenau University of Technology), Prof.Dr.Jens Wolling (Ilmenau University of Technology), Dr.Dedy N.Hidayat (University of Indonesia).

Scientific debates in modern societies often blur the lines between the science that is being debated and the political, moral, and legal implications that come with its societal applications. This manuscript traces the origins of this phenomenon to professional norms within the scientific discipline and to the nature and complexities of modern science and offers an expanded model of science communication that takes into account the political contexts in which science communication takes place. In a second step, it explores what we know from empirical work in political communication, public opinion research, and communication research about the dynamics that determine how issues are debated and attitudes are formed in political environments. Finally, it discusses how and why it will be increasingly important for science communicators to draw from these different literatures to ensure that the voice of the scientific community is heard in the broader societal debates surrounding science.

Traditionally, silence has been related to citizen disengagement and disempowerment. Indeed, at first light, the growth of silence is linked to deficits in democracy since silence is understood as passivity while action and speech are the dominant, and sometimes exclusive, modes of political praxis. But silence can mean different things to politics. It can assume a coercive dimension when it is imposed over marginalized groups (the powerless); nevertheless, it can also assume a form of resistance and empowerment when it condenses self-assertion and becomes a form to navigate relations of power. In this paper, we contribute to a politics of silence by examining how silence can be a factor of empowerment and liberty. Focusing on the notion of "communicative silences", we posit that silence is not a dysfunction of political communication but a significant element of democracy. Far from being a pathology, silence can also be another mode of communication, one that it is separate from speech. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This study discusses "The Influence of Culture in Political Communication".The aim of this research is to understand the influence of the concept of culture on political communication and to strengthen our understanding of the causality involved in creating effective communication in creating a positive political culture. This research or library research, this research explores and understands the influence of Political Communication Culture. Library research is a series of activities related to methods of collecting library data, reading, and recording and managing library collection materials. The results showed that the influence of political communication culturetends to shift. Currently, by prioritizing democratization, the culture of political communication tends to be open, transparent, rational and can be conveyed through open ways. Keywords: Culture Influence; Political Communication.

Conceptual metaphors are considered as effective linguistic formulas for achieving the persuasive language function. This paper approaches the subject of conceptual metaphor and political argumentation through the prism of synergies of the political topic, affirmative or negative communication of main ideas related to the topic, the use of conceptual metaphor as a persuasive rhetorical strategy and the type of argumentative claim. Research was conducted on the sample of 13.338 words from two political interviews with Ivo Josipović in a weekly talk show Nedjeljom u dva (Sundays at two) broadcast on Croatian Radio Television Channel 1 (HTV 1) in 2009 and 2012. The research results show that the most frequently used conceptual metaphors in analysed corpora are the linguistic realizations of metaphors from the source domains of personification, reification and journey. These linguistic metaphors are mostly identified in the claims of value. The analysis also indicates that these claims are predominantly affirmative.

The main objective of this study was to determine the model of political communication in the Indonesian parliament. The phenomenon of political communication using 'violence', occurred in Indonesian parliament period 1999-2004. This research was conducted with qualitative analysis, by developing interactionist theory, constructive, symbolic interaction in the political sphere. The results found that political communication in Indonesian parliament cannot be conceived as direct communication because the communication is interactional and transactional. Therefore, every political message is ultimately between interests and disagreements. It can build a conceptual model in which 'violence' in the delivery of political messages physically or psychologically occurs on the 'front stage', 'middle stage' and 'backstage'.

For a long time, the role of media and communication in African politics was relatively neglected. This neglect can, as Leila Demarest2 argues, to some extent be explained by the authoritarian turn that took place in many African countries after independence and the tight control of state governments on the press, as well as violent repression of dissenting voices. As Bruce Mutsvairo and Beschara Karim have shown in their edited volume on political communication in Africa3, the introduction of constitutionalism in many African countries following years of colonial subjugation was expected to play a leading role in determining the destiny of party politics. As many African countries democratised, liberalisation made communication all the more important in the political domain, and many saw newly-gained press freedom as one of the best instruments to put lingering authoritarianism under pressure. Also, of increasing importance across the continent was the role played by technology in influencing political processes. Studies show all the same how media's role in elections, political processes and decision making varies within an affiliation of emerging democracies and long-standing dictatorships4. Therefore, we argue, it makes sense to 'zoom in' and have a closer look at political communication in one specific region, namely East Africa to which this special issue is dedicated. In this introductory article we give an overview of political communication research in general and the three – or four – ages of political communication, before tuning in to political communication in East Africa and the presentation of this special issue's articles. ; This Special Issue is made possible by the support of the Norwegian Directorate for Development Communication (NORAD), through the Norhed project, 'Bridging Gaps' (Norhed project QZA-0487 UGA-13/0015). ; acceptedVersion

