Suchergebnisse

학위논문 (석사) -- 서울대학교 대학원 : 사범대학 협동과정 글로벌교육협력전공, 2020. 8. 김선영. ; Honduras has the second-highest rate of adolescent pregnancy (28%) in Latin America (WHO, UNFPA, UN, 2019) which has a lasting impact on not only physical and mental health risks on adolescent, but also on individual and family issues such as school dropouts, poverty, and stigma beyond community problems such as economic recession and gender discrimination (Hodgkinson, Colantuoni, Roberts, Berg-Cross, & Belcher, 2010; Morris & Rushwan, 2015; WHO, 2014). The aims of this thesis are three-fold. This first aim is to explore the social determinants of health for adolescent pregnancy by analyzing the qualitative data. Based on that, the second is to identify plausible educational efforts to decreases adolescent pregnancy as well as promote adolescent sexual and reproductive health. Specifically, the third is to identify what improvements and complements or new aspects to existing education programs should be introduced for developing an effective health education program for the prevention of adolescent pregnancy. It also highlights the necessity of the development of social services and intervention policy for the prevention of adolescent pregnancy. Based on the Analytical Dualism in Archer's Morphogenetic Approach, the theoretical framework was formed. In other words, the theoretical background is that social change is driven by social action caused by the reflexivity between social conditions and the agency given on the issue of adolescent pregnancy. This thesis adopts a qualitative methodology. The data utilized in this study is collected from the interviews, Focus Group interviews (FGI), and field documents (Textbooks). The thesis collected from 14 participants: two principals, four teachers, three parents, three students, and two community women who have experienced adolescent pregnancy. The main results are as follows: The social determinants of health of adolescent pregnancy which pre-exist in Honduras; 1) unstable economic situation, 2) social norm; reluctance toward sex, Machismo 3) broken family, 4) Insufficient support from government and 5) the lack of SRHR education. Unfortunately, the rate of adolescent pregnancy continues to increase. However, despite the poor social conditions, social changes to prevent adolescent pregnancy have been discovered in an agency who has their own learning experience and personal concerns; 1) critical opinions toward Honduras to improve social change 2) care for others (service) 3) continuous efforts for social action, 4) constructive attitude toward their life and Honduras and 5) clear sexual values (sex ethics). Furthermore, the educational contents that need be included in sexual and reproductive and health rights education based on the context of Honduras are 1) The consequence of adolescent pregnancy 2) the meaning of relationships, love, and family-based on the value of sex (sex ethics), and 3) counseling approach. In addition, policy support is essential to expand the reform of sexual and reproductive health rights education based on the concerns of these agencies to include non-formal and informal education. In addition, the community participation and policy support are essential to expanding the reformed SRHR education based on the personal concern of agency who has positive impacts on and the contents required in the context of Honduras to informal education and non-formal education. This study focuses on the role of sexual and reproductive and health rights education, which can be demonstrated as an indicator of education, health, and gender equality among sustainable development goals. It also contributes to suggest the implementation of improved health education considering local, social culture and political context in Honduras to solve the adolescent pregnancy. ; 온두라스는 라틴아메리카에서 두번째로 높은 청소년 임신률 (28%)을 기록하고 있다 (WHO, UNFPA, UN, 2019). 청소년 임신은 청소년의 신체적 정신적 건강상 위험요인으로 작용할 뿐만 아니라, 학교 중퇴, 빈곤의 악순환 및 사회적 스티그마와 같은 개인과 가족의 문제에서부터 경기침체, 양성차별과 같은 지역사회의 문제로까지 확대되어 지속적인 영향을 끼친다. (WHO, 2014; Hodgkinson SC et al., 2010; Morris, 2015). 본 연구는 온두라스의 높은 청소년 임신률에 영향을 미치는 요인들을 질적자료 분석을 통해 폭넓게 탐색하고, 이를 바탕으로 청소년 임신 예방과 청소년들의 성생식건강 증진을 위해 어떠한 교육적 노력이 필요한지를 파악하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 구체적으로, 효과적인 청소년 임신 예방 교육 프로그램을 개발 하기 위해서는 기존 교육 프로그램이 어떤 개선, 보완을 거쳐야 하는지 또는 어떤 새로운 측면이 도입되어야 하는지를 파악한다. 또한 청소년 임신 예방을 위한 사회적 서비스 개발 및 정책적 개입의 필요성을 강조하고자 한다. 본 연구에서는 Archer의 형태발생론 접근법(Morphogenetic Approach)의 분석적 이원론(Analytical dualism)을 바탕으로 이론적 틀을 구성하였다. 즉, 청소년 임신문제 관련해 주어진 사회적 조건들과 이에 대한 주체적 개인(Agency)의 성찰(reflexivity)로 야기된 사회적 행동(Social action)을 통해 사회변화가 이끌어 진다는 점을 이론적 근거로 삼았다. 본 연구는 질적연구 방법론을 채택하였으며, 연구에서 활용된 데이터는 인터뷰, 초점그룹 인터뷰(FGI) 및 현장문서(textbook)를 통해 수집하였다. 총 14명의 참여자들(교장 2명, 교사 4명, 학부모 3명, 학생 3명, 여성 2명)을 대상으로 수행되었다. 본 연구의 주요 결과는 다음과 같다. 온두라스에 이미 존재하고 있는 청소년 임신의 결정요인으로 1) 불안정한 경제 상황, 2) 사회규범_성에 대한 거부감, 남성우월주의 문화 3) 붕괴된 가정 4) 정부의 불충분한 지원, 5) 성과 생식 건강 권 교육의 부족이 꼽혔다. 이로 인해, 온두라스에서는 청소년 임신율이 계속해서 증가하고 있다. 하지만 열악한 사회적 조건에도 불구하고, 자신의 학습경험을 비롯하여 1) 온두라스의 사회변화를 위한 비판적 시각, 2) 봉사정신, 3) 사회적행동 실천력, 4) 온두라스와 자신의 삶에 대한 건설적인 태도 5) 분명한 성가치관(성윤리)를 가진 주체적 개체 로서의 인식에 기반하여 청소년 임신 예방을 위한 사회변화가 진행되고 있음도 발견할 수 있었다. 또한, 온두라스의 상황에 맞게 개편된 성교육에 포함되어야 할 요소로 1) 청소년임신의 신체적, 정신적, 사회적 어려움, 2) 성가치관(성윤리)에 바탕을 둔 관계, 사랑, 가족의 의미 3) 교육상담에 대한 요구가 있었다. 앞에서 다룬 내용들을 근거로 하는 개편된 성교육에는 비형식, 무형식 교육으로 까지 확대 시행하기 위해서, 지역사회 참여 및 정책적 지원 역시 수반 되어야 할 것이다. 본 연구는 지속가능한 개발목표 중 교육, 건강, 양성평등의 지표로 볼 수 있는 성교육의 역할에 주목했으며, 청소년 임신 문제를 개선된 성교육을 통해 해결하기 위해, 현지의 사회문화, 정치적 상황 및 기타 요인들을 포괄적으로 고려한 성생식보건 교육 프로그램의 이행을 제시하고 있다는데 중요한 의의를 갖는다. ; CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 Study Background 1 1.2 Statement of the Problem 5 1.2.1 The risk of Adolescent Pregnancy 5 1.2.2 The need for SRHR education that adopted the context of Honduras 8 1.3 Significance of the Study 9 1.4 Purpose of the Study and Research Questions 11 CHAPTER II. LITERATURE REVIEW 13 2.1 Education for Social change 14 2.1.1 Three approaches of educational sociology: functionalism, Marxist theory, and ermeneutic approach 14 2.1.2 The necessity of a hermeneutic approach in Global Education Development Cooperation 20 2.1.3 Morphogenetic Approach 23 2.2 Social Determinants of Global Health 29 2.3 Program Theory 34 2.4 Health Education 38 2.4.1 The definition of Health Education 38 2.4.2 Health literacy 40 2.5 Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights Education 44 2.5.1 The attention of SRHR education for adolescents in the field of global health education. 44 2.5.2 SRHR education 47 2.5.3 SRHR education in Latin America 56 CHAPTER Ⅲ. RESEARCH METHOD 59 3.1 Research Methods 59 3.1.1 Methodological consideration: Qualitative Research 59 3.1.2 Study setting 60 3.1.3 Research Process; Field Research 61 3.2 Data collection & Participants 64 3.3 Data Analysis & Analytical Framework 70 3.4 Ethical Consideration 74 CHAPTER Ⅳ. FINDINGS 76 4.1 Structural Conditioning 76 4.1.1 Ongoing high level of Adolescents' Pregnancy in Honduras 76 4.1.2 Social determinants of health for Adolescent Pregnancy in Honduras 81 4.1.3 Analysis of structural conditioning of Adolescent Pregnancy in Honduras 104 4.2 Social Interaction 106 4.2.1 Personal concern; What we care about Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights 106 4.2.2 Structural intervention; Quality Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights Educational strategies 109 4.2.3 Analysis of Social Interaction of Adolescent Pregnancy in Honduras 117 4.3 Structural Elaboration 120 4.3.1 Changing Society through education 121 4.3.2 Analysis of Social Elaboration of Adolescent Pregnancy in Honduras 130 4.4 Analysis of Adolescent Pregnancy in Honduras using the Framework. 132 CHAPTER Ⅴ. DISCUSSION 136 5.1 The preexistence of great gulf fixed in structural conditioning 136 5.2 The importance of the agency to change society 138 5.3 The effective SRHR education as a positive intervention 143 5.4 The change of the agency through education for social change. 148 5.5 Limitation 152 CHAPTER Ⅵ. CONCLUSION 154 REFERENCES 157 APPENDIXS 167 Appendix 1. Textbooks in Honduras 167 Appendix 2. List of Example Questions used in the Interview 177 Appendix 3. IRB Documents 179 Appendix 4. Field Research Photos 184 Appendix 5. Spanish Abstract 186 국문 초록 190 ; Master

Introduction: Meta-analysis can be conceptualized as a multilevel analysis: effect sizes are nested within studies. Effect sizes vary due to sampling variance at Level 1, and possibly also due to systematic differences across studies at Level 2. Therefore, multilevel models and software can be used to perform meta-analysis. An advantage of using the multilevel framework for doing meta-analyses is the flexibility of multilevel models. For instance, additional levels can be added to deal with dependent effect sizes within and between studies. In primary studies, it is common to report multiple effect sizes extracted from the same sample. Also, studies might belong to different higher-level clusters, as countries or research groups. These two scenarios generate dependency among effect sizes, and for appropriately accounting for this dependency (and therefore avoid inflated Type I errors), additional levels can be added that explicitly account for the variation among effect sizes within and/or between studies. Besides hierarchical models, other non-purely hierarchical models have been also proposed for meta-analysis, such as Cross-Classified Random Effects models (CCREMs, Fernández-Castilla et al., 2018). Although multilevel models are very flexible, we suspect that applied researchers do not take advantage of all possibilities that these models offer. In fact, most published meta-analyses are restricted to three-level models despite some meta-analytic data require other model specifications, such as four- or five- level models or CCREMs. Therefore, the goal of this study is to describe how multilevel models are typically applied in meta-analysis and to illustrate how, in some meta-analyses, more sophisticated models could have been applied that accounts better for the (non) hierarchical data structure. Method: Meta-analyses that applied multilevel models with more than one random component were searched in June, 2018. We looked at the meta-analyses that cited the studies of Cheung (2014), Hox and De Leeuw (2003), Konstantopoulos (2011), Raudenbush and Bryk (1985), and Van den Noortgate, López-López, Marín-Martínez, & Sánchez-Meca (2013, 2014). We also searched in six electronic databases, using the strings "three-level meta-analysis" OR "multilevel meta-analysis" OR "multilevel meta-analytic review". No date restriction was imposed. Meta-analysis were included if: a) effect sizes were combined using a multilevel model with more than one random component; b) The meta-analysis was included in a journal article, conference presentation or a dissertation; c) The meta-analysis was written in English, Spanish or Dutch. Results: The initial search resulted in 1,286 studies. After applying the inclusion criteria, we finally retrieved 178 meta-analyses. From these, 162 meta-analysis fitted a three-level model, 9 fitted a four-level model, 5 applied CCREMs, and 2 reported a five-level model. We could distinguish five situations in which other models different from the three-level model would have been more appropriate given the (non) hierarchical data structure: 1. A fourth level could have been added to model dependency within studies. For instance, Fischer and Boer (2011) specified a three-level model, were effect sizes (Level 1) were nested within studies (Level 2), nested within countries (Level 3). There were several effect sizes within studies, but this within-study variance was ignored. Therefore, it would have been appropriate to add an additional level to model between-outcomes (within-study) variance. 2. A fourth level could have been specified to deal with more sources of within-study dependencies. For instance, in O'Mara (2006), there were several interventions within studies, and that is why a three-level model was specified: Sampling variance (Level 1), between-interventions variance (Level 2), and between-studies variance (Level 3). However, there were 200 interventions and 460 effect sizes in total, meaning that each intervention led to multiple effect sizes, and that the dependency between these outcomes (within interventions) was not taken into account. A more appropriate model would have been a four-level model: Sampling variance (Level 1), between-outcomes variance (Level 2), between-comparisons variance (Level 3) and between-studies variance (Level 4). 3. A fourth level could have been added to take into account dependency across studies. In the study of Klomp and Valckx (2014), a three-level model was fitted because there were multiple outcomes within studies. In this case, some studies made use of the same big dataset, so a fourth level could have been added to model between-datasets variance. 4. A five-level model could have been applied to model additional within-study and between-study dependencies. In Rabl, Jayasinghe, Gerhart, and Kühlmann (2014), a three-level model was fitted, where effect sizes were nested within studies, nested within countries. There were several effect sizes within studies, so an additional level could have been added to model within-study variance. Furthermore, some studies used the same dataset, so another level could have been specified to estimate the between-datasets variance. The inclusion of these two additional levels would have led to a five-level model. 5. CCREM's could have been applied instead of three-level models. In the study of Fisher, Hanke and Sibley (2012), effect sizes were nested within studies, nested within countries. However, studies were not completely nested within countries, but rather studies and countries were two cross-classified factors: in one study, effect sizes could come from different countries, and effect sizes from the same country could belong to different studies. Therefore, a CCREM model would have accounted better for this cross-classified data structure. Discussion: This systematic review shows how researchers using multilevel model typically apply three-level models to account for dependent effect sizes, although alternative model specifications, such as four- or five- level models or CCREMs, might be more correct given the nature of the data. We have given some examples of how alternative models could have been used for meta-analysis, and we encourage researchers to carefully consider the underlying data structure before selecting a specific multilevel model. Omitting levels in a multilevel analysis might increase the possibility of committing a Type I error. Therefore, the proper specification of the model is the only way to guarantee appropriate estimates of the combined effect size, standard errors, and variance components. References: Cheung, M. W. L. (2014). Modeling dependent effect sizes with three-level meta-analyses: A structural equation modeling approach. Psychological Methods, 19, 211-229. Fernández-Castilla, B., Maes, M., Declercq, L., Jamshidi, L., Beretvas, S. N., Onghena, P., & Van den Noortgate, W. (2018). A demonstration and evaluation of the use of cross-classified random-effects models for meta-analysis. Behavior Research Methods, 1-19. Fischer, R., & Boer, D. (2011). What is more important for national well-being: money or autonomy? A meta-analysis of well-being, burnout, and anxiety across 63 societies. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 101, 164-184. Fischer, R., Hanke, K., & Sibley, C. G. (2012). Cultural and institutional determinants of social dominance orientation: A cross‐cultural meta‐analysis of 27 societies. Political Psychology, 33, 437-467. Hox, J. J., & de Leeuw, E. D. (2003). Multilevel models for meta-analysis. In S. P. Reise & N. Duan (Eds.), Multilevel modeling: Methodological advances, issues, and applications (pp. 90–111). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Klomp, J., & Valckx, K. (2014). Natural disasters and economic growth: A meta-analysis. Global Environmental Change, 26, 183-195. Konstantopoulos, S. (2011). Fixed effects and variance components estimation in three-level meta-analysis. Research Synthesis Methods, 2, 61-76. O'Mara, A. J., Marsh, H. W., & Craven, R. G. (July, 2006). A Comprehensive Multilevel Model Meta-Analysis of Self-Concept Interventions. In Fourth International Biennial SELF Research Conference, Ann Arbor. Rabl, T., Jayasinghe, M., Gerhart, B., & Kühlmann, T. M. (2014). A meta-analysis of country differences in the high-performance work system–business performance relationship: The roles of national culture and managerial discretion. Journal of Applied Psychology, 99, 1011-1041. Raudenbush, S. W., & Bryk, A. S. (1985). Empirical Bayes meta-analysis. Journal of Educational Statistics, 10, 75-98. Van den Noortgate, W., López-López, J. A., Marín-Martínez, F., & Sánchez-Meca, J. (2013). Three-level meta-analysis of dependent effect sizes. Behavior Research Methods, 45, 576-594. Van den Noortgate, W., López-López, J. A., Marín-Martínez, F., & Sánchez-Meca, J. (2014). Meta-analysis of multiple outcomes: A multilevel approach. Behavior Research Methods, 47, 1274-1294.

