Suchergebnisse

Response, Henk te VeldeDuring my research I have greatly benefited from the historiography of political parties and I agree with Bosmans that the relatively new approach of political culture should collaborate with classic political history. However, I am more interested in similarities between different political currents and how they compare with the international scene. Another area of particular interest for me is the public aspect of political leadership and how this relates to the time in which it takes place. The issue is, therefore, not the party political aspects of Colijn's leadership but rather the praise he received at that time from outside his own party. The most prominent political leaders were not modest administrators but 'partisan', controversial members of the best-organised and strongest parties, such as the orthodox Protestant ARP. Among many other things, I analyse the relevance of clichés about 'Calvinist' and 'religious' politics with regard to the public appeal of ex-orthodox Protestant Den Uyl. Unfortunately, however, Van Deursen seems to believe, unjustly, that I am expressing my own personal opinion on Calvinism.

The problem of abortion as a political issue is discussed by focusing on two reports of the Belgian National Commission for Ethical Problems (fall 1976). Both the `translation' of the political problem into a question to be handled by an `apolitical' commission on the level of scientific expertise, & the delivery of two dissenting reports are studied as a typical stage of the development of the political decision-making process in this matter, & compared with similar evolution in neighboring countries (West Germany, France, & the Netherlands). From political theory perspectives, the main problem centers on the question: How does a parliamentary democracy solve such a deep-seated conflict concerning the `basic values' of a social ethical order? Answer elements can be gathered from a comparative analysis of the different positions & arguments in the two reports of the Ethical Commission. In opposition to the majority report (13 members in favor) the minority report (12 members opposed) claims that the legalization of abortion would bring about a drop of 10-15% in the birth rate. The minority argues that a truly ethical choice for abortion is difficult to make, since: (1) the choice must be made as soon as possible,.ie, with little time for reflection, & (2) its importance is belittled in order to avoid guilt feelings in the mother. Some of the most important differences between the two groups concern the relationship of ethics to law. The majority argues that a social concensus must be built on the least possible number of ethical presuppositions, while the minority argues that social cohesion is impossible under those conditions. A difference in tone between the two reports is also noted: the minority argument is much more emotional. This shows that the dispute is political, not scientific, & that it has important consequences for the evolution of the social pattern of values. Modified HA.

The legislation and regulations which seek to guarantee good governance in the Caribbean parts of the Dutch Kingdom are similar to the Netherlands. Nevertheless, the administrative performance in the West is significantly inferior to that of the latter. To explain this difference, this thesis highlights the fact that the legislation in the West codifies norms of conduct that are dominant in modern Western societies. However, due to the small-scale, the poverty and the stratification of the insular societies other norms of conduct are dominant in the Caribbean parts of the Dutch Kingdom. To maintain their position politicians depend on electoral support. Therefore they should act according to the norms of conduct that are generally accepted within society. As a result an incentive for politicians is manifest to act contrary to the appropriate line. In the practice of the Caribbean overseas territories this incentive results especially in political patronage. Yet, the examples of Barbados and Anguilla learn that despite the fact that small-scale, poverty and social stratification are unalterable good governance is still possible. Where, however, the high quality of governance in Barbados should especially be ascribed to the de-politicization of the distribution power of public goods of the executive branch, the high quality of governance in Anguilla is mainly due to the supervision of London. Because it should not to be expected that the administrative elite in the Caribbean parts of the Dutch Kingdom will adjust their state system on their own initiative, good governance will in the first place depend on the willingness of the Netherlands to play an active role in the local administrative affairs of the islands in the West.

To ascertain how Flemish politicians first enter local politics, interviews were conducted with 797 politicians elected locally in 1994, yielding profiles of demographic & socioeconomic factors, & distinguishing between ascribed status positions derived from politically active family members & achieved status positions through membership in political & other organizations. The expectation that achieved status would take precedence was confirmed. Many politicians were members not only of their respective political parties, but also of workers' unions, health care mutualities, sports clubs, etc. Some 67+% had at least one politically active family member, & 33+% a politically mandated family member, indicating at least some family influence on a successful career in politics. 14 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

This paper deals with the linkage between changes in the political culture & changes in class-party alignments. First, we investigate how the political culture in Western countries has changed over time. Three views are tested using data on party-manifestos. The first predicts that only new-leftist issues will increase in salience. The second predicts that both new-leftist & new-rightist issues will emerge at the same time. The third, which is empirically corroborated, predicts that first new-leftist issues will emerge followed by a rise in new rightist issues. Second, we investigate how the emergence of these new issues has affected the traditional class-party alignments. We show that the middle class increasingly votes left-wing as new-leftist issues become more important & that the working class increasingly votes rightwing as new-rightist issues become more important. The middle class also appears to alienate from the traditional party of their class as new-rightist issues rise in salience. Tables, Figures. Adapted from the source document.