The relationship between political institutions and citizens has been redefined in the digital environment. The aim of this paper is to identify the main circumstances of this transformation. In this regard, individualization has been a key factor. So far, this relationship had been based on collective commitment and a global vision of society. Instead, it now depends on personal commitment and interest in individual issues. The voting process, traditionally based on affiliation, is now conditioned by voters' opinions. Public opinion can no longer be taken for granted. In addition, persuasion as the only strategy to connect with the electorate is insufficient. Therefore, professionals of political communication have been forced to use the logic of marketing and to explore the potential of digital media, to obtain more consensus and visibility in an increasingly competitive context of communication. ; La relación entre las instituciones políticas y la ciudadanía se ha redefinido en el entorno digital. El objetivo de este artículo es identificar los principales factores que enmarcan esta transformación. La individualización ha sido un factor clave en este sentido. Hasta ahora, los vínculos entre los ciudadanos se sustentaban en el compromiso colectivo y una visión global de la sociedad. En cambio, actualmente se basan en el compromiso personal y el interés por los asuntos individuales. El proceso de votación, tradicionalmente basado en la afiliación, depende ahora de las opiniones de los votantes. La opinión pública ya no puede darse por sentada. Además, la persuasión como única estrategia para conectar con el electorado resulta insuficiente. Por eso, los profesionales de la comunicación política se han visto forzados a emplear la lógica del marketing y a explorar el potencial de los medios digitales, para obtener mayor consenso y visibilidad en un contexto comunicativo cada vez más competitivo.

Some terrorist acts are meant to communicate something beyond the violence they cause. They are a form of political communication that should be studied as such. To identify the acts we consider politically communicative, we develop a typology of primary objectives that ranges from strategic goals to such communicative statements as moral condemnation. We examine why, as a form of political communication, terrorist acts typically fail. Terrorism fails as political communication because it is violent; because targeted audiences often have little prior awareness of the group's grievances; because it is sometimes a complex communication; and because governments and media frame issues in a way that sidelines the act's communicative content. In promoting a better understanding of the message, and why it fails, we hope to make this component of terrorism a more robust subject of study for political communication scholars.

This article is an overture to political communication researchers to broaden their categories and contexts of analysis when assessing the role of promotional practices in political life. It aims to make both methodological and empirical contributions to qualitative political communication research. Drawing on ongoing research into the proliferation of political communication strategies around the exploitation of oil in Canada and the United States, the article analyzes efforts by promotional intermediaries to achieve legitimacy for their clients in three sites: Montreal, Canada; Houston, Texas; and Fort McMurray, Alberta. Bringing to light the tools, techniques, and claims to authority of promotional actors and their practices, the article demonstrates the importance of field research to the analysis of political communication. By getting inside the social worlds of the actors and processes involved, researchers can make sense of the ways that political communication is defined, understood, and acted upon by interlocutors and audiences. The article also addresses specific methodological challenges of undertaking this research.

Based on the interactivity theory, this study examines relationships between people's political media commentary online and through traditional methods. Data from Pew Research Center (N= 2,253) shows that those who were actively participated in political discourse using traditional methods were more likely to make statements on newspaper websites and using social media about politics. Higher level of education also predicted participation in political communication in the new media environment.

This chapter places the concept of sustainability in the context of recent discussions about the environment, particularly climate change, as a 'post-political' issue. For many years it was taken for granted that the aim of environmental campaigning was to build consensus (in terms of both scientific understanding and policy responses), but by the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century some critics had started to argue that this approach was mistaken. The attempt to put the issue of climate change 'above' or 'beyond' politics began to look strangely self-defeating. Instead of producing decisive action and political engagement, the consensus-building strategy had resulted in a closing down of democratic debate and in political demobilisation (Machin 2013: 5). Although this problem was often seen in terms of particular communications strategies and campaigning approaches to the specific issue of climate change, it was also usually understood in the context of broader developments – as the 'emblematic case' of a more general post-political malaise (Swyngedouw 2013: 3). The mainstreaming and de-politicisation of climate change could be seen both as symptomatic of, and as reinforcing or even helping to cause, a more general hollowing out of politics and public life since the 1990s.