Within recent years, plurality and difference have been embraced in higher education both by internationalization strategies originating in a neoliberal marked-driven process as well as by counter-ideologies of ethical globalization. The neoliberal transformation has resulted in new ontologies of the university, e.g. "the entrepreneurial university" (Barnett 2012) or "the global university" (Biesta 2011) in its external relation to society defined by its preoccupation with the economic and technical development of society and with matching the needs of the labor marked (e.g.Rhoads and Szelenyi 2011, Arambewela 2010) and internally on the education marked by universities becoming similar because they are playing the same game (Biesta 2011). Furthermore, it has enforced the power structures of the international field of HE defined by flows of people and capital towards the global North and flows of knowledge produced in the North towards the South (Marginson 2008, Calhoun 2006, Altbach 2004). The ontological and structural changes is accompanied by a new epistemological hegemony of "useful" (Peters and Olssen 2005) or "specific, problem-solving knowledge" (Barnett 2012) and by new knowledge authorities such as consultants, professionals and free-lance experts (Barnett 2012). However, critics of the neo-liberal university argue that the university as educator and knowledge producer should engage in a more ethical knowledge production. It is a call for an academic knowledge production that recognizes the challenges of globalization and of the interconnectedness of lives (Rhoads and Szelenyi 2011); that recognizes the world's epistemological diversity (Santos, Nunes, and Meneses 2007); that recognizes and challenges Eurocentric paradigms (Paraskeva 2010) and makes ethical choices "in the shape of academic inquiry" (Barnett 2012, 224). At Aarhus University, the general internationalization strategy is inscribed in a neoliberal ideology and describes the development of intercultural(IC) competence in students as both a means for success in the labor marked and to success for business. The faculty-level internationalization strategies, however, both draw upon neoliberal and more ethically oriented globalization discourses and describes the aim of internationalization in terms such as developing the "flexible knowledge" needed to operate in a globalized world or "global citizenship". However, the relationship between the ideological approaches to internationalization, implied understandings of IC competence and the impact upon inter-epistemological encounters, understood as encounters between people and institutions socialized in or enacting different epistemological frameworks, is not reflected upon. Seeing international higher education as a field structured by neoliberalism at one pole and counter-ideologies of ethical globalization on the other, the paper maps the interaction of these ideologies in the epistemologies at play at three international master programs at Aarhus University and in their visions of IC competence. Drawing upon educational sociology and ethical theory, it is compared to how the "different" knowledge of the other students' is encountered, negotiated, rejected or acknowledged and made use of. Methodology and data The paper draws upon data from three international master programs at Aarhus University. The programs were selected so that they all have diverse student bodies and so that they represent different approaches to internationalization and recruit different kinds of students. The first program is an international business program. It attracts students pursuing a career in an international company. The program started with a vision of creating an international study environment to give the students cultural insights but today, the international aspect relates to the academic content about international business. In the program, about 50 % of the students are international. However, a large number of the international students have a bachelor degree from Aarhus University or other Danish universities. The second program is an interdisciplinary program in Human Security. It attracts students who want to work in aid-oriented organizations or NGOs. It is a collaboration between ethnography, biology, social science and external consultants. About 65 % of the students are international and both international and interdisciplinary cooperation is stressed. The third program is an Erasmus Mundus program in Journalism and Globalization, which offers joint degrees in cooperation with other European universities. Approximately 95 % of the students are international and the international composition of the student body is stressed as an asset. It is emphasized that the teachers speak from a liberal and European perspective but the students are encouraged to challenge it. Data about was produced with several methods: • Classroom observations focusing on epistemologies drawn upon by the lecturers and on how students acknowledge and negotiate knowledge relating to theoretical, methodological, political, cultural and paradigmatic aspects of the program. • In-depth interviews with 20 students reflecting on how knowledge is negotiated between students' different epistemological systems and epistemologies drawn upon in the program. • Policy documents relating to internationalization strategies retrieved from the university's web-page. Theoretical framework The understanding of the field as structured around a neoliberal ideology of competition and marketization on the one hand and a counter-ideology of ethical globalization involving recognition of epistemological diversity on the other calls for a theoretical framework which both encompasses existing power-structures, processes assisting their reproduction and the ethical agency that insists on recognition of difference. In the paper, Bourdieu's educational sociology (e.g. Bourdieu and Passeron 1990, Bourdieu 1989, 1986, 1994, 1977, 1988), his concepts field, habitus, capital and symbolic violence, are therefor drawn upon together with Levinas' understanding of the ethical encounter as an encounter with the other as an other who is not reduced to the same and the experience of that encounter as a trace of the other (e.g. Levinas 1996, Levinas 1986). Findings and discussion Three main types of inter-epistemological encounters are identified: 1: Remaining other: the encounter as traces of the other's knowledge 2: Becoming the same: the encounter as reduction and merger of epistemological positions 3: Rejecting the other: the encounter as reproduction of hegemonic epistemologies Finally, the paper will discuss the relationship between the typologies and the ideological approaches and the embedding of IC competence in neoliberal frameworks as potential barrier to fruitful inter-epistemological encounters. Altbach, P.G. 2004. "Globalization and the University: Myths and realities in an unequal world." Tertiary Education and Management 2 (1):83-110. Arambewela, R. 2010. "Student experience in the globalized Higher Education market: Challenges and Research Imperatives." In Globalization and internationalization in Higher Education: Theoretical, strategic and management perspectives, edited by F. Maringe and N. Foskett, 155-173. London: Continuum Publishing. Barnett, Ronald. 2012. "Liquid Knowledge, Liquid Universities." In Universities in the Knowledge Economy: Higher Education Organization and Global Change, edited by P. Temple. London and NY: Routledge. Biesta, G. 2011. "How useful should the university be? On the rise of the global university and the crisis in Higher Education." Qui Parle 20 (1):35-47. Bourdieu, Pierre. 1977. Outline of a Theory of Practice. Cambridge: Polity Press. Bourdieu, Pierre. 1986. "The Forms of Capital." In Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education, edited by J. Richardson. New York: Greenwood. Bourdieu, Pierre. 1988. Homo Academicus. Cambridge: Polity Press. Bourdieu, Pierre. 1989. "Social Space and Symbolic Power." Sociological Theory 7 (1):14-25. Bourdieu, Pierre. 1994. "Rethinking the State: Genesis and Structure of the Bureaucratic Field." Sociological Theory 12 (1):18. Bourdieu, Pierre, and J.-C. Passeron. 1990. Reproduction in Education, Society and Culture. 2 ed. London etc: Sage. Calhoun, C. 2006. "The University and the public good." Thesis Eleven 84 (1). Levinas, E. 1996. "Is Ontology Fundamental?" In Emmanuel Levinas: Basic Philosophical Writings, edited by Bernasconi, Critchley and Peperzak, 1-10. Bloomington: Indiana U.P. Levinas, Emmanuel. 1986. "The Trace of the Other." In Deconstruction in Context, edited by Mark Taylor, 345-359. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Marginson, Simon. 2008. "Global field and global imagining: Bourdieu and worldwide higher education." British Journal of Sociology of Education 29 (3):303-15. Paraskeva, J.M. 2010. Unaccomplished utopia: Neoconservative dismantling of public education in the European Union. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers. Peters, Michael A., and Mark Olssen. 2005. "'Useful Knowledge': Redefining Research and Teaching in the Learning Economy." In Reshaping the University: New Relationships between Research, Scholarhip and Teaching, edited by Ronald Barnett. Open University Press. Rhoads, R.A., and K. Szelenyi. 2011. Global citizenship and the university: Advancing social life and relations in an interdependent world. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Santos, B.d.S., J.A. Nunes, and J.P. Meneses. 2007. "Opening up the Canon of Knowledge and Recognition of Difference." In Another Knowledge is Possible: Beyond Northers Epistemologies, edited by B.d.S. Santos. London: Verso.

Bad governance causes economic, social, developmental and environmental problems in many developing countries. Developing countries have adopted a number of reforms that have assisted in achieving good governance. The success of governance reform depends on the starting point of each country – what institutional arrangements exist at the out-set and who the people implementing reforms within the existing institutional framework are. This dissertation focuses on how formal institutions (laws and regulations) and informal institutions (culture, habit and conception) impact on good governance. Three characteristics central to good governance - transparency, participation and accountability are studied in the research. A number of key findings were: Good governance in Hanoi and Berlin represent the two extremes of the scale, while governance in Berlin is almost at the top of the scale, governance in Hanoi is at the bottom. Good governance in Hanoi is still far from achieved. In Berlin, information about public policies, administrative services and public finance is available, reliable and understandable. People do not encounter any problems accessing public information. In Hanoi, however, public information is not easy to access. There are big differences between Hanoi and Berlin in the three forms of participation. While voting in Hanoi to elect local deputies is formal and forced, elections in Berlin are fair and free. The candidates in local elections in Berlin come from different parties, whereas the candidacy of local deputies in Hanoi is thoroughly controlled by the Fatherland Front. Even though the turnout of voters in local deputy elections is close to 90 percent in Hanoi, the legitimacy of both the elections and the process of representation is non-existent because the local deputy candidates are decided by the Communist Party. The involvement of people in solving local problems is encouraged by the government in Berlin. The different initiatives include citizenry budget, citizen activity, citizen initiatives, etc. Individual citizens are free to participate either individually or through an association. Lacking transparency and participation, the quality of public service in Hanoi is poor. Citizens seldom get their services on time as required by the regulations. Citizens who want to receive public services can bribe officials directly, use the power of relationships, or pay a third person – the mediator ("Cò" - in Vietnamese). In contrast, public service delivery in Berlin follows the customer-orientated principle. The quality of service is high in relation to time and cost. Paying speed money, bribery and using relationships to gain preferential public service do not exist in Berlin. Using the examples of Berlin and Hanoi, it is clear to see how transparency, participation and accountability are interconnected and influence each other. Without a free and fair election as well as participation of non-governmental organisations, civil organisations, and the media in political decision-making and public actions, it is hard to hold the Hanoi local government accountable. The key differences in formal institutions (regulative and cognitive) between Berlin and Hanoi reflect the three main principles: rule of law vs. rule by law, pluralism vs. monopoly Party in politics and social market economy vs. market economy with socialist orientation. In Berlin the logic of appropriateness and codes of conduct are respect for laws, respect of individual freedom and ideas and awareness of community development. People in Berlin take for granted that public services are delivered to them fairly. Ideas such as using money or relationships to shorten public administrative procedures do not exist in the mind of either public officials or citizens. In Hanoi, under a weak formal framework of good governance, new values and norms (prosperity, achievement) generated in the economic transition interact with the habits of the centrally-planned economy (lying, dependence, passivity) and traditional values (hierarchy, harmony, family, collectivism) influence behaviours of those involved. In Hanoi "doing the right thing" such as compliance with law doesn't become "the way it is". The unintended consequence of the deliberate reform actions of the Party is the prevalence of corruption. The socialist orientation seems not to have been achieved as the gap between the rich and the poor has widened. Good governance is not achievable if citizens and officials are concerned only with their self-interest. State and society depend on each other. Theoretically to achieve good governance in Hanoi, institutions (formal and informal) able to create good citizens, officials and deputies should be generated. Good citizens are good by habit rather than by nature. The rule of law principle is necessary for the professional performance of local administrations and People's Councils. When the rule of law is applied consistently, the room for informal institutions to function will be reduced. Promoting good governance in Hanoi is dependent on the need and desire to change the government and people themselves. Good governance in Berlin can be seen to be the result of the efforts of the local government and citizens after a long period of development and continuous adjustment. Institutional transformation is always a long and complicated process because the change in formal regulations as well as in the way they are implemented may meet strong resistance from the established practice. This study has attempted to point out the weaknesses of the institutions of Hanoi and has identified factors affecting future development towards good governance. But it is not easy to determine how long it will take to change the institutional setting of Hanoi in order to achieve good governance. ; Bad governance (schlechte Regierungsführung) verursacht neben wirtschaftlichen und sozialen Schäden auch Umwelt- und Entwicklungsprobleme in vielen Entwicklungsländern. Entwicklungsländer haben zahlreiche Reformen in Angriff genommen, welche sie in der Entwicklung von good governance (gute Regierungsführung) unterstützen sollen. Der Erfolg solcher Reformen staatlicher Steuerungs- und Regelsysteme hängt jedoch maßgeblich von der Ausgangssituation in den einzelnen Ländern ab. Einfluss auf den Erfolg haben Faktoren wie z. B. die existierende institutionelle Ordnung, auf die zu Beginn solcher Reformen zurückgegriffen werden kann. Auch der verantwortliche Personenkreis, der mit der Umsetzung der Reformen beauftragt wird, ist für deren Erfolg maßgeblich. Diese Dissertation befasst sich damit, wie sich formelle Institutionen (Gesetze und Regeln) sowie informelle Institutionen (Kultur, Gewohnheit und Wahrnehmung) auf good governance auswirken können. Im Rahmen dieser Forschungsarbeit werden drei Merkmale mit besonderem Bezug zu good governance untersucht: Transparenz, Partizipation und Rechenschaftspflicht. Folgende Untersuchungsergebnisse sind hervorzuheben: In Bezug auf good governance stellen Berlin und Hanoi zwei Extreme dar. Während Berlin auf einer "good-governance-Skala" im positiven oberen Bereich anzusiedeln wäre, müsste sich Hanoi eher im unteren Bereich wiederfinden. Good governance im Sinne von verantwortungsvoller Regierungsführung ist in Hanoi bei weitem noch nicht erreicht. So sind in Berlin Informationen sowohl über die Ziele und die Entscheidungen der am Politikprozess beteiligten Akteure und über Dienstleistungen der Verwaltung als auch über die öffentlichen Finanzen allgemein abrufbar, verlässlich und verständlich. Dies ist nicht der Fall in Hanoi. Während in Berlin die BürgerInnen keine Schwierigkeiten im Zugang zu öffentlichen Informationen haben, so sind diese Informationen in Hanoi nicht oder nur schwer erhältlich. Weiterhin gibt es zwischen Hanoi und Berlin erhebliche Unterschiede in den drei Arten der Partizipation. Während die Wahlen kommunaler Vertreter in Hanoi rein formell und erzwungen sind, so sind Wahlen in Berlin gleich, geheim und frei. Bei den Berliner Kommunalwahlen entstammen die VertreterInnen den unterschiedlichen Parteien und Wählervereinigungen, während die Kandidatur der KommunalvertreterInnen in Hanoi weitgehend durch die Volksfront bestimmt wird. Obwohl die Wahlbeteiligung bei den lokalen Wahlen in Hanoi bei fast 90% liegt, so ist die Legitimität sowohl der Wahlen selbst als auch des Vertretungsprozesses so gut wie nicht vorhanden. Die zu wählenden VolksvertreterInnen werden ausschließlich durch die Kommunistische Partei bestimmt. In Berlin wird die Teilhabe der BürgerInnen bei der Lösung kommunaler Probleme durch die Regierung gefördert. Hierzu werden unterschiedliche Methoden genutzt, u. a. der Bürgerhaushalt, Bürgerportale, Bürgerinitiativen etc. Einzelne BürgerInnen können entscheiden, ob sie sich individuell oder auch kollektiv einbringen. Durch das Fehlen von Transparenz und bürgerlicher Teilhabe ist die Qualität öffentlicher Dienstleistungen in Hanoi gering. So werden Dienstleistungen selten innerhalb der Fristerbracht, die gesetzlich vorgegeben ist. BürgerInnen, die dennoch öffentliche Dienstleistungen in Anspruch nehmen und zeitnah erhalten wollen, können die verantwortlichen Beamten direkt bestechen, ihre persönlichen Beziehungen nutzen oder eine dritte Person gegen Bezahlung beauftragen – einen "Mediator" (Vietnamesisch: "Cò"). Im Gegensatz hierzu werden Dienstleistungen in Berlin kundenorientiert erbracht. Die Qualität der Dienstleistungen ist in Bezug auf Zeit und Kosten hochwertig. Schmiergeldzahlungen, Bestechung sowie das Nutzen persönlicher Beziehungen im Austausch für "bessere" öffentliche Dienstleistungen sind in Berlin unüblich. Die Analyse der Fallstudien in Berlin und Hanoi verdeutlichen, wie Transparenz, bürgerliche Teilhabe sowie Rechenschaftspflicht miteinander verflochten sind und sich gegenseitig beeinflussen. Es ist schwierig die Kommunalverwaltung in Hanoi zur Rechenschaft zu ziehen. Hierzu fehlt es an geeigneten Instrumenten, wie z.B. freie und gleiche Wahlen. Es fehlt ebenfalls die Beteiligung von Akteuren wie freien Medien, Nichtregierungsorganisationen und zivilgesellschaftlichen Organisationen. Der wesentliche Unterschied formeller regulativer und kognitiver Institutionen zwischen Berlin und Hanoi wird anhand von drei Prinzipien dargestellt: Rechtsstaatlichkeit (Rule of Law) vs. Herrschaft durch Recht (rule by law), Pluralismus vs. Einheitspartei innerhalb der Politik sowie Marktwirtschaft vs. Marktwirtschaft sozialistischer Prägung. In Berlin gelten Verhaltensnormen, welche das Gesetz und die individuelle Freiheit respektieren. Ebenso herrscht das Bewusstsein vor, die Gemeinschaft zu fördern. EinwohnerInnen Berlins erachten es als selbstverständlich, dass sie öffentliche Dienstleistungen gerecht in Anspruch nehmen können. Die Vorstellung, Geld oder Beziehungen auf unrechtmäßige Art zu nutzen, um Verwaltungsvorgänge abzukürzen, herrschen weder bei Verwaltung noch bei den BürgerInnen vor. Innerhalb eines schwachen formellen Rahmens von good governance in Hanoi interagieren neue Werte und Normen einer Volkswirtschaft im Umbruch (Wohlstand, Erfolg) mit denen einer Planwirtschaft (Lügen, Abhängigkeit, Passivität) sowie mit denen traditioneller Gesellschaften (Hierarchie, Harmonie, Familie, Kollektivismus) und beeinflussen die Handlungen der Akteure. In Hanoi wird es nicht als selbstverständlich angesehen, das zu tun, was in Berlin als "das Richtige" angesehen würde, z. B. Gesetze einzuhalten. Unbeabsichtigte Konsequenzen willkürlicher Reformaktivitäten der Partei zeigen sich im Fortbestehen von Korruption. Die sozialistische Orientierung der Marktwirtschaft scheint nicht erreicht worden zu sein, da sich die Schere zwischen Reich und Arm geweitet hat. Good governance ist unerreichbar, wenn BürgerInnen, Verwaltung und PolitikerInnen hauptsächlich von Eigeninteressen gelenkt werden. Der Staat und die Gesellschaft hängen voneinander ab. Um theoretisch good governance in Hanoi zu erreichen, müssten (formelle und informelle) Institutionen geschaffen werden, die positiven Einfluss auf BürgerInnen, Verwaltung und VolksvertreterInnen haben. BürgerInnen sind "gut" aufgrund von Lernprozessen und Gewöhnung und nicht aufgrund ihrer Natur. Das Rechtstaatlichkeitsprinzip ist notwendig, um die Leistungsbereitschaft lokaler Verwaltungen sowie der Volksvertretungen zu stärken. Sobald Rechtstaatlichkeit konsequente Anwendung findet, verringert sich auch der Raum, in dem informelle Institutionen angewendet werden können. Die Förderung von good governance in Hanoi hängt im Wesentlichen vom Verlangen ab, die Regierung und die Menschen zu verändern. Good governance in Berlin sollte als Ergebnis eines andauernden Prozesses von Entwicklung und Änderung von Lokalregierung und BürgerInnen angesehen werden. Institutionelle Transformation ist ein langwieriger und komplizierter Prozess. Veränderungen formeller Regelungen sowie die Art der Implementierung solch neuer Regelungen trifft möglicherweise auf starken Widerstand seitens etablierter Akteure mit ihren Gewohnheiten. In dieser Studie wurde gezeigt, welches die Schwachpunkte der Institutionen in Hanoi sind. Ebenso wurden jene Faktoren identifiziert, welche die zukünftige Entwicklung in Richtung von good governance beeinflussen können. Es ist jedoch schwierig einzuschätzen, wie lange es dauern wird, das institutionelle Gefüge in Hanoi hin zu verantwortungsvoller Regierungsführung zu ändern.

The Structure and Dynamics eJournal offers a conduit for refereed electronic publication, debate, and editorial communication in the domain of anthropology and human sciences. We invite you—as an open access reader at no cost, an author at no cost, or a volunteer, to submit book reviews or commentary—to contribute and to participate in raising the aspirations of the human sciences today. To submit an article, follow the link to "Submission guidelines." To submit a review simply click Submit a "Reader's Comment" at the article site. We comment here on the contents and success of the first two issues. Full-text downloads of the eJournal articles numbered 5,313 in the 11 months since September 23, 2005, now averaging 16-17 a day. This reflects positively on quality of the articles, made possible in turn by the high quality and incisiveness of reviews, the number and diversity of reviewers who have responded, and selection for quality in article acceptance and reviewers (and we thank our reviewers for their efforts at timely review). In just two issues, the eJournal has come a long way in attaining the goals set out for it as a publication in which scholarship and debate can be engaged in contemporary fields of research, one that provides a venue for the study of the complex interplay between dynamics and structure, and gives an outlet for methods and results which speak to the issues of simplicity in complexity and the study of structure and dynamics. It has also facilitated presentations of new forms of analysis and visualization, new forums for debate and new vehicles for the dissemination and absorption of work at the cutting edges of the human sciences. Authors of issue 1#1 have had feedback and good reception. Peter Turchin's findings on historical dynamics have been replicated, for example, using data covering a 700-year period from archaeological research in the Southwest. The replication study is in press in the journal Complexity. Wikipedia, at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_cycle_theory, cites Turchin's article in issue 1#1. Several of the issue 1#1 articles are now reviewed in blogs and on-line commentaries, digests, or reference lists, many with timely google citations. Links to them are starting to appear on educational sites at which students have direct access to download and on-line readership. Issue 1#1 marked our first use of high-quality color imagery and live url links. Krempel and Schnegg's paper explained our journal's dynamic-gif logo in their "About the Image: Diffusion Dynamics in an Historical Network," which also allows the reader to link to the authors' longer 1998 study and its on-line imagery. That article, "Exposure, Networks and Mobilization: The Petition Movement during the 1848/49 Revolution in a German Town," published at http://www.mpi-fg-koeln.mpg.de/~lk/netvis/exposure, provides further background and examples for the innovative use of dynamic graphics. Summing up our current issue, 1#2, and to give readers an idea of the unusual and unique features of electronic publication, we review the advantages and evolution of our permanent, paper-quality, refereed eJournal publications. Along with our use of live url links and imagery on-line, these advantages are facilitated by our UC eScholarship publisher. In 1#2, Sean Downey provides a fascinating study that interrogates ethnographic and historical texts with the aid of simulation. He uses his approach to analyze the ethnographic/historical theory put forward by noted author Paul Willis in Learning to Labor, secondarily to show strengths and weaknesses of contemporary social theories such as those of Tony Giddens (1984) and, finally, also to identify the descriptive lacunae that limit this genre of simulation. As an invaluable gift to students and instructors (he is himself a graduate student), he supplies on-line the code for the simulation and, as a free resource, access to the simulation software package itself. Christiansen and Altaweel's "Understanding Ancient Societies," subtitled "A New Approach Using Agent-Based Holistic Modeling," describes their Argonne National Labs holistic agent-based simulation framework that couples with incredible depth to the real-world information that can be brought into simulation and modeling from the earth sciences, satellite imagery, climate modeling, the agricultural sciences, ethnography, network analysis, and a host of other areas. Focusing on the development of their model for addressing research questions about Mesopotamia, they explain and illustrate the general-purpose simulation framework. Their work offers a productive complementarity to Algaze's lead article in our first issue, where he poses a series of questions, hypotheses, and possible lines of evidence with which to explore the processes that lead to the first cities' takeoff. Wouter de Nooy's study of the networks and the structural dynamics of folktale plots, tested as well against literary interactions through time among Dutch literary critics, uses network analysis software described in his coauthored book with the software authors (de Nooy, Batagelj, and Mrvar 2005). He gives us the first-ever published SVG image produced by Pajek network software with interactivity within the SVG image itself (now available from the Pajek freeware authors at http://vlado.fmf.uni-lj.si/pub/networks/pajek/). The SVG image is not simply static but directly accessible, thanks to live links inside our eScholarship pdfs, as an interactive graphic that the reader can explore for different views of the data. Wilkinson and Tsirel evaluate limit cycles in Indic regional political polarities—how many polities in each ten year interval, coded from a comprehensive database—over two millennia. They begin with the simplest of models of temporal dynamics and historical limit cycles and proceed to evaluate at each step those of increasing complexity. The visual scanability of their multicolor graphical results helps to give the reader an ability to judge visually the contribution of different kinds of statistical analyses to understanding the complexity of the data and, in turn, the plausibility of different historical processes and explanations. Seary, Richards, McKeown-Eyssen, and Baines, in their "Networks of Symptoms and Exposures," provide an innovation that makes possible a better comprehension of statistical interactions in complex phenomena by enabling the reader to recognize linkages within complex data such as those in the field of medicine. The visual imagery of their 3-dimensional interactive "panigram" images, named from the Greek panis ("sail"), provides a generalization of simpler histograms that, by analogy, would be composed by an ordering of the one-dimensional heights of the ship's masts. The 3-D panigrams form an analog of planar sails rotatable about masts that represent the spines of the data structure. Co-authoring with professionals in the medical field, they use these images to look at the interrelations of people, their exposures to disease, and how symptoms are jointly distributed across both. Berkowitz, with his collaborators Woodward and Woodward, draws on his scholarship about the role of family and informal institutions in historical world economies to write of venerable and legal networks of exchange that have operated for millennia and yet that make it impossible to trace financial transactions through the modern computerized credit banking systems. His scholarship, interrupted by untimely death in 2003, is honored in this issue. Palmer, Steadman, and Coe, in "More Kin: An Effect of the Tradition of Marriage," utilize genealogical graphics, a mathematical model of networks and demography, and analysis of the relation between biology and culture to reopen important questions about the role of human kinship systems in human evolution, considered both in terms of networks and cognition. Their results for numbers of kin at various distances in bilateral kinship networks, depending both on demography and issues of social recognition, are cited in the article by Moody. James Moody's "Fighting a Hydra: A Note on the Network Embeddedness of the War on Terror," shares in common with Berkowitz et al.'s article a concern for misunderstandings that prompted and have emerged out of the War on Terror. Moody writes of the effects of misguided policies, such as described in the recent best seller by Thomas Ricks (2006), that fail to take into account the "blowback" consequences of the killing, wounding, and arresting of civilians and the torture of suspected insurgents. He considers as well the effects of the wounding and deaths of soldiers, recruited into such wars, on those in their home communities, families and social networks. His on-line innovation is to provide students and the reader with a calculator for the network scale-up model of Killworth et al. (1998) to estimate the number of people who know somebody in an "event," such as those killed in the war. "Since the values needed to make these estimates are rapidly changing and somewhat subjective, users can test the effect of different assumptions with this calculator," as noted within the calculator itself. In our review, we highlight the general properties of the scale-up model, of which we shall see more in future articles.

Currently, the world is experiencing great challenges in public health, but it is also experiencing these challenges in finding new formulas for an economic development. The political systems of diverse nations are challenged to find sustainable solutions that meet the expectations of the nations (Zamorano Farías, 2010.)In this issue of the magazine "Politics, Globality and Citizenship", the reader will have access to eleven articles that delve into topics that are essential to find the institutional mechanisms that allow to have a better social coexistence among individuals who are part of a plural society, and also among the nations. They correspond to studies that have been carried out rigorously and with an examination of cases that contribute to a necessary debate in the current Academy.Thereon, it is important to reflect on the concept of a "quality" democracy in which O'Donnell, Vargas and Iazzetta (2004) established that there are some essential elements that allow us to speak of a democracy with content. This concept is made up, among other things, by the conduct of free elections, by a true independence of the media, by having acceptable indices in matters of equity, by the fact that the population has access to extensive social security and because the majorities and minorities are represented.For that very reason, it is important that institutions can become an effective mechanism that can enable those ideals for a quality democracy to become an everyday reality. According to a study made by Tusell (2015), some of the factors that are inherently related to the quality of democracy are accountability and the rule of law.In general terms, this is one of the main concepts that concern us in this issue: the correct functioning of public powers is key in the consolidation of any democratic regime and, in particular, in preserving fundamental freedoms (Barreda, 2010.)Regarding mediation, there is a qualitative study by Roberto Guerrero Vega, from the Polytechnic University of Nicaragua, who proposes a model for evaluating the quality of the mediation service in Mexico. It is necessary to highlight that these investigations like the ones made by Guerrero Vega are the ones that contribute to establish the bases for an improvement in the resolution of controversies, the same ones that contribute to generate a better social coexistence. Precisely on the topic of well-being, is that Francisco Gorjón Gómez, from the Autonomous University of Nuevo León (Mexico), presents us a study that corroborates the presence of mediation as an instrument to achieve collective well-being. Regarding the legal analysis, the inquiries of Yahaira Berenice Martínez-Pérez, Brenda Judith Sauceda-Villeda and María Salomé Moreno-Rodríguez from the Autonomous University of Nuevo León (Mexico) are presented, who argue in favor of a legal reform that could protect the most vulnerable sectors. In addition, there is the participation of Jose Luis Leal Espinosa, from the Autonomous University of Coahuila (Mexico), who also argues strongly about the need to specify institutional mechanisms that guarantee the entitlement to information.In educational matters, we have the outstanding participations of Fabio Orlando Cruz Paez and Oswaldo Vanegas Florez from the University of Cundinamarca (Colombia) and the case of Fernando Cárdenas Cabello from the CIFE University Center (Mexico), who explain to us about the technological surveillance process and its impact on the organizational culture of a prestigious Colombian university in the first case, while in the second case, it is examined the adequacy of industrial policy 4.0 in the transition from one government to another, based on the analysis of the National Development Plan. Also, the researchers from the Universidad de la Costa, Grays Nuñez Ríos, Kadry García Mendoza, Judith Castillo Martelo and Nevis Niño-Jiménez carry out a study on a community intervention on how citizens can be motivated to participate in activities that contribute to the peace. In geopolitical matters, this issue has two notable products: The analysis of the relationship of the Pacific Alliance, which is made up by Mexico, Peru, Chile and Colombia, with the People's Republic of China, carried out by Flavio Rafael González-Ayala, a researcher from the Autonomous University of San Luis Potosí (Mexico.) The reader can also consult the inter-institutional research made by José María Ramos García (El Colegio de la Frontera Norte, Mexico), Carlos Barrachina Lisón (Anáhuac University, México) and Jimmy Emmanuel Ramos (Autonomous University of Baja California), who ponder the challenges from the southern border of Mexico, regarding its importance in its relationship with the United States.Finally, this issue has notable international contributions on current issues and also an introspection of the evolution of a political party that has been fundamental to Spanish democracy: The commitment to disseminate research projects on current issues of the magazine Politics, Globality and Citizenship is reflected in them, as well as those that contain a timely historical review.In relation to the subject, and with validity, we can find the work of Juan Sebastián Sánchez Gómez (University if Los Andes, Colombia), who has exposed the case of the state of exception decreed in Colombia from the coronavirus pandemic. In the case of Borja García-Vázquez (Autonomous University of Nuevo León), an extensive tour of the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) is made, from a year before the death of Francisco Franco, up to the year of his first electoral defeat at ta national level, after holding power for 14 consecutive years. In summary, Fascicle 6 (12) has articles written by prestigious researchers, from also outstanding educational centers, which reflect on fundamental topics that reinforce the current lines of research in the field of geopolitics, mediation, the rule of law and educational policy. Therefore, our intention is to contribute to the permanent exchange in quality research, which is why we hope that the scholars who have consulted this edition can find information that is useful to them in their own investigations. ; En la actualidad, el mundo vive grandes desafíos en materia de salud pública, pero también de encontrar nuevas fórmulas de desarrollo económico. Los sistemas políticos de naciones diversas tienen el reto de encontrar soluciones sostenibles que cumplan con las expectativas de las naciones (Zamorano Farías, 2010).En el presente número de la revista "Política, Globalidad y Ciudadanía", el lector tendrá acceso a once artículos que profundizan sobre temas que son indispensables para encontrar los mecanismos institucionales que permitan una mejor convivencia social entre los individuos que forman parte de una sociedad plural y también entre las naciones. Corresponden a estudios que se han realizado de manera rigurosa y con una examinación de casos que contribuyen a un necesario debate en la academia actual.Al respecto, resulta importante reflexionar sobre el concepto de una democracia de "calidad" en la que O'Donnell, Vargas y Iazzetta (2004) establecieron que existen algunos elementos esenciales que nos permiten hablar de una democracia con contenido. Este concepto, se compone entre otras cosas, por la celebración de elecciones libres, por una verdadera independencia de los medios de comunicación, por contar con índices aceptables en materia de equidad, por el hecho de que la población tenga acceso a una amplia seguridad social y porque las mayorías y minorías se encuentren representadas.Por esa misma razón, es importante que las instituciones puedan convertirse en un mecanismo eficaz que pueda hacer posible que esos ideales de una democracia de calidad se conviertan en una realidad cotidiana. De acuerdo con un estudio de Tusell (2015), algunos de los factores que se encuentran inherentemente relacionados con la calidad de la democracia son la rendición de cuentas y el estado de derecho.En términos generales, este es uno de los principales conceptos que nos concierne en la presente edición: el funcionamiento correcto de los poderes públicos resulta clave en la consolidación de cualquier régimen democrático y en particular, en el de preservar las libertades fundamentales (Barreda, 2010).En materia de mediación, se cuenta con un estudio cualitativo por parte de Roberto Guerrero Vega, de la Universidad Politécnica de Nicaragua, quien propone un modelo de evaluación de la calidad al servicio de mediación en México. Es necesario resaltar que son investigaciones como las de Guerrero Vega, las que contribuyen a fijar las bases de una mejoría en la resolución de controversias, las mismas que contribuyen a generar una mejor convivencia social. Precisamente sobre el tema del bienestar, es que Francisco Gorjón Gómez, de la Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León (México), nos presenta un trabajo que permite corroborar la presencia de la mediación como un instrumento para lograr el bienestar colectivo.En cuanto al análisis jurídico, se presentan las indagaciones de Yahaira Berenice Martínez-Pérez, Brenda Judith Sauceda-Villeda y María Salomé Moreno-Rodríguez de la Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León (México), quienes argumentan a favor de una reforma jurídica que protega a los sectores más vulnerables. Además se cuenta con la participación de Jose Luis Leal Espinosa, de la Universidad Autónoma de Coahuila (México), quien también argumenta de manera sólida en torno a la necesidad de concretar mecanismos institucionales que garanticen el derecho a la información.En materia educativa, contamos con las destacadas participaciones de Fabio Orlando Cruz Paez y Oswaldo Vanegas Florez de la Universidad de Cundinamarca (Colombia) y el caso de Fernando Cárdenas Cabello del Centro Universitario CIFE (México), quienes nos exponen sobre el proceso de vigilancia tecnológica y su incidencia en la cultura organizacional de una prestigiada universidad colombiana en el primer caso, mientras que en el segundo se examina la adecuación de la política industrial 4.0 en la transición de un gobierno a otro, basado en el análisis del Plan Nacional de Desarrollo. También los investigadores de la Universidad de la Costa, Greys Nuñez Ríos, Kadry García Mendoza, Judith Castillo Martelo y Nevis Niño-Jiménez quienes realizan un estudio sobre una intervención comunitaria de cómo se puede motivar a los ciudadanos a participar en actividades que contribuyan a la paz. En materia geopolítica, esta edición cuenta con dos productos notables: El análisis de la relación de la Alianza del Pacífico, que conforma México, Perú, Chile y Colombia, con la República Popular China, que realiza el investigador de la Universidad Autónoma de San Luis Potosí (México), Flavio Rafael González-Ayala. El lector también puede consultar la investigación interinstitucional de José María Ramos García (El Colegio de la Frontera Norte, México), Carlos Barrachina Lisón (Universidad Anáhuac, México) y Jimmy Emmanuel Ramos (Universidad Autónoma de Baja California), quienes ponderan sobre los retos de la frontera sur de México, en cuanto a su importancia en su relación con Estados Unidos.Por último, la edición cuenta con contribuciones internacionales notables sobre temas actuales y también, de una introspección de la evolución de un partido político que ha sido fundamental para la democracia española: En ellos se encuentra reflejado el compromiso de la revista Política, Globalidad y Ciudadanía de difundir proyectos de investigación de temas vigentes, así como aquellos que contienen una oportuna revisión histórica.En lo relacionado al tema se encuentra con una vigencia oportuna, el trabajo de Juan Sebastián Sánchez Gómez (Universidad de los Andes, Colombia) quien expone el caso del estado de excepción decretado en Colombia a partir de la pandemia de coronavirus. En el caso de Borja García-Vázquez (Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León), se realiza un amplio recorrido del Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE), desde un año antes de la muerte de Francisco Franco, al año de su primera derrota electoral a nivel nacional, después de detentar el poder por 14 años consecutivos.En síntesis, el fascículo 6(12) cuenta con artículos de investigadores de prestigio, de centros educativos también destacados, que reflexionan de temas fundamentales que refuezan las líneas de investigación vigentes en materia de geopolítica, mediación, estado de derecho y política educativa. Por lo tanto nuestra intención es contribuir al intercambio permanente en materia de investigación de calidad, es por esto que esperamos que los académicos que consulten esta edición puedan encontrar información que les sea de utilidad en sus propias indagaciones.

Peripheralisation is a process to which a person, a group or an area might be subjected to. Stigmatisation, selective migration, disconnection, dependence and social exclusion are dimensions of peripheralisation that are interconnected and that accelerate each other's effects. Structurally disadvantaged rural areas, especially remote small villages in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) are particularly affected by the processes of peripheralisation. While economic decline and ethnic exclusion produced contagious "ghettoes" (Virág 2010) or "internal colonies" (Kóczé 2011) in the last two decades in structurally disadvantaged small villages of Hungary, in the German context the phenomenon of a "rural ghetto" seems to be non-existent. In Germany, mainly East German old industrial towns and rural areas are affected by peripheralisation, selective out-migration, demographic shrinking and demographisation are emphasised here. Ethnographic research in the case study villages of Eastern Germany and Hungary confirmed that peripheralisation is relational and amongst others national and regional social policies influence how it manifests on the local level. While areas undergoing moderate peripheralisation were able to attract counter-cultural migrants ("back-to-the-landers", Calvário and Otero 2015), who further counteracted peripheralisation processes, socially excluded people (Roma and long-term unemployed) accumulated in areas undergoing advanced peripheralisation. While counter-cultural migrants (case study G1 and H3), who follow a critique of materialist mainstream culture, modern farming practices, and the globalization of the agri-food systems, were free to decide where to live, the inhabitants of areas undergoing advanced peripheralisation (H2) got locked into spaces which are abandoned by the state, investors and the majority society (non-Roma people). As class, gender, ethnicity and place of residence influences autonomy, the individual and collective autonomy of the counter-cultural migrants is on a higher level than the autonomy of the inhabitants of areas undergoing advanced peripheralisation. As local initiatives (social and solidarity economy initiatives or rural social enterprises) are created to counteract processes of peripheralisation, the central question of this research is: In the context of peripheralisation how can social and solidarity economy initiatives contribute to local development? To explore in what ways rural social enterprises may (or may not) counteract processes of peripheralisation this study relies on a critical realist ethnography (with participant observation, in-depth interviews and documentary analysis) and on a normative approach of local development, integrating economic, social, and environmental aspects too. ECONOMIC CONSIDERATIONS In line with the relational approach to individual autonomy (Mackenzie 2014), a normative assumption of social enterprise scholars is that even if social enterprises receive state funding or money from private foundations or churches, they should be able to preserve their organisational autonomy. However, it should be pointed out that existing institutional contexts influence the political and organisational independence of social and solidarity economy (SSE) initiatives. Even if the reunification of Germany resulted in the assimilation of many East German institutions into West German ones, compared to Hungary, East Germany got integrated into a country with a thick institutional system for welfare provision and in which state-civil society relationships are rather characterised by partnership than state control. The current Hungarian government shows authoritarian tendencies, when it limits funding sources for civilian-based initiatives. Such a context, leads to municipality-based and faith-based social enterprises to blossom over civilian-based ones. These organisations are embedded in centralised structures and they often envision development through patronising means and thus reproduce the marginality of the socially excluded (particularly Roma) within the local society. Beyond monetary resources, non-monetary resources, such as volunteers or strong communities with reciprocal behaviour are considered to be potential resources for social enterprises. However, this research showed that with intensifying peripheralisation (eg. the selective out-migration of better-off social strata) SSE initiatives can decreasingly rely on non-monetary resources locally. Even if capitalist integration of CEE influenced negatively village communities, the reciprocal structures still existed in a village undergoing a higher (but not advanced) level of peripheralisation (H3) when the Ministers moved there and started their faith-based social enterprise together with the locals. In contrast, when the colleagues of the Equality Foundation started their civilian-based social enterprise in a village undergoing advanced peripheralisation, structures of reciprocal relations no longer existed there (H2). People in this village had time, but had been experiencing socio-spatial marginalisation (educational and territorial segregation, lack of jobs locally, limited access to public transport and car) for such a long time that they did not have the actual capacity to initiate local development without assistance coming from outside the village. SOCIAL CONSIDERATIONS The potential of participative decision-making is recognised by social enterprise researchers as a vehicle to empower marginalised people. From the four case studies only two initiatives (H2, G1) aim explicitly to achieve participative decision-making. Within the two other projects decisions are made through representatives of the community. In the case of the municipality-based social enterprise (H1), dominantly one representative, the Mayor has the power to make decisions, while in the case of the faith-based social enterprise (H3) the community representative, the 8 Presbyters and the Minister (who are all male) have the institutionalised right to make decisions for the community. The two civilian-based social enterprises (G1 and H2) are embedded in differently peripheralised contexts. In the case of advanced peripheralisation (H2) help comes outside of the village, from a development organisation. Building up the capacities of the local stakeholders for participative decision-making is a long-term strategy for the Foundation, which explicitly focuses on the empowerment of Roma and women. In case of moderate peripheralisation (G1) local agents, amongst whom counter-cultural migrants are overrepresented, have a capacity to start their SSE initiatives without help coming from a development organisation. Even if inhabitants of areas undergoing advanced peripheralisation have an agency, they need professional assistance from outside. It is, however, of particular importance that the development organisation follows the philosophy of democratic solidarity and has a capability-based approach. Without such assistance it would be naïve to expect agents of severely peripheralised areas to set up and run SSE initiatives themselves. At the same time it would be also wrong to think that without local knowledge (for example the knowledge of surviving in conditions of deep poverty and lived experiences of institutional racism) "developers" could reach long lasting results. Among the four case studies, the empowerment capacity was the highest in the civilian-based social enterprise (belonging to the Equality Foundation). This was the only initiative that acknowledged the ethnicised (and gendered) structural oppression of Roma (women). In addition to aiming to increase the individual autonomy of their stakeholders (through supporting adult education or providing advices on how to deal with domestic abuse), the organisation also aims to develop the collective autonomy of the inhabitants of the village through their community development project. Without identifying themselves as a Roma feminist organisation, the Equality Foundation has consciously focused on women as partners of local development. The reasoning behind their decision is connected to the role women play in the social reproduction of their households. ENVIRONMENTAL CONSIDERATIONS There are life situations, when social needs get prioritised over environmental considerations. Deep poverty is one of those life situations. For example, the daily survival under conditions of housing poverty and extreme cold weather overwrites long-term strategies, such as environmentalism. Due to a lower purchasing power, poorer households have lower levels of consumption too. This, however, does not mean that underprivileged people would not aim to consume more. On the contrary, as our society is dominated by the ideology of capitalist consumerism, to counteract social exclusion consumerism is seen as a strategy towards social integration for people living in deep poverty. The comparison between a Hungarian village undergoing advanced peripheralisation (H2) and a German village undergoing moderate peripheralisation (G1) shows that only people with a higher level of individual autonomy are capable of "decolonizing their imaginary" (Latouche 2011), namely of questioning capitalist consumerism and develop ethical consumption practices.:Contents List of Abbreviations 11 Figures / Maps / Images 13 Tables 15 1 Introduction 17 1.1 AIMS AND MOTIVATION 17 1.2 THE RELEVANCE OF THE RESEARCH 20 1.3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 21 2 Theorising peripheralisation and local development 23 2.1 PERIPHERALISATION, A MULTI-DIMENSIONAL, SELF-REINFORCING PROCESS 23 2.1.1 Dimensions of peripheralisation 23 2.1.2 Advanced peripheralisation 28 2.2 SOCIAL AND SOLIDARITY ECONOMY AND LOCAL DEVELOPMENT 29 2.2.1 Economic dimension 30 2.2.2 Social dimension: autonomy and empowerment 31 2.2.3 Environmental dimension 36 2.3 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS 38 3 Contexts: social and solidarity economy in the context of peripheralisation 41 3.1 PERIPHERALISATION 41 3.1.1 Post-socialist transformation, a historical overview of periheralisation 41 3.1.2 Multi-dimensional peripheralisation in East Germany and Hungary 44 3.1.3 The relational aspect of peripheralisation 48 3.1.4 Advanced peripheralisation, a Hungarian (semi-peripheral) reality 50 3.2 SOCIAL AND SOLIDARITY ECONOMY IN CEE 51 3.2.1 Informal social and solidarity economy 52 3.2.2 Institutionalised social and solidarity economy 54 4 Methodology 59 4.1 TOWARDS A CRITICAL REALIST ETHNOGRAPHY 59 4.1.1 The scope of postmodern reflexive ethnography 60 4.1.2 Critical realism 61 4.1.3 Critical realist ethnography 62 4.2 CASE SELECTION AND COMPARATIVE PROCEEDING 63 Stage 1: Selecting areas undergoing peripheralisation 63 Stage 2: Identifying rural social enterprises 66 4.3 DATA COLLECTION 68 4.3.1 Interviews 69 4.3.2 Participant observation 72 4.3.3 Documents 76 4.4 POTENTIAL AND LIMITATIONS OF THE METHODOLOGY 77 4.4.1 Positivist critiques of the ethnographic approach 77 4.4.2 Anti-realist and postmodern critiques of ethnography 78 4.4.3 Critical realism and political engagement 79 4.4.4 Data analysis and reflections on the field experiences 81 5 Peripheralisation and the local scale 83 5.1 PERIPHERALISATION: THE LOCALITY AND THE CASE STUDY PROFILES 83 5.2 PERCEPTIONS AND RESPONSES TO PERIPHERIALITY IN DIFFERENT CONTEXTS 91 5.2.1 Surviving advanced peripheralisation 91 5.2.2 Uneven access to education 92 5.2.3 Counter-cultural migration 93 5.3 THE MAIN CHALLENGES AND MISSION OF THE CASE STUDY SOCIAL ENTERPRISES 95 6 The interplay between autonomy and local resource-mix strategies 99 6.1 ORGANISATIONAL AUTONOMY AND ACCESS TO FUNDING 99 6.2 MARKET-BASED RESOURCES: EARNED INCOME 102 6.3 NON-MARKET RESOURCES: GRANTS AND SUBSIDIES 106 6.3.1 International governmental funding 106 6.3.2 National governmental funding 114 6.3.3 Non-governmental funding 119 6.4 NON-MONETARY RESOURCES: THE CAPACITIES OF THE LOCAL COMMUNITY 120 7 Empowerment capacity of the case study initiatives 123 7.1 DECISION-MAKING STRUCTURES 123 7.1.1 Representative decision-making structures 124 7.1.2 Participative decision-making structures 127 7.2 EMPOWERMENT OF ROMA (WOMEN) 131 7.2.1 The empowerment capacity of rural social enterprises: a perspective of the Roma 132 7.2.2 A gendered aspect: the empowerment of Roma women 137 8 Environmental considerations 143 8.1 ENVIRONMENTAL CONSCIOUSNESS ON THE LOCAL LEVEL 143 8.2 ENVIRONMENTAL CONSCIOUSNESS ON THE ORGANISATIONAL LEVEL 145 9 Summary and conclusions 149 9.1 LIMITATIONS AND POTENTIALS OF THE METHODOLOGY 149 9.2 THEORETICAL IMPLICATIONS: THE CAPACITY OF SOCIAL AND SOLIDARITY ECONOMY IN COUNTERACTING PERIPHERALISATION 150 9.2.1 Economic considerations: autonomy and local resource-mix strategies 150 9.2.2 Social considerations: Autonomy and Empowerment 153 9.2.3 Environmental considerations: environmental consciousness and environmental impact 156 9.3 POLICY IMPLICATIONS FOR LOCAL DEVELOPMENT AND SOCIAL ECONOMY POLICIES 156 10 References 159 10.1 GENERAL WORKS 159 10.2 DATABASES, RELATED MATERIALS 172 10.3 MEDIA SOURCES 172 10.4 WEBPAGES 173 10.5 LEGAL REFERENCES 174 Annex 1 Expert sampling sheet (hu) 175 Annex 2 Information sheet (hu) 177 Annex 3 Information sheet (de) 179 Annex 4 Consent form (hu) 181 Annex 5 Consent form (de) 183 Annex 6 Expert interviews 185 Annex 7 Case study interviews 187 Annex 8 Participant observation 189 Annex 9 Anonymised data sources 193

Authors' introductionAlthough Latinas/os have a long history in the United States and represent a growing percentage of the population, they remain largely invisible or stereotyped in popular images and discourses. Ahistoric, fragmented, and individual‐level perspectives often frame Latina/o migration, education, and activism and thus negatively influence public perceptions and policy. Fortunately, over the past 30 years, scholars in disciplines such as sociology, history, Chicana/o–Latina/o Studies, and Latin American Studies have done much to remedy these gaps and misperceptions. However, for a broad and inclusive approach to understanding the structures influencing Latina/o lives and communities, we believe that more work is needed to connect these scholarly developments which are often separated by academic divisions. Thus, we recommend the following materials that together offer a multidisciplinary and multifaceted framework that highlights the significance of global capitalism and white supremacy on Latina/o immigration, education, and activism. Key to this framework is a movement away from individual‐level arguments and assimilationist perspectives to an emphasis on US imperialism, economic exploitation, and schooling within capitalism. By broadening the frameworks for analysis and linking together the factors shaping Latina/o migration, education, and activism, we emphasize the systems of power and inequality that influence the lives of marginalized communities, without losing sight of the legacy of resistance in Latin America and the United States.Suggested textsTomas Almaguer, Racial Fault Lines: The Historical Origins of White Supremacy (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1994).Using primary and secondary sources, this book traces the distinct racialized experiences of Native Americans, Mexican Americans, African Americans, Asian Americans, and European Americans in late‐19th century California. Almaguer focuses on the material and ideological basis of group placement and delivers one of the few theoretical works on the factors shaping the multiracial hierarchy that characterizes the history of California.Antonia Darder, Reinventing Paulo Freire: A Pedagogy of Love (Boulder, CO: Westview, 2002).This engaging book roots contemporary schooling to global capitalism and racism. In it, Darder draws on the legacy of renowned Brazilian educator Paulo Freire to offer powerful reflections and examples from today's teachers who are practicing liberatory education in the struggle for social and economic justice.Gilbert G. Gonzalez, Chicano Education in the Era of Segregation (Philadelphia, PA: Balch Institute Press, 1990).This foundational book is devoted to the history of Chicana/o education and traces the roots of inequality in education from the early 1900s to Mendez v. Westminster, the landmark desegregation case in 1947. Gonzalez uses historical documents and dissertations to detail the historical relationships between capitalism, sociological theories, and school practices in reproducing a classed, raced, and gendered labor market. He placed particular attention on Americanization Programs, segregated schooling, vocational education, and the political economy. The book ends with an analysis of the role of parents, community, and various organizations in the eventual elimination of de jure segregation for Mexican American students in schools.Juan Gonzalez, Harvest of Empire: A History of Latinos in America (New York, NY: Penguin Books, 2001).Employing a hemispheric approach, journalist Juan Gonzalez analyzes the close connection between US imperial expansion and Latino/a migration. As part of the harvest of empire, Gonzalez examines migration from various countries, including Mexico, Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic, and Cuba, focusing on the macro‐structural factors that have led to migration.'History and Critical Pedagogies: Transforming Consciousness, Classrooms, and Communities', Radical History Review, 102 (Fall 2008).This special journal issue explores how scholars and activists have used critical pedagogies to challenge unequal power relations in classrooms and communities. A number of articles provide concrete reflections and strategies such as drama‐based pedagogies, service‐learning, and community‐based projects. Interviews with scholars and activists demonstrate how praxis has the power to transform society and popular education employs an asset‐based approach to education.Pierrette Hondagneu‐Sotelo, Doméstica: Central Americans Cleaning and Caring in the Shadow of Affluence (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2001).This qualitative study focuses on the lives and experiences of domestic workers and the people who employ them. After beginning with an important overview of the historical, economic, and political context shaping Central American migration and the service industry, Hondagneu‐Sotelo provides an in‐depth and nuanced analysis of domestic work and employee‐employer relationships. She ends the book with crucial strategies for improving the occupation and examples of labor organizing among Los Angeles‐area domestic workers.Enrique C. Ochoa and Gilda L. Ochoa, eds., Latino Los Angeles: Transformations, Communities, and Activism (Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press, 2005).This collection of articles examines diverse Latina/o communities in the greater Los Angeles regions and their formations and activism in the context of global capitalism. The first section examines how migration is connected to macro factors including US foreign policy and capitalist restructuring. The second section explores community and identity (re)formation. The final section examines multiple forms of activism, with articles on the struggle for Chicana/o Studies at UCLA, Justice for Janitors, and labor and community alliances with day laborers.Suggested videos El Norte (1983)This now‐classic feature length film by Gregory Nava traces the harrowing experiences of a young brother and sister as they migrate from Guatemala to the United States. Along with capturing their trying experiences crossing multiple borders, the film also details the struggles they encounter as they try to adjust to the hardships of life in the United States, including their distinct gendered experiences. We recommend combining this film with a discussion of the increased border deaths accompanying the growing criminalization of immigrants and the militarization of the Guatemala–Mexico and the Mexico–United States borders. Fear and Learning at Hoover Elementary (1997)In this documentary, Director Laura Angelica Simon details the contemporary impact of anti‐immigration policies and debates on students and teachers at a Los Angeles elementary school. The documentary was made during the 1990s when California was in the midst of an economic recession and citizens were voting on Proposition 187, an initiative that sought to deny social services to undocumented immigrants. It is a powerful teaching tool that includes students' voices and experiences; however, we suggest combining the video