The impact of digitalisation and of the internet affects not only society and the economy. Politics, too, is beginning to be transformed. Alongside many other initiatives, the Brazilian Digital Culture Forum, held in Brazil in 2009, provides an example of how democracy can benefit from innovation. By means of a digital social network, the public continually interacts, proposing and reviewing public policies. This is not the only example: our country is experiencing a proliferation of the use of the net for social and cultural ends. The changes are profound, but the intellectual and macro-political worlds have not yet realised their potential. ; El impacto de la digitalización y de Internet no afecta únicamente a la sociedad y la economía, sino que la política empieza a sufrir una transformación. Junto a muchas otras iniciativas, el Foro de la Cultura Digital Brasileña, celebrado en Brasil durante el año 2009, es un ejemplo de cómo la democracia puede beneficiarse de la innovación. Por medio de una red social digital, los ciudadanos interactúan continuamente proponiendo y fiscalizando las políticas públicas. Y este no es el único ejemplo. En nuestro país proliferan las iniciativas de uso de la red para fines sociales y culturales. Los cambios son profundos, pero la intelectualidad y la macropolítica todavía no han percibido su potencial. ; L'impacte de la digitalizació i d'internet no afecta només la societat i l'economia, sinó que la política comença a patir una transformació. Al costat de moltes altres iniciatives, el Fòrum de la Cultura Digital Brasilera, celebrat al Brasil durant l'any 2009, és un exemple de com la democràcia es pot beneficiar de la innovació. Per mitjà d'una xarxa social digital, els ciutadans interactuen contínuament proposant i fiscalitzant les polítiques públiques. I aquest no n'és l'únic exemple. Al nostre país proliferen les iniciatives d'ús de la xarxa per a finalitats socials i culturals. Els canvis són profunds, però la intel·lectualitat i la macropolítica encara no han percebut el potencial d'aquests canvis.

L'impacte de la digitalizació i d'internet no afecta només la societat i l'economia, sinó que la política comença a patir una transformació. Al costat de moltes altres iniciatives, el Fòrum de la Cultura Digital Brasilera, celebrat al Brasil durant l'any 2009, és un exemple de com la democràcia es pot beneficiar de la innovació. Per mitjà d'una xarxa social digital, els ciutadans interactuen contínuament proposant i fiscalitzant les polítiques públiques. I aquest no n'és l'únic exemple. Al nostre país proliferen les iniciatives d'ús de la xarxa per a finalitats socials i culturals. Els canvis són profunds, però la intel·lectualitat i la macropolítica encara no han percebut el potencial d'aquests canvis. ; The impact of digitalisation and of the internet affects not only society and the economy. Politics, too, is beginning to be transformed. Alongside many other initiatives, the Brazilian Digital Culture Forum, held in Brazil in 2009, provides an example of how democracy can benefit from innovation. By means of a digital social network, the public continually interacts, proposing and reviewing public policies. This is not the only example: our country is experiencing a proliferation of the use of the net for social and cultural ends. The changes are profound, but the intellectual and macro-political worlds have not yet realised their potential. ; El impacto de la digitalización y de Internet no afecta únicamente a la sociedad y la economía, sino que la política empieza a sufrir una transformación. Junto a muchas otras iniciativas, el Foro de la Cultura Digital Brasileña, celebrado en Brasil durante el año 2009, es un ejemplo de cómo la democracia puede beneficiarse de la innovación. Por medio de una red social digital, los ciudadanos interactúan continuamente proponiendo y fiscalizando las políticas públicas. Y este no es el único ejemplo. En nuestro país proliferan las iniciativas de uso de la red para fines sociales y culturales. Los cambios son profundos, pero la intelectualidad y la macropolítica todavía no han percibido su potencial.