with some historical background on US military, economic, and political involvement in Latin America. Viewers might also be encouraged to deconstruct some of the director's images, interview questions, and racially loaded language. Made in L.A. (Hecho in Los Angeles) (2007)This documentary follows the lives of three inspiring Latina garment workers originally from Mexico and El Salvador and their participation in the 3‐year struggle for labor rights. In the process of organizing through the Garment Worker Center for basic labor protections from the trendy clothing retailer Forever 21, the women become increasingly empowered – resulting in one who separates from her husband and another who becomes an organizer. Woven throughout their narratives are the historical struggle of garment workers, the role of nation‐states in dividing families, and the power of coalition building. Salt of the Earth (1954)This feature‐length move is based on an actual labor struggle of the era. It examines the intersections of class, race/ethnicity, and gender as a primarily Mexicana/o community goes on strike and struggles with historic patriarchy to unify against the large mining company that dominates their lives. The movie deals with the legacy of US conquest of the Southwest and capitalist expansion in the region, while showing how communities have struggled to challenge inequalities. Salt of the Earth was made by artists shunned during the McCarthy era and the movie was not played widely in the United States. Much of the cast were not professional actors but were workers and union activists involved in the strike. Taking Back the Schools (1996)This documentary focuses on the 1968 Chicana/o School Blowouts where over 10,000 East Los Angeles students walked out of their high schools demanding bilingual‐bicultural education, more Mexican American teachers, relevant curriculum, accurate textbooks, and the end of curriculum tracking and prejudiced teachers who steered Mexican Americans into vocational classes. It uses original footage from the walkouts and contemporary interviews with the student organizers. It also highlights the precursors to the walkouts such as a history of Spanish language repression and de jure and de facto segregation in schools. Voces inocentes/Innocent Voices (2005)Set in 1980s El Salvador, the movie follows the life of a young boy during the Civil War. It deals with the impacts of war and US intervention on youth.Suggested websites David Bacon, 'Uprooted and Criminalized: The Impact of Free Market on Migrants,'Backgrounder The Oakland Institute (Autumn 2008) http://www.oaklandinstitute.org/pdfs/backgrounder_uprooted.pdf Renowned journalist and activist David Bacon provides a lively analysis of the link between free trade policies and migration. Drawing on his years of activism and journalism, Bacon underscores the human toll of free trade and migration while laying bare the system that undergirds it. Several powerful photographs complement the report. In Motion Magazine‐Education Rights Section http://www.inmotionmagazine.com/er.html In Motion Magazine is a multicultural progressive on‐line magazine dealing with democracy. Harvard education professor Pedro Noguera co‐edits the Education Rights section to provide 'a forum for activists, educators, parents and students who are searching for alternative ideas to the challenges confronting education today.' Mexican Labor News and Analysis (MLNA) http://www.ueinternational.org/Mexico_info/mlna.php MLNA publishes the latest news on labor and social justice issues in Mexico. It emphasizes labor and working class struggles and does an excellent job of tracking strikes, demonstrations, and demands for social justice. MLNA is published in conjunction with the Authentic Labor Front in Mexico and the United Electrical Workers in the United States. ICED (I Can End Deportation) http://www.icedgame.com This an educational game deals with combating deportation. It focuses on several New York City youth and their struggles. Players must answer a series of questions on immigration and avoid ICE agents. Background lesson material is provided and is aligned with the New York State Standards. Rethinking Schools http://www.rethinkingschools.org/ Rethinking Schools is a monthly publication committed to educational equality and the vision of the public school as foundational in a democratic society. Articles are published by teachers, activists, parents, and students on a wide range of issues affecting schools. In addition to the monthly magazine, it publishes a broad range of progressive educational materials dealing with educating working class students of color.Sample syllabusMost general courses should include materials on Latinas/os especially given the historical presence and the contemporary growth of the population. For example, the following sections, topics, and reading could be incorporated into any of the following courses: Introduction to Sociology, Sociology of (Im)Migration, Sociology of Education, Race and Ethnicity, Social Movements, and Chicanas/os‐Latinas/os in the United States.Section 1: Chicana/o‐Latina/o Identities in the U.S.Topics: Latina/o Heterogeneity; Pan‐ethnicity; Identity Formation; Multiple Identities; Racial FormationReadings:Aurora Levins Morales, 'Child of the Americas,' in Race, Class, and Gender in the United States, ed. Paula Rothenberg (New York, NY: St. Martin's Press 2001), 660–661.Pat Mora, 'Legal Alien' in Making Face, Making Soul, Haciendo Caras: Creative and Critical Perspectives by Feminists of Color, ed. Gloria Anzaldúa (San Francisco, CA: Aunt Lute Foundation, 1990), p. 376.Martha E. Gimenez, 'Latino/Hispanic – Who Needs a Name?' in Latinos and Education: A Critical Reader, eds. Antonia Darder, Rodolofo D. Torres, and Henry Gutiérrez (New York, NY: Routledge, 1997), 225–238.Gilda L. Ochoa, ' "This is Who I Am": Negotiating Racial/Ethnic Constructions' in Becoming Neighbors in a Mexican American Community: Power, Conflict, and Solidarity (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2004), 70–97.Anulkah Thomas, 'Black Face, Latin Looks: Racial‐Ethnic Identity among Afro‐Latinos in the Los Angeles Region' in Latino Los Angeles: Transformations, Communities, and Activism (Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press, 2005), 197–221.Bernadete Beserra, 'Negotiating Latinidade in Los Angeles: The Case of Brazilian Immigrants' in Latino Los Angeles: Transformations, Communities, and Activism (Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press, 2005), 178–196.Cherrie Moraga, 'La Güera' in Loving in the War Years (Boston, MA: South End Press, 1983), 50–59.Nicholas De Genova and Ana Y. Ramos‐Zayas, Latino Crossings: Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, and the Politics of Race and Citizenship (New York, NY: Routledge, 2003).Section 2: Theorizing and (De)Constructing Popular Conceptions of Latinas/os and Latin AmericaTopics: White Supremacy; Manifest Destiny; The Social Construction of Race; Dominant Conceptions of Immigration; Linking Migration, Education, and ActivismReadings:Tomás Almaguer, Racial Fault Lines: The Historical Origins of White Supremacy (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1994).Clara E. Rodríguez, Changing Race: Latinos, the Census, and the History of Ethnicity in the United States (New York, NY: New York University Press, 2000).Leo R. Chavez, Covering Immigration: Popular Images and the Politics of the Nation (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2001).Gilda L. Ochoa and Enrique C. Ochoa, 'Framing Latina/o Immigration, Education, and Activism', Sociology Compass. 1/2 (2007), 701–719.Section 3: US Imperialism and Capitalist Expansion in Latin AmericaReadings:Gilbert G. Gonzalez, Culture of Empire: American Writers, Mexico, Mexican Immigrants (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2003).Laura Briggs, Reproducing Empire: Race, Sex, and Science and U.S. Imperialism in Puerto Rico (Berkeley, CA: UC Press, 2002).Robert G. Williams, Export Agriculture and the Crisis in Central America (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1988).Juan Gonzalez, Harvest of Empire: A History of Latinos in America (New York, NY: Penguin Books, 2001).Greg Grandin, Empire's Workshop: Latin America, The United States, and the Rise of the New Imperialism (New York, NY: Metropolitan Books, 2006).Walter LaFeber, Inevitable Revolutions: The U.S. in Central America (New York, NY: W.W. Norton, 1993).Héctor Tober, Tattooed Soldier (New York, NY: Penguin Books, 2000).Judith Adler Hellman, Mexican Lives (New York, NY: The New Press, 1995).David Bacon, Illegal People: How Globalization Creates Migration and Criminalizes Immigrants (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 2007).Video: Voces inocentes/Innocent Voices (2005)Section 4: Politics, Economics, and Latin American Migration to the U.S.Topics: The 'Revolving Door Strategy;' Economic Restructuring; Transnational Ties; Gender and Migration; Undocumented MigrationReadings:Saskia Sassen, Globalization and Its Discontents: Essays on the New Mobility of People and Money (New York, NY: New York University Press, 1998).Maria Cristina García, Seeking Refuge: Central American Migration to Mexico, the United States, and Canada (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2006).Jonathan Fox and Gaspar Rivera‐Salgado. Indigenous Mexican Migrants in the United States (San Diego, CA: Center for Comparative Immigration Studies, 2004).Joseph Nevins, Dying to Live: A Story of U.S. Immigration in an Age of Global Apartheid (San Francisco, CA: City Lights Publishers, 2008).Robert Courtney Smith, Mexican New York: Transnational Lives of New Immigrants (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2006).Cecilia Menjívar, Fragmented Ties: Salvadoran Immigrant Networks in America (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2000).Pierrette Hondagneu‐Sotelo, Doméstica: Central Americans Cleaning and Caring in the Shadow of Affluence (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2001).Leon Fink, The Maya of Morgantown: Work and Community in the New South (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2003).Gloria González‐Lopez, Erotic Journeys: Mexican Immigrants and their Sex Lives (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2005).Video: El Norte (1983)Section 5: Latinas/os and Education: Schools as Reproducers of InequalityTopics: Americanization Programs; De Jure and De Facto Segregation; Curriculum Tracking; Education and Globalization; Raced and Gendered Experiences; Undocumented YouthReadings:Gilbert G. Gonzalez, Chicano Education in the Era of Segregation (Philadelphia, PA: Balch Institute Press, 1990).Antonia Darder, Reinventing Paulo Freire: A Pedagogy of Love (Boulder, CO: Westview, 2002).Michael W. Apple, Educating the 'Right' Way: Markets, Standards, God, and Inequality (New York, NY: Routledge Falmer, 2001).Gilda G. Ochoa, Learning from Latino Teachers (San Francisco, CA: Jossey‐Bass Publishers, 2007).Angela Valenzuela, Subtractive Schooling: U.S.‐Mexican Youth and the Politics of Caring (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1999).Nancy Lopez, Hopeful Girls, Troubled Boys: Race and Gender Disparity in Urban Education (New York, NY: Routledge, 2003).Gabriela Madera, Angelo A. Mathay, Armin M. Najafi, et al. Underground Undergrads: UCLA Undocumented Immigrant Students Speak Out (Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Center for Labor Research and Education, 2008).Videos:The Lemon Grove Incident (1986)Mendez v. Westminster (2004)Taking Back the Schools (1996)Fear and Learning at Hoover Elementary (1997)Section 6: Latina/o Resistance and ActivismTopics: Responses to U.S. Imperialism; union and grassroots activism; school integration; cross‐border organizingWillia V. Flores and Rina Benmayor, Latino Cultural Citizenship: Claiming Identity, Space, and Rights (Boston, MA: Beacon, 1997).Mary Pardo, Mexican American Women Activists: Identity and Resistance in Two Los Angeles Communities (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1998).Ruth Milkman, L.A. Story: Immigrant Workers and the Future of the Labor Movement (New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation, 2006).Milagros Peña, Latina Activists Across Borders: Women's Grassroots Organizing in Mexico and Texas (Duke University Press, 2007).Guadalupe San Miguel Jr., Brown, Not White: School Integration and the Chicano Movement in Houston (College Station, TX: Texas A.M. Press, 2001).Kara Zugman, 'Autonomy in a Poetic Voice: Zapatistas and Politics Organizing in Los Angeles', Latino Studies. 3 (2005): 325–46.Videos:Salt of the Earth (1954)Bread and Roses (2000)Made in L.A. (2007)Focus questionsWhat are the dominant images of Latina/o migration, education, and activism? From where do these images emerge? Why do they exist? Who benefits from them? How have they changed over time? What are their impacts? How are these images being challenged?What connections can be made between Latina/o migration, education, and activism? What theoretical frameworks can be used to understand each one individually and the three of them collectively? What are the relationships between Latina/o migration, education, and activism?Discuss the value of adopting a historical, economic, and political framework of Latina/o migration, education, and activism. Assess the value of applying a similar framework to other contemporary topics.Compare and contrast the similarities and differences that exist among Latinas/os in the United States.How does centering the history and experiences of Latinas/os enhance your understanding of race/ethnicity, class, and gender?Looking toward the future, what do you think will be the state of Latina/o migration, education, and activism in the next ten years? What led you to these hypotheses? What do you need to know to address this question? What do you hope will be the state of Latina/o migration, education, and activism in the next 10 years? Why? How does your desire compare with the desires conveyed in the videos or readings? What might account for these shared or different hopes?Note
* Correspondence address: Pomona College. Email: glo04747@pomona.edu

RAPE AND SHAME IN J.M. COETZEE'S DISGRACE Salman Muhiddin English Literature, Faculty of Languages and Arts, Surabaya State University salmanlatieff@gmail.com Drs. Much. Khoiri, M.Si English Department, Faculty of Languages and Arts, Surabaya State University much_choiri@yahoo.com Abstrak Pemerkosaan adalah setiap tindakan yang tidak diinginkan , manipulasi atau pemaksaan dalam bentuk aktivitas seksual. Tindakan pemerkosaan berdampak bagi pemerkosa dan korbannya. Dampaknya terhubung ke masalah psikologis , seperti kecemasan , depresi , dan gangguan mental lainnya serta perilaku moral yang bermasalah. Skripsi ini difokuskan pada tindak perkosaan yang dialami oleh karakter dan bagaimana hal itu menyebabkan rasa malu dalam novel Disgrace karya JM Coetzee. Secara khusus, tujuan skripsi ini adalah untuk mendeskripsikan bagaimana gambaran perkosaan yang dialami oleh karakter dan untuk mengungkapkan bagaimana perkosaan itu menyebabkan rasa malu dalam novel Disgrace karya J.M. Coetzee. Dalam analisisnya, skripsi ini menggunakan beberapa proses analisis , yaitu: (1) mengklasifikasikan kutipan-kutipan yang sejalan dengan masalah laporan, (2) menggambarkan tindakan perkosaan yang telah dialami oleh karakter, (3) mengungkapkan bagaimana pemerkosaan menyebabkan malu. Hasil analisis menunjukkan bahwa ada tiga macam pemerkosaan yang digambarkan dalam cerita. Pemerkosaan pertama terjadi antara David dan pekerja seks bernama Soraya. Pemerkosaan kedua terjadi antara David dan muridnya, Melanie. Yang ketiga dialami oleh putri David, Lucy. Setelah pemerkosaan itu, pelaku dan korban perkosaan merasa malu. David sebagai pemerkosa mendapatkan aib dan tekanan publik dari komite universitas dan mahasiswanya. Dia kemudian meminta maaf kepada keluarga Melanie. Sedangkan korban akan merasa malu untuk tampil di publik karena mereka takut aibnya terbongkar. Kata Kunci: Pemerkosaan, Malu, Aib Abstract Rape is any unwanted, manipulated or coerced forms of sexual activity. The act of rape has an impact to both the rapists and the rape survivors. The impact is connected to psychological problems, such as anxiety, depression, and other mental disorders as well as problematic moral behaviour. This study focuses on the characters' experience in raping and being raped, and how it leads to shame in J.M. Coetzee's Disgrace. In particular, the purpose of this study is to describe how rape is depicted by the characters and to reveal how the characters' rape leads to shame in J.M. Coetzee's Disgrace. In the analysis, this study does some processes of analysis, they are: (1) classifying the quotations which are in line with the problem of statements, (2) describing the rape that has been experienced by the characters, (3) revealing how rape leads to shame. The result of the analysis shows that there are three kinds of rape which is depicted in the story. The first rape is happened between David and the prostitute named Soraya. The second rape is between David and his student, Melanie. The third one is experienced by David's daughter, Lucy. After the rape, the rapist and the rape survivors get shame. David is getting disgrace and gets public pressure from the university committees and the students. He then ask for apologize to Melanie's family. While the rape survivors are getting shame after being raped. They are shame to make a public appearance because they are afraid of being discovered or found out by another person. Keywords: Rape, Shame, Disgrace INTRODUCTION The definition of rape varies state-to-state and can include anything from touching to actual penetration, but, generally, rape is any "unwanted, non-consensual, manipulated or coerced forms of sexual activity" (http://www.umich.edu). The act may be carried out by physical force,coercion, abuse of authority or against a person who is incapable of valid consent, such as one who is unconscious, incapacitated, or below the legalage of consent.The termrapeis sometimes used interchangeably with the termsexual assault, and the term of violent change into rape survivor. The rape effects can include both physical trauma and psychological trauma. Rape will also lead to shame. The feeling is connected to psychological problems such as eating disorders, substance abuse, anxiety, depression, and other mental disorders as well as problematic moral behavior. The shame is also reformed from some culture that sees the rape victims are dirt. For example, a rape victim especially one who was previously a virgin, may be viewed by society as being damaged. According to Alliance, victims in these cultures may suffer isolation, be disowned by friends and family, be prohibited from marrying, and be divorced if already married, or even killed. This phenomenon is known as secondary victimization. Secondary victimization is the re-traumatization of the sexual assault, abuse, or rape victim through the responses of individuals and institutions. Rape also affects the rapist. If someone known as a rapist he will be the public enemy. The rapist may lose their dignity, job, and friends. Punishment for rape in most countries today is imprisonment. Thus he will get ashamed but the right term for rapist is disgrace. On the previous study Feminine Shame Masculine Disgrace, Nurka put little bit different from shame, "people with disgrace will automatically being shame. Disgrace is brought from without ('put to shame'), or is directed outward from its source ('a person who or thing which is the cause or source of disgrace')." (Nurka, 2012: 311). J.M. Coetzee is a South African writer born under the apartheid government. Coetzee is unveiling many fragile topics in South Africa from many of his books. He elegantly put the theme rape over the race to depict the social condition of 'New South Africa'. Rape of women by men has occurred throughout recorded history and across cultures. As the novel background, South Africa is often labeled the rape capital of the world. The prevalence of rape, and particularly multiple perpetrator rape, is unusually high. Coetzee puts the concept of rape and shame in novel 'Disgrace'. The narrative follows a white South African professor's, David Lurie, escape to his daughter's farm, after he raped his student, Melanie. The farm is soon attacked and robbed by three black men, and the daughter raped. As father and daughter piece together their strained relationship and individual lives, they must reconcile their positions in the "New South Africa," to Lucy, is gang-raped by three men on her smallholding in the Eastern Cape, but she chose to say nothing about what happened to her. She decided to take the shame on her own. While on David, he rents a room in Grahmstown to help his daughter at the market once a week and to dedicate himself to the disposal of the dogs' bodies at the shelter. He cannot back to Cape Town because he has nothing left there for his disgrace. The university had replaced him with another professor. Once he went to Melanie house bring up all his disgrace to ask for forgiving to her parents for what he did through Melanie and family. In accordance of background study above, it can be simplify to discuss among two problems that emerge as significant concern toward this novel. How rape is depicted by the characters in J.M. Coetzee's Disgrace? How the characters' rape leads to shame in J.M. Coetzee's Disgrace? To answer the first problem, this study uses the concept of rape. Rape is a multidetermined behaviour that will ultimately be explained only by models incorporating a multitude of dimensions." (Prenkty and Knight, 1991: 657). The dimensions that are possibly to explain rape are through feminist theory, evolutionary theory, self-controlled theory, narcissistic theory, and crime theory. (Lowell, 2010: 159-161). Those theories can be used to help explain how rape occurs. Feminist theorists explain that the culture of male dominance is responsible for rape occurring. On his book Rethinking Rape, Cahill simply delivered that feminist theorists assert that rape is only one symptom of the larger problem of a male dominated society. Feminist theorists see rape as more of a violent act than a sexual act, and claim that rape is inspired by political motivations to dominate and degrade. Feminist theorists also deny that rape has an individualistic nature, but claim that rape is "nothing more or less than a conscious process of intimidation by which all men keep all women in a state of fear" (Cahill, 2001:16). Self control theory can lead to a man committing rape against a female. It is based on the premise that the male sex drive is uncontrollable. Men with this belief say that their sexual urges cannot be controlled and they are not responsible for their actions. Proponents of this theory "[propose] both that men's sexual energy is difficult to control and that women have a key role in its loss of control," since women deny sex to men who have to relieve their sexual drive (Polaschek & Ward, 2002, p. 13). This theory can be tied to Gottfredson and Hirschi's low self-control theory. Low self-control theorists posit that, since criminal acts provide immediate gratification, criminals will engage in them because they are not able to defer gratification. A biological explanation of rape includes Thornhill and Palmer's evolutionary theory of rape .Proponents of this theory claim that those men who were able to force their sexual desires on women were able to reproduce more efficiently, and thus have more offspring with their traits. Thornhill and Palmer are "dismissive of rape theories that emphasize the role of culture and learning in the acquisition of rape-prone traits, arguing that culture is only possible because individuals have evolved capacities that enable them to learn" (Siegert & Ward, 2002:6). Another theory that can explain rape is the narcissistic reactance theory, which is also tied to Gottfredson and Hirschi's (1990) low self-control theory. In this theory, narcissists are defined as having a "lower proneness to shame and guilt," having "unrealistically positive self-evaluations," and being "especially likely to respond to bad evaluations by blaming other sources, including the evaluator and the technique of evaluation" (Baumeister et al., 2002: 3). These theorists claim that the, "tendency to respond to esteem threats by getting angry and blaming others may contribute to the elevated level of interpersonal difficulties that narcissists report" (Baumeister et al., 2002: 4). The second problem is using the concept of shame. Some victims of rape are feeling dirty, devalued, and humiliated as a result of a sexual assault. Feelings of shame are often related to the powerlessness and helplessness victims experience during a sexual assault. Shame may also be a reaction to being forced by the assailant to participate in the crime. Shame is the painful feeling of having done or experienced something dishonourable, improper and foolish. Shame is what prevents many survivors from speaking about what happened to them. Shame is an attack on the survivor as a person. It is the feeling you get when you are sure that someone will think poorly of you because you were assaulted. Shame is longer lasting, and ultimately more dangerous than guilt. The feeling of shame is so intense for rape victims that many of them never tell anyone what happened to them. Even in psychotherapeutic settings, victims of rape often avoid talking about what happened to them. (http://www.healthyplace.com/abuse/articles/guilt-and-shame-of-being-raped/, retrieve on: 15 April 2014). Shame is already bears the germ of guilt. Shame becomes guilt when the social norms are internalized as one's own feelings of value and when self-condemnation anticipates public exposure. This presupposes the development of a personal centre, with the beginning capacity to regard oneself as the originator of one's actions, to evaluate and feel responsible for them. In contrast to shame, guilt is no more bound to the immediate presence of the other; its impact is more lasting. The event one is to be blamed for sin in the past. Thus the present rejection of shame becomes the already executed expulsion of elementary guilt. Instead of being exposed to, and paralyzed by, the others' gazes, the culprit feels, as it were, already abandoned. (Thomas Fuchs, 2003: 8). RESEARCH METHOD Research method that used in this analysis here must be qualified as an applying in literary appreciation. The thesis is regarded as a descriptive-qualitative study and uses a library research. This study uses novel of J.M. Coetzee, entitled Disgrace that published by Vintage, Random House, 20 Vauxhall Bridge Road, London, Great Britain, 1999 as the main data of the study. The data are in the form of direct and indirect speech of the characters, dialogues, epilogues and quotations which indicate and represent aspect of rape by the characters that lead to shame. This thesis is using the library method in collecting the data. It does not use the statistic method. That is why it is not served in numbering or tables. Library research used an approach in analyzing this study. The kind of library research which is used here is intensive or closely reading to search quotations or phrases. It also used to analyze the literary elements both intrinsic and extrinsic. The references are taken from library and contributing ideas about this study from internet that support the idea of analyzing. The analysis is done by the following steps: (1) Classification based on the statement of the problems. This classification is used to avoid the broad discussion. There are two classifications in this study. They are the depiction of rape and how it leads to shame. (2) Describing David Lurie's and Lucy's rape which is stated from the quotations or statements. (3) Describing how the shame and disgrace they got which is stated from the quotations or statements. (4) Revealing the relations between rape and shame. The quotations that showed how the characters' rape leads to shame are taken as data. (5) Drawing the conclusion based on the analysis which is in line with the problems. ANALYSIS The first analysis is the depiction of rape. In Disgrace the rape parted in three different background and motif. The first rape is from David to Soraya the prostitute woman. David uses his financial advantages to buy woman for sex. After the relationship with Soraya ended David engage to a scandal with his Student Melanie. David admits that he misused his authority as a lecturer to have sex with his student. This depicts the condition of male domination particularly in South Africa. The last rape happened to David's' daughter, Lucy. She raped by three black African intruders. The rape of Lucy remains mystery for her silence to not tell the policemen about the incident. In his age of fifty two, and divorced, David proclaim that he has solved problem of sex rather well even without a wife. However, the reason of his 'solved problem of sex' for over one year is Soraya, a high-class prostitute girl from an escort service. She is a coloured woman that David has a historical interest. She has a honey brown body. She is tall and slim, with long black hair and dark, liquid eyes. Simply said this beautiful girl becomes his sources of happiness. "It surprises him that ninety minutes a week of a woman's company are enough to make him happy, who used to think he needed a wife, a home, a marriage" (Coetzee, 1999:5). David's ideal marriage is with a wife that is a prostitute, but for him only and only at certain times. He met Soraya only on Thursday. On the other day he is back to his normal life. With Soraya he already find the happiness he belief. It makes him thought; there is no need to search for another life destination such as home and real wife. It made David rely on prostitution in his sexual life. Prostitution as the solution allows him to fantasize that a woman mirrors his wishes. He bought sex he wanted and she got extra money from him. For David money is no problem concerning that he lived alone with his salary as a professor and lecturer. As a consequence, he paid double for her. At least his money is worthy for finds her entirely satisfactory. As a customer, David is on dilemma seeing this prostitution. He knows that every woman in the prostitution is perforce. Women in prostitution would leave if they could. The term is an indicator of their hopelessness. "They tell stories, they laugh, but they shudder too, as one shudders at a cockroach in a washbasin in the middle of the night" (Coetzee, 1999:8). In their mind, they see that women in prostitutes are disgusted with their customer, so does the customers. Soraya just pretended to keep their customer satisfied. Prostitutes sometimes talk of the feeling of power they experience when they are with their customer. They are talking about a feeling of control when engaged in sexual acts. They soon feel the disadvantages of that particular way of life. It also exposes the fragility of the illusion of control over what another subject wants. If a man wants a woman to want what he wants, he can only force her to pretend to want his desire and then he has also to deny that pretence. David then met Melanie, his student. He treats her under the wine and romantic music, the Mozart clarinet quintet. He made his move to seduce Melanie in some conversation. He talked about poetry, music, food, and his past life. Then, after he offered some liqueur, the higher alcoholic drink, he said directly to Melanie, asking her to do something reckless. He touch her and said "You're very lovely . Stay. Spend the night with me." (Coetzee, 1999: 16). Melanie refused his liquor but accept a shot of whisky in her coffee. She should say no at that time instead wonder and ask why. She trapped to this conversation: 'Why?' 'Because you ought to.' 'Why ought I to?' 'Why? Because a woman's beauty does not belong to her alone. It is part of the bounty she brings into the world. She has a duty to share it.' (Coetzee, 1999: 16) As a professor of language and communication, David, could easily manipulate the words, he says. The way he talked to Melanie reflects his experience through many women. "Smooth words, as old as seduction itself." (Coetzee, 1999: 16). He says it indirectly to make Melanie believes what he belief. He makes the statement so convincing and become hard to decline. Melanie herself was mistaken to ask more to David, because she did not know how to deal with him. Instead saying 'why', she should say 'no' to David when he asked her to stay. So she would not get in this complicated situation. Maybe she should already say 'no' when David asked her to come to his house. David was in a grip of something and he would not let it go. However, what is done is done. The next day David asked Melanie to go lunch. Again, Melanie cannot reject David offer. There is still time for her to tell a lie but she is too confused, and the moment passes. In the restaurant, they got an awkward situation because Melanie lost her appetite and there was a long silent. Then David asked to Melanie about what is on her mind: `Is something the matter? Do you want to tell me?' She shakes her head. `Are you worried about the two of us?' `Maybe,' she says. `No need. I'll take care. I won't let it go too far.' Too far. What is far, what is too far, in a matter like this? Is her too far the same as his too far? (Coetzee, 1999: 19) After the harassment from David a day before, Melanie must wonder about his plan. The women should worry about her safety. Because feminist, Cahill, agree that one of the rape purpose is to take women into state of fear, and it is he responsibility of masculinity and the construction of patriarchy. Men are possible to keep women as a fragile creature and need protection. Knowing that Melanie may feel bad about this situation, David guarantees that the thing would not go too far, he put Melanie to feel safe at least. This is another tactical seduction that is done by David. He manipulates the situation and manages it like there is nothing happen like everything is fine. It is not hard for him to do it concerning that Melanie was an easy target for him. The rapist always seeks the powerless people to be his target. Finally, they have sex for the first time. Even though, it is not the first time for both of them. David took Melanie to his house after getting lunch in the restaurant. They did it on the living room with rain sound pattering. Melanie is passive on the first time they have sex. While David finds the act of her passivity is so enjoyable. Melanie is passive like Soraya. She does not crawling, bite, and aggressive. She is his typical woman he was searching for. He was having sex with another whore after Soraya left him. But he did not like it because she is aggressive. So he never does it again with her. His desire was only on Melanie this time. It is stated in the novel that "She struck up a fire in me" (Coetzee, 1999: 166). Fire is a symbolization of energy that can stimulate one's desire. This fire heat up his libido that pushes him doing something undesired to the core. In the rape theory, David can be considered as narcissistic because he tend to be willing to do whatever it takes to achieve the goal that they want from a relationship, including rape. In this theory, narcissists are defined as having a lower proneness to shame and guilt, having unrealistically positive self-evaluations, and being especially likely to respond to bad evaluations by blaming other sources, including the evaluator and the technique of evaluation. Narcissistic suits David as a rapist. He has lower sense of shame, as teacher and student he took Melanie to go out lunch just the two of them. Considering that he is the famous person in the city, people will wonder what is he up to. In the restaurant he seduced her and ask her to do something wild. He is implying that she has to have sex with him. But the relationship become a scandal that makes him lost his job. After realizing that there's nothing left for him in Cape Town, David wanted to change the atmosphere. He moved to the east across the country to the rural town of Salem in the Eastern Cape, where his daughter Lucy lives alone on a smallholding, growing vegetables to sell at the Saturday market and running a kennel for dogs. David begins a new life there, helping Lucy at the market, assisting Lucy's neighbour Petrus with odd jobs as "I am the gardener and the dog-man" (Coetzee, 1999: 64), and volunteering at the Animal Welfare Clinic with Bev Shaw. Lucy is leftish which make her the reversal of her father. She even did not want call herself a boss by Petrus. She is not individualist but socialist. She helps people no matter who they are. But this time she made big mistake by risk herself to strangers. Lucy tells David to stay outside while she takes the tall man indoors to use the phone. The second man runs in to the house behind them and locks David out. In a total panic, David let go of the bulldog's strap and commanded the dog to go after the boy. Then he kicks down the kitchen door. David tried to save Lucy but he felt someone whack him over the head. He falls down, barely conscious, and feels himself being dragged across the floor. When he realize, he's locked in the bathroom and wondering what's going on with Lucy. The second man comes in to get the car keys from David and then locks him back in. Meanwhile, he looks out and sees the tall man with a rifle. The tall man starts shooting the dogs one by one, splattering brains and guts all over the place. And if that isn't bad enough, the second man and the boy come back in the bathroom, douse David with alcohol, and set him on fire, luckily just his hair catches burning and he extinguishes himself in the toilet. They leave, stealing David's car. David and Lucy are left to deal with everything that just happened. During this whole nightmare, Petrus is nowhere to be found. After being raped, Lucy decided to not report the rape to the police. The silent of Lucy depict the subjugation or conquest. "No I am not blaming you, that is not the point. But it is something new you are talking about. Slavery. They want you for their slave." (Coetzee, 1999: 159). Lucy response him and disagree with "Not slavery. Subjection. Subjugation." (Coetzee, 1999: 159). This makes Lucy as the rape survivor depend on men to get protection. The second analysis is about how rape leads to shame. In Disgrace the rape that experienced by the rapist and the rape survivor transform and effect their life worst then before. From the previous study Nurka classified the effect of rape by gender: (1) Female as the object will get shame, (2) men as the subject will take disgrace. (Nurka, 2012: 310). The male character, David Lurie, got disgrace after doing sexual harassment to his student, Melanie. As the rapist, David will be haunted by his sin and losing his reputation and his job. While Lucy, the rape survivor got shame after being raped. The act of rape means to take away by force which the dignity is to be taken. Loosing dignity makes woman feel shameful. It turns out that the act of rape is not only giving shame feeling to the victims but also to the rapist. Soraya knows about the attachment of shame for being prostitute. Then when she met David in the midtown, she was afraid if the public know who she is. This is because David is the famous person in Cape town. "He has always been a man of the city, at home amid a flux of bodies where Eros stalks and glances flash like arrows" (Coetzee, 1999: 6). Concerning that shame is social affect associated with being discovered or found out by another person, she knew that he is the famous person in the city. It is too risky to stay in public with him. There is a high possibility that her secret will spread. Then to keep her pride for her children Soraya decided to quit the job. She did not want her children knows their real mother is. So she decided to resign from the escort and disappeared from that business. David ought to end but he pays a detective to tracking Soraya instead. When he got the number he makes a call. Soraya surprise and wondering abot how he gets the numbers. She did not talk for a moment. She wondered because the agency has a rule about keeping the former prostitutes identity. After the silent she said "I don't know who you are,' she says. 'You are harassing me in my own house. I demand you will never phone me here again, never." (Coetzee, 1999: 10). After this moment he did not contact Soraya anymore. For Melanie, after she gets the coercive sexual by David, she becomes a different person in class. She even absent when it was on midterm test. Then she told her boyfriend that her professor have sex with her. The boyfriend then angry to him and vandalize his car, deflated the tires and injected a glue on both door. "After this coup de main Melanie keeps her distance. He is not surprised: if he has been shamed, she is shamed too." (Coetzee, 1999: 31). The gossip may be starting to spread so she tries to not meet him. But on Monday she reappears in class and beside her, leaning back in his seat, hands in pockets, with an air of cocky ease, is the boy in black, the boyfriend. The student in the class knew about what is going on from the gossip. They are clearly waiting to see what the professor will do about the intruder. Professor let the boyfriend intrude to the class but then he asked Melanie to come to the office and tell her to not let the boyfriend do that again. After that moment Melanie never come to the class anymore. Furthermore, after being ashamed she decided to give up her study in the university. Thus her father asked David to tell Melanie to not give up. At this moment, Melanie's father , Mr. Isaacs did not know that David is the causes of his daughter wanted to quit the university. As David thought "I am the worm in the apple… how can I help you when I am the very source of your woe?" (Coetzee, 1999: 37). After knowing that David rape his Doughter Mr. Isaacs tell him that what e sad done is not right. He imply that he does not sending her daughter to the nest of viper that poisoned her daughter with the act of rape. He feels ashamed about what was happen. He disappointed that an educated person like Professor David do an embarrassing and stupid thing. After the university fired David, Melanie continued her study. From the university scandal Melanie is regarded as victims and the professor is the one who responsible. Thus the disgrace runs to David. Even though Mr. Isaacs' family got ashamed too from his rape they not reported this to the policemen. David is lucky this time. It is obvious that the rape survivor will blessed with so much shame. It is also happened on Lucy. The first thing she did is staying at home. She does not want to go outside. The trauma and the fear will grow upon her. In earlier days after the rape he stated that he was nothing, heist e dead person. She did not want to meet people too. She would rather hide her face, and he knows why. Because of the disgrace. Because of the shame…. Like a stain the story is spreading across the district. Not her story to spread but theirs: they are its owners. How they put her in her place, how they showed her what a woman was for. (Coetzee, 1999: 115) It is a related to shame that person who gets shame will hide itself from public. Lucy was avoiding he people talk and question. It takes a time to recover from this trauma. But she could not let it go to long because if she do not going outside she will lose her job and stall in the market. To replace her, David and Petrus doing her job in the market. The damage that is given to Lucy, the rape survivor, may attached forever. She felt everything will never be the same. "One is never oneself again?" (Coetzee, 1999: 124). Is "Lucy" still "Lucy"? Lucy also emphasizes the existence of herself "I am not the person you know. I am a dead person and I do not know yet what will bring me back to life." (Coetzee, 1999: 161). With nothing to left she got nothing to lose. Then she decided to take consequences of human body in pain. Lucy takes the consequences of human body in pain. "I must learn to accept. To start at ground level. With nothing. Not with nothing but. With nothing. No cards, no weapons, no property, no rights, no dignity." (Coetzee, 1999: 205). From the sentence above it is shown that Lucy is starting to understand her condition after being raped. She decided to start her business in farm and her vendor. Although she realises that she has nothing left. The rapist also takes her dignity that is the biggest loose after the rape. A woman without a dignity will judge herself as a shameful person. She also feels that she has no right to her own land and properties. It is because Petrus take over it. As the rapist, David Lurie got public pressure from university committee and the students. At first he does not confess that he is guilty. But after her daughter being raped by three African intruders he contemplate and change his attitude. Then he ask for apologize to Melanie's family. After the scandal of lecture and his student were reported in university newspaper, the university made a committee. When answering the question, David giving no clue to the judges. David was making confusing issues to them. The committee not wanted to force David to make apologize. They wanted to help David to keep doing his career by making a statement to make it clear. But he resisted by saying "I am being asked to issue an apology about which I may not be sincere?" (Coetzee, 1999: 58) David's refusal to be "disgraced" can be read as a warlike strategy in the realm of sexual politics. For by renouncing the assault, David transfers the shame he feels upon Melanie in an attempt to strengthen his wavering masculinity and suppress her intimidating femininity. He plead guilty when he was in the committee. He remains silent and giving no story from his side. When David asked someone in the neutral position that is his former wife, Rosalind. She told him that he should have known that he is too old to be meddling with other people's children. He should have expected the worst from the scandal. She also blame the two for all that happened. `Don't blame her! Whose side are you on? Of course I blame her! I blame you and I blame her. The whole thing is disgraceful from beginning to end. Disgraceful and vulgar too. And I'm not sorry for saying so.' (Cortzee, 1999: 45) David feels disgrace on himself but he still cannot accept it. He said nothing to the committee and plead guilty. But from her former wife explanation he cannot resist it. Even though he must be so angry when he heard what she said. But he controlled his emotion and accept the disgrace given by the rape. For earlier, David is described as "mildly smitten with Melanie" and that "it was no great matter: barely a term passed when he did not fall for one or other of his charges" (Coetzee, 1999: 11-12,). Masquerading as the tragic subject of the ungovernable impulse of Eros, David publically justifies and renounces the stigmatization of Melanie's rape.David's lack of a sincere apology and his refusal to publically acknowledge the assault, along with his fanciful illustration of himself as a "servant of Eros" (Coetzee, 1999: 52) demonstrates the way in which disgrace (though masked as desire) is felt by men as a response to threatening femininity. Spurned and embarrassed by the loss of his womanizing charms, David's shame is directed into lust, later to be passed off as "Eros" when he encounters Melanie Isaacs, whom he refers to as "Melanie: the dark one" (Coetzee, 1999: 8). As with Soraya, David's seduction of Melanie is an attempt not only to reclaim sexual privilege, but to emphasize the traditional patriarchal procedures of the European culture, in which such privilege, like Lurie himself, is embedded. The worst thing from David's disgrace is how he, an intellectual person which had title a professor, becomes a person who can do nothing except working in bad place. To be a dog-man, that he already underestimate it on Petrus. By the time, David realized that he can't do nothing but accept what the destiny does. The situation that makes him to take any job turned David into a rational man. What David has and does in the university, which let him to become an intellectual people, disappear when he moved out. He then realized that what he writes about Byron and natural poets all this time is all about the death person. He never writes something in contemporary. CONCLUSION There will be two conclusions which are in line with the statement of problems. The first conclusion is about the depiction of rape in the novel Disgrace. The second conclusion is about how rape lead to shame through the rapist and the rape survivor. From the analysis that has been done about the depiction of rape. It can be concluded that that the author, J.M. Coetzee use the rape to describe the condition of race in post apartheid. All the rape in this novel is interracial rape. There are three kinds of rape experienced by three female characters. The first and the second rape was done by David, white male character that desiring ethnic women. He lived in promiscuity or womanizer that used to have sex with a lot of women. Then in the end he involved in scandal with his student, Melanie. Then the third rape was done to David's daughter, Lucy. She was being raped by three African intruders. The first rape is happened between David and the prostitute, Soraya. On his age of 50 he has no plan to married again. Thus, it made David rely on prostitution in his sexual life. His ideal marriage is with a wife that is a prostitute, but for him only and only at certain times. He met Soraya only on Thursday. On the other day he is back to his normal life. With Soraya he already find the happiness he belief. It makes him thought; there is no need to search for another life destination such as home and real wife. Prostitution gives the solution that allows him to fantasize a woman to mirrors his wishes. This can be classified as rape concerning that every women in prostitutes would leave if they can and she has to do it because there are no other choices. But in the end Soraya decided to quit the job as prostitutes so he has no other place to suit his lust. Then, accidently David met Melanie on the way home. She is his student from romantic class. Melanie is a colored girl, this make David interest to her concerning that he is desiring ethnic women. He forced her to have sex. He did not force her physically but seduced her with suggestive words. The relationship between them then became a scandal in the campus and also became the talk of the city. He left the town and visits his daughter in other town to run away from the situation. During his visits to his daughter, three black men attack Lurie and Lucy at home. The men lock Lurie in a bathroom and rape Lucy in the bedroom. The second half of the novel deals with the aftermath of that moment. Lucy did not want to tell the police and keep silent about what happened to her. She also rejected her father offer to move to Holland. She claimed that it is a private matter and not to be shared. With nothing to left she got nothing to lose. Then she decided to take consequences of human body in pain. Accepting the subordinates , she is willing to sacrifice herself, brings peace between the different racial groups in South Africa. The second conclusion is about how rape lead to shame. In Disgrace the rape that experienced by the rapist and the rape survivor transform their life worst then before. The act of rape means to take away by force which the dignity is to be taken. Loosing dignity makes woman feel shameful on herself. While the rapist that considered as a thief will judge as disgraceful person after the rape. The male character, David Lurie, got disgrace after doing sexual harassment to his student, Melanie. As the rapist, David will be haunted by his sin and losing his reputation and his job. While Lucy, the rape survivor got shame after being raped The first shame is from the prostitute, Soraya. She felt the shame for being prostitute because every prostitutes is attached to shame. Then to keep her pride for her children, Soraya decided to quit the job. She did not want her children knows their real mother is. So she decided to resign from the escort and disappeared from that business. The second shame is from Melanie that involved in scandal with her lecture, David. She was shame for being reported even as victims. She often not attended the class even it was a midterm test. But she still survives to continue his study to university. This is maybe because David was kicked out from the university and not to be someone near her. The third shame is from Lucy, she raped by three African intruders. She is a lesbian that live alone in the small town. She thought that the rape that she got is the payment for living in South Africa. She felt that the rapist wants her to back home to Europe because the westerner's does not belong to South Africa. Then she decided to stay and stay silent about the rape, and keeping her shame as a private matter. The last disgrace is from David, as rapist, David Lurie got public pressure from university committee and the students. At first he does not confess that he is guilty. He loses his job as a professor and turn to be an animal's clinic assistance for killing unwanted dog. After her daughter raped by three African intruders he then contemplates and changes his attitude. He ask for apologize to Melanie's family for his feeling guilty that he never confess before. The ending of the novel shows us that Lucy as the rape survivor could start her life again from the start. She continued to seeding a new plan even she is on pregnancy. He father, David, started to understand that he live in South Africa. Then, he stop complaining about the condition. Disgrace ends with Lurie staying on in Graham's town, continuing to help out at the animal clinic. The open ending of the novel shows Lurie playing excerpts from his opera in the making on a makeshift toy banjo to the three legged dog, Driepoot, who is awaiting his turn for mercy killing. REFERENCE Abegunde, Babalola. 2013. Re-Examination of Rape and Its Groing Jurisprudance under International La. Journal of Politics and Law. Vol. 6, No. 4. Abbey, A., Parkhill, M., Clinton-Sherrod, A. & Zawacki T. 2007. A comparison of men who committed different types of sexual assault in a community sample. Journal of interpersonal violence. Baumeister, R., Catanese, K. & Wallace, H. 2002. Conquest by force: a nacissistic reactance theory of rape and sexual coercion. Review of general psychology Bushman, B., Bonacci, A., Dijk, M. & Baumeister, R. (2003). Narcissism, sexual refusal, and aggression: testing a narcissistic reactance model of sexual coercion. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. Cahill, A. (2001). Rethinking rape. Ithaca: Cornell University Press Coetzee. J.M. 1999. Disgrace. London: Vintage, 2000 Fuchs, Thomas. 2003. The Phenomenology of Shame, Guilt and the Body in Body Dysmorphic Disorder and Depression. Journal of Phenomenological Psychology. vol. 33, no. 2. Gottfredson, M. & Hirschi, T. 1990. A general theory of crime. Stanford: Stanford University Press Lowell, Gary. 2010. A Review of Rape Statistics Theories and Policy. Undergraduate Review. Massachusetts: Bridgewater State University. Nurka, Camille. 2012. Feminine Shame/Masculine Disgrace. Journal of Cultural Study. University of Melbourne Prentky, R. & Knight, R.1991. Identifying Critical Dimensions for Discriminating Among Rapists. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology Siegert, R. & Ward, T. 2002. Rape and evolutionary psychology: a critique of Thornhill and Palmer's theory. Journal of Aggression and violent behavior

This dissertation, entitled "How to Embed Sustainability in the Core of Higher Education Institutions: Drivers of, Barriers to, & Patterns behind the Implementation Processes of Sustainability Curricula – Insights from a Quantitative Meta-Study with Data from around the Globe," addresses the question of how sustainability curricula1 can be implemented and established in higher education institutions2. This research question is based on the assumption that sustainable development requires new ways of thinking and acting in the world. Accordingly, universities – as hubs for knowledge generation, innovation, and education – provide a central leverage point for sustainably developing society at large. Therefore, the institutionalization of sustainability curricula is not only socially demanded, but also stipulated in numerous political statements from the international community (e.g., those of the UN and UNESCO) and operationalized via Sustainable Development Goal No. 4: "Quality Education". Previous findings on how such implementation can be successful and what factors support or inhibit the process have come primarily through case studies of individual higher education institutions. These studies provide important insights but have been largely descriptive rather than analytical and leave open questions about the generalizability of their findings – for example, the extent to which other universities can be guided by the experiences of the respective higher education institutions. The present dissertation addresses this research gap. Through a meta-study (i.e., an analytical comparison of existing case studies), generalizable findings on the implementation processes of sustainability curricula are explored. In the first step, a case universe was collected in order to provide a database for deeper analyses. In two further analysis steps that built on the case universe from Step 1, certain factors that promote or inhibit the implementation of sustainability curricula (Step 2) and specific implementation patterns (Step 3) were examined. The following paragraphs provide greater details and an overview of the respective findings. In the first step, a database of peer-reviewed English-language case studies from around the globe that report on such processes was created. A total of 230 case studies were identified, 133 of which focus on the implementation processes of sustainability curricula.3 A bibliometric analysis of the 230 case studies revealed that this field of research is growing, although the discourse is primarily dominated by authors from North America, Europe, Oceania, and Asia, with South America and Africa being underrepresented. In addition, a citation analysis demonstrated that some universities incorporate findings from other countries whereas other universities act in isolation. This observation leaves open the question of the extent to which universities learn from one another in order to advance the implementation of sustainability curricula. In the second step of the analysis, the qualitative data of the collected case studies (sample of 133 case studies) were compared using the case survey method, which is a specific type of a meta-1 Sustainability curricula include courses, programs, and certificates from all fields of study that deal in some form with sustainability topics. For a more-detailed discussion of what education for sustainable development (ESD) entails, see Section Error! Reference source not found. 2 Higher education institutions (HEIs) include universities, universities of applied sciences, and other institutions that offer at least a bachelor's degree. 3 A detailed explanation of the case sample and subsamples can be found in Section Error! Reference source not found. analysis. The focus of the comparison lay on the drivers of and barriers to the processes of sustainability curriculum implementation at higher education institutions. Driving- and inhibiting factors have been thoroughly examined theoretically in the discourse on education for sustainable development (ESD), especially those pertaining to higher education institutions. However, no large body of data has yet been created to empirically test these hypotheses. The present meta-study found that the following factors lead to the deep-rooted and comprehensive establishment of sustainability curricula: strong leadership support; the establishment of sustainability curricula in the areas of education, research, campus operations, and outreach activities; formal participation of internal (including students) and external stakeholders; and engagement by sustainability champions (change agents), who are often the first to implement sustainability curricula and can face strong resistance. Other enabling factors include strategic planning, coordination, communication, having a vision, external political influence, the presence of a window of opportunity (e.g., an environmental disaster, a change in presidency), and the availability of interdisciplinary meeting spaces. On the other hand, the strongest cited barriers to the implantation of sustainability curricula were found to be the lack of interdisciplinary meeting spaces, the lack of a vision, the lack of incentives, the lack of resources, an overly full curriculum, and an unsupportive / overly bureaucratic organizational structure. The third step of the analysis also built on data from the 133 case studies and explored whether certain types or patterns of implementation processes occur. Through the analysis, six implementation patterns were identified that share similar driving- and inhibiting factors. The respective interplay between factors leads to various degrees of sustainability curriculum implementation in terms of how deeply rooted and comprehensive this implementation is. As discussed in greater detail below, in descending order of the level of achieved deep-rooted change, these patterns are (1) a collaborative paradigm shift, (2) bottom-up institutional change, (3) top-down institutional change, (4) the presence of many barriers that hinder institutional change, (5) externally driven initiatives, and (6) initiatives that are scattered due to a lack of coordination. Across all patterns, two phases could be identified: First, the impetus to implement ESD may be initiated not only by internal actors, but also by external ones. This initiation can take hold from the "bottom-up" (i.e., by students or faculty), from the "top-down" (i.e., at the presidential level), or in both directions simultaneously. The following key factors appear to be important in driving the initial implementation forward: a culture of open communication between all stakeholders in which feedback and reflection are welcome and even actively solicited, the development of a shared understanding and vision that further create a sense of ownership and long-term success, a high level of collaboration among all stakeholders, and existing initiatives that lead to knowledge sharing and other resources. In this regard, informal collaboration and cooperation can partially compensate for a lack of presidential-level support and/or a formal communication structure. Furthermore, developing a strategy with individual steps and shared responsibility leads to more-successful implementation of ESD at higher education institutions. The presented findings add a complementary empirical perspective to the discourse on the establishment of ESD at higher education institutions. First, the case studies that specifically address the implementation processes of sustainability curricula are reviewed and analyzed here for the first time as part of a research landscape. This research landscape reveals where research on such implementation processes has been or is being conducted. On this basis, both researchers and funders can reflect on the status quo and plan further research- or funding endeavors. Second, this dissertation offers the opportunity to compare a multitude of individual case studies and thus to develop new and generalizable insights into the implementation of sustainability curricula. The empirical analysis uses 133 case studies to identify key factors that promote or inhibit the implementation of sustainability curricula and to add a complementary perspective to the discourse, which has thus far been dominated by theoretical considerations and individual case studies. The analysis thereby offers a new perspective on generalizable influencing factors that appear to be important across different contexts. Thus far, specific patterns of implementation processes have been infrequently studied, and with few datasets. This dissertation analyzes the complex interplay between over 100 variables and provides one of the first research attempts at better understanding the processes that lead to the deep-rooted and comprehensive implementation of sustainability curricula. Internal and external practitioners of higher education institutions can find examples and evidence that can be useful in planning the next steps of their sustainability curriculum implementation. In the future, higher education institutions will play an even greater role in the journey toward sustainable development. This dissertation offers generalizable empirical findings on how universities can succeed in recognizing their own responsibility to that end and in realizing this transformation through the implementation of ESD. ; Diese Dissertation "How to Embed Sustainability in the Core of Higher Education Institutions: Drivers of, Barriers to, & Patterns behind the Implementation Processes of Sustainability Curricula – Insights from a Quantitative Meta-Study with Data from around the Globe" geht der Frage nach, wie nachhaltigkeitsbezogene Curricula1 an Hochschulen2 implementiert und etabliert werden können. Der Fragestellung liegt die Annahme zu Grunde, dass eine nachhaltige Entwicklung mit veränderten Denk- und Handlungsmustern dringend erforderlich ist und Hochschulen – als Hubs für Forschung, Innovationen & Bildung – einen zentralen Hebelpunkt für eine nachhaltige Entwicklung der Gesellschaft leisten. Daher ist die Institutionalisierung von Nachhaltigkeitscurricula nicht nur gesellschaftlich gefordert, sondern auch in zahlreichen politischen Statements der Weltgemeinschaft, z.B. der UN und der UNESCO, festgeschrieben und durch das Sustainable Development Goal Nr. 4 "Quality Education" operationalisiert. Bisherige Erkenntnisse wie eine solche Implementierung gelingen kann und welche Faktoren den Prozess befördern oder hemmen, liegen vor allem durch Fallstudien einzelner Hochschulen vor. Diese bilden wichtige Erkenntnisse, sind zum Großteil aber eher deskriptiv als analytisch und lassen Fragen nach der Generalisierbarkeit der Erkenntnisse offen – also inwiefern weitere Hochschulen sich an den jeweiligen Erfahrungen orientieren können. An dieser Forschungslücke setzt die vorliegende Dissertation an. Durch eine Meta-Studie, den analytischen Vergleich existierender individueller Fallstudien, werden generalisierbare Erkenntnisse zum Implementierungsprozess von Nachhaltigkeitscurricula erforscht. In einem ersten Schritt wurde eine Grundgesamtheit von Fallstudien erhoben, um die Datengrundlage für tiefergehende Analysen zu generieren. In zwei weiteren Analyseschritten wurden, aufbauend auf der erhobenen Grundgesamtheit der Fallstudien aus Schritt 1, bestimmte Faktoren, die die Implementierung von Nachhaltigkeitscurricula fördern oder hemmen (Schritt 2), sowie spezifische Implementierungsmuster (Schritt 3) untersucht. Die folgenden Abschnitte erläutern Details und präsentieren einen Überblick über die jeweiligen Ergebnisse. In einem ersten Schritt wurde eine Datenbank aus Englisch-sprachigen Fallstudien angelegt, die weltweit über Implementierungsprozesse von Nachhaltigkeitscurricula an Hochschulen berichten. Insgesamt wurden 230 Fallstudien identifiziert, wovon sich 133 Fallstudien im Kern mit der Implementierung von Nachhaltigkeitscurricula beschäftigen3. Eine bibliometrische Analyse der 230 Fallstudien zeigt, dass dieses Forschungsfeld wächst. Der Diskurs ist vor allem durch Forschende und Fallstudien aus Nordamerika, Europa, Ozeanien und Asien geprägt, wobei Forschende und Fallstudien aus Südamerika und Afrika unterrepräsentiert sind. Zudem zeigt eine Zitationsanalyse, dass einige 1 Nachhaltigkeitsbezogene Curricula werden hier verstanden als Kurse, Programme und Zertifikate alle Fachrichtungen, die sich in irgendeiner Form mit nachhaltigen Themen beschäftigen. Eine detaillierte Diskussion welche Typen von Bildung für Nachhaltige Entwicklung im Diskurs vertreten sind, findet sich in Abschnitt Error! Reference source not found. 2 Hochschule wird hier als Sammelbegriff genutzt für Universitäten, Fachhochschulen sowie weitere Institutionen, die mindestens einen Bachelor Abschluss anbieten. 3 Eine detaillierte Beschreibung der Fallstudien Stichprobe und die Unterteilung in Untergruppen ist in Abschnitt Error! Reference source not found. erklärt. Fallstudien von Hochschulen die Erkenntnisse aus anderen Ländern miteinfließen lassen, während andere eher isoliert agieren. Dies lässt die Frage offen, inwiefern Hochschulen global miteinander im Austausch stehen und voneinander lernen, um die Implementierung von Nachhaltigkeitscurricula voran zu treiben. In einem zweiten Analyseschritt wurden die qualitativen Daten der gesammelten Fallstudien (Stichprobe von 133 Fallstudien) anhand der Case-Survey-Methode (Art der Meta-Analyse) verglichen. Im Fokus standen dabei die Treiber und Barrieren der Prozesse,um Nachhaltigkeitscurricula an Hochschulen zu implementieren. Treibende und hemmende Einflussfaktoren auf den Implementierungsprozess von Nachhaltigkeitscurricula sind im Diskurs zur Bildung für Nachhaltige Entwicklung (BNE), speziell bezogen auf Hochschulen, ein theoretisch eingehend betrachtetes Feld. Hingegen fehlte bislang eine große Datenlage, um diese Hypothesen empirisch zu prüfen. Diese Forschungslücke füllt die vorliegende Arbeit, wobei die empirische Analyse ergeben hat, dass folgende Faktoren zu einer tiefen und breiten Etablierung von Nachhaltigkeitscurricula führen: Eine starke Unterstützung durch die Führungsebene (z.B. Präsidium, Dekanat); die Etablierung von Nachhaltigkeit sowohl in Lehre, Forschung, Campus, als auch der Austausch mit lokalen Akteurinnen und Akteuren; die formelle Partizipation interner (auch Studierende) und externer Akteurinnen und Akteure; und das Engagement von "Nachhaltigkeits-Champions" (change agents), die oft zuerst Nachhaltigkeitscurricula implementieren und gegen Widerstände ankämpfen. Weitere befördernde Faktoren sind: Strategische Planung, Koordination, Kommunikation, Vision, politischer Einfluss, eine günstige Gelegenheit (window of opportunity) (z.B. Umweltkatastrophe, Wechsel im Präsidium) sowie interdisziplinäre Begegnungsräume. Als stärkste Barrieren wurden folgende genannt: Fehlen von interdisziplinären Begegnungsräumen, fehlende Vision, fehlende Anreize, fehlende Ressourcen, überfülltes Curriculum, wenig unterstützende / zu bürokratische Organisationsstruktur. Der dritte Analyseschritt baut ebenfalls auf der Datenlage der 133 Fallstudien auf und erforscht, ob bestimmte Typen bzw. Muster von Implementierungsprozessen auftreten. Durch die Analyse wurden sechs typische Implementierungsmuster identifiziert. Dabei führt das jeweilige Zusammenspiel der Faktoren zu einer Implementierung von Nachhaltigkeitscurricula in unterschiedlicher Tiefe und Breite, welche nachfolgend durch die absteigende Reihenfolge der Muster indiziert ist: (1) "a collaborative paradigm shift", (2) "bottom-up institutional change", (3) "top-down institutional change", (4) "the presence of many barriers that hinder institutional change", (5) "externally driven initiatives", and (6) "initiatives that are scattered due to a lack of coordination". Über alle Muster hinweg wurden zudem zwei Phasen identifiziert. Zum einen kann der Anstoß zur Implementierung von BNE nicht nur von internen, sondern auch von externen Akteurinnen und Akteuren initiiert werden. Zum anderen kann sich diese Initiierung dann sowohl "bottom-up", also durch Studierende, Lehrende, etc., als auch "top-down", also z.B. durch das Präsidium, oder auch von beiden Ebenen gleichzeitig durchsetzen. Um den ersten Anstoß gewinnbringend zu nutzen, sind folgende Schlüsselfaktoren wichtig: Eine offene Kommunikationskultur zwischen allen Akteurinnen und Akteuren, in der Feedback und Reflektion willkommen sind und auch aktiv eingeholt werden. Die Entwicklung einer Vision, die von allen Beteiligten geteilt wird, kreiert Ownership und einen langfristigen Erfolg. Eine hohe Kollaboration aller Akteurinnen und Akteure, aber auch bestehender Initiativen führt zur Teilung von Wissen und weiteren Ressourcen. Dabei kann eine informelle Kollaboration und Kooperation teilweise die fehlende Unterstützung der präsidialen Ebene und/oder eine formelle Kommunikationsstruktur ausgleichen. Weiterhin führt die Entwicklung einer Strategie mit einzelnen Schritten und geteilter Verantwortung zu einer erfolgreicheren Implementierung von BNE an Hochschulen. Die vorgestellten Erkenntnisse stellen eine ergänzende empirische Perspektive im Diskurs um die Etablierung von BNE an Hochschulen dar. Erstens sind die Fallstudien, die sich konkret mit den Implementierungsprozessen von Nachhaltigkeitscurricula befassen, das erste Mal als Forschungslandschaft analysiert worden. Auf dieser Grundlage können sowohl Forschende sowie Fördergebende über den Status Quo reflektieren und weitere Schritte planen, aber auch Praktikerinnen und Praktiker Beispiele auffinden. Zweitens bietet die vorliegende Dissertation die Möglichkeit die Vielzahl an Einzelfallstudien zu vergleichen und somit neue und generalisierbare Erkenntnisse zu entwickeln. Die empirische Analyse anhand von 133 Fallstudien zur Identifizierung von Schlüsselfaktoren, die eine Implementierung von Nachhaltigkeitscurricula fördern oder hemmen, stellt eine ergänzende Perspektive im Diskurs dar, der von theoretischen Überlegungen und individuellen Fallstudien geprägt ist. Damit eröffnet sich eine neue Perspektive auf Einflussfaktoren, die in jedem Kontext wichtig zu sein scheinen. Vor allem spezielle Muster an Implementierungsprozessen wurden bisher kaum und mit weniger Datensätzen untersucht. Diese Dissertation analysiert das komplexe Zusammenspiel aus über 100 Variablen und bietet damit eine der ersten Arbeiten, die Prozesse, die zu einer tiefen und breiten Implementierung von Nachhaltigkeitscurricula führen, besser zu verstehen. In Zukunft werden Hochschulen eine noch größere Rolle auf dem Weg einer nachhaltigen Entwicklung spielen. Diese Dissertation bietet generalisierbare empirische Erkenntnisse wie es Hochschulen gelingen kann ihre Verantwortung wahrzunehmen und durch die Implementierung von BNE zu realisieren.

Public interest litigation is a mechanism of intervention in a matter that concerns the public. It could be about human rights, government policy, or some other issue that could present a challenge to public life. Public interest litigation is important because it presents hope to the powerless and offers justice where there might not previously have been the opportunity. The aim of public interest litigation is to recognise injustice and give a voice to the concerns of members of society who might not have the means to articulate them. In Nigeria there is a high tendency for people of low socioeconomic status to experience police brutality, or even become victims of extra-judicial killing. In this article, it was argued that although public interest litigation is a good strategy to engage the injustice of extra-judicial killings, the recurrence shows that the solution lies more in addressing a systemic problem. ; Dorcas A. Odunaike: odunaiked@babcock.edu.ng ; Dorcas Odunaike is a PhD and Head of the Department of Private and Commercial Law at the Babcock University School of Law & Security Studies, Nigeria. ; Olalekan Moyosore Lalude is a PhD Candidate at the Babcock University School of Law & Security Studies, Nigeria. ; Temitope Omotola Odusanya is a PhD and member of Gender Parity Initiative, Nigeria. ; Dorcas A. 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Die nachhaltige Entwicklung ländlicher Gebiete ist eine globale Herausforderung. Sie ist politische Agenda vieler Länder, sowohl mit niedrigem als auch mit hohem Einkommen. Ein großes ländliches Gebiet in Kenia besteht aus den ariden und semi-ariden Gebieten (ASAL). Diese umfassen nahezu 90 Prozent der Landfläche des Landes und sind zuhause von fast 30 Prozent der Landesbevölkerung. Historisch gesehen haben die ASAL jedoch unter begrenzter politischer Repräsentation, mangelnder Integration in soziale Dienste, einer schwachen Infrastruktur sowie geringen wirtschaftlichen Investitionen gelitten. Diese Marginalisierung hat dazu geführt, dass die Lebensstandards in betroffenen Gemeinden zurückbleiben. Diese Doktorarbeit trägt zum Verständnis von zwei wichtigen Aspekten im Leben der überwiegend auf Viehzucht spezialisierten Gemeinschaften bei, die in den ASAL Nordkenias leben. Der erste Aspekt bezieht sich auf soziales Vertrauen, welches weithin als eine grundlegende Komponente von wirtschaftlichen Interaktionen und Wachstums gesehen wird. Der zweite Aspekt bezieht sich auf Ernährungsqualität, welche eine grundlegende Komponente menschlicher und wirtschaftlicher Entwicklung darstellt. Insbesondere soll diese Arbeit zeigen, dass die Erhöhung des sozialen Vertrauens und die Verbesserung der Ernährung von Hirtengemeinschaften durch den Einsatz von Mobiltelefonen erreicht werden kann. Diese Dissertation besteht aus drei Arbeiten, die jeweils eine bestimmte Komponente der Gesamtanalyse hervorheben. Das erste Papier dieser Arbeit in Kapitel II trägt den Titel: "A Radius of Trust? Contrasting Insights from Experiments and Survey Data" (übersetzt in etwa: "Ein Radius des Vertrauens? Abweichende Einsichten aus Experimenten und Umfragedaten") betitelt. Es gibt Einblicke in die Vertrauenskultur der Hirtengemeinschaften im Bezirk Turkana, Nordkenia. Die Analyse basiert auf Primärdaten, die im Juli/August 2018 gesammelt wurden. Wir haben eine anreizorientierte Version des Vertrauensexperiments von Berg et al. (1995) mit 402 Teilnehmern durchgeführt. Unter Verwendung eines between-subject-designs wurde das Vertrauen für drei Treatments gemessen: Vertrauen gegenüber Menschen aus dem eigenen Dorf, Vertrauen gegenüber Menschen aus einem Nachbardorf und Vertrauen gegenüber Stadtbewohnern aus der Bezirkshauptstadt. Während Personen aus dem eigenen Dorf und Personen aus einem Nachbardorf gleichermaßen vertraut wird, zeigen die experimentellen Daten, dass die Teilnehmer statistisch signifikant weniger Vertrauen in die Stadtbewohner aus der Kreisstadt setzen. Wir argumentieren, dass sich dieses Phänomen mit dem Konzept des Vertrauensradius erklären lässt. Wir stellen dann das Experiment den selbstberichteten Vertrauensniveaus aus den Umfragedaten gegenübergestellt. Die Umfragedaten unterscheiden sich von den experimentellen Daten insoweit, dass hier Dorfbewohnen aus dem eigenen Dorf mehr Vertrauen entgegengebracht wird als Menschen aus einem Nachbardorf. Eine mögliche Ursache für diese Diskrepanz liegt in relativer Übertreibung von Vertrauensbekundungen gegenüber Menschen aus dem eigenen Dorf in den Umfragedaten aufgrund einer Verzerrung durch Soziale Erwünschtheit (social desirability bias). Die zweite Arbeit dieser Dissertation in Kapitel III, "Can Mobile Phones Build Social Trust? Insights from Rural Kenya" (übersetzt in etwa: "Können Mobiltelefone soziales Vertrauen aufbauen? Einblicke in das ländlichen Kenia") verwendet den gleichen Datensatz wie die oben genannte Arbeit. Die Auswirkung der Mobiltelefonnutzung auf das Vertrauen steht im Mittelpunkt dieser zweiten Studie. Das Experiment wird hier zur Messung des sozialen Vertrauens verwendet. Die in dieser Studie genutzte Variationsquelle basiert jedoch auf der Mobiltelefonnutzung der Teilnehmer und nicht auf dem Unterschied zwischen den drei Treatments. Um Verzerrungen aufgrund unbeobachteter Heterogenität von Nutzern und Nicht-Nutzern zu beachten, führen wir eine Instrumentvariablenschätzung durch. Netzwerkverfügbarkeit in der Wohnstätte stellt die Instrumentvariable dar. Die Ergebnisse deuten darauf hin, dass Mobiltelefone dazu beitragen können das Vertrauen gegenüber Menschen. Wir finden positive Effekte jedoch nur in Bezug auf Menschen, die weit entfernt wohnen, nämlich gegenüber Menschen aus der Kreisstadt. Es werden keine statistisch signifikanten Effekte hinsichtlich höheren Vertrauens gegenüber Menschen gefunden, die näher wohnen, nämlich gegenüber Mitbewohnern und Menschen aus einem Nachbardorf. Der unterschiedliche Effekt von Mobiltelefonen auf das Vertrauen könnte dadurch erklärt werden, dass Mobiltelefone die Kommunikation insbesondere zwischen Menschen erleichtern, die weit voneinander entfernt leben. Das dritte Papier dieser Dissertation in Kapitel IV trägt den Titel "Can mobile phones improve nutrition among pastoral communities? Panel data evidence from Northern Kenya" (übersetzt in etwa: "Können Mobiltelefone die Ernährung von Hirtengemeinschaften verbessern? Ergebnisse von Paneldaten aus Nordkenia".) Diese Studie präsentiert eine Folgenabschätzung des Einflusses der Mobiltelefonnutzung und des Mobiltelefonbesitzes auf zwei Indikatoren der Ernährungsvielfalt. Die Studie basiert auf sechs Runden von sekundären Paneldaten, die von 2009 bis 2015 im Bezirk Marsabit im Norden Kenias gesammelt wurden. Wir zeigen, dass die Region durch ein relativ niedriges Niveau der Ernährungsvielfalt gekennzeichnet ist. Gleichzeitig hat die Mobiltelefonnutzung im beobachteten Zeitraum deutlich zugenommen. Wir argumentieren, dass die Nutzung von Mobiltelefonen und der Besitz von Mobiltelefonen mit einer Zunahme der Ernährungsvielfalt in Verbindung gebracht werden können. Mehrere Robustheitsprüfungen deuten darauf hin, dass ein leichterer Zugang zu Lebensmittelmärkten und gekauften Lebensmitteln zu dieser Zunahme der Ernährungsvielfalt beiträgt. Auf der Grundlage dieser drei Papiere ziehen wir mehrere Schlussfolgerungen. Erstens bekräftigen wir frühere Warnungen, dass die Hirtengemeinschaften in Nordkenia in der Tat mit mehreren schwerwiegenden Herausforderungen konfrontiert sind: Das soziale Vertrauen in der Region ist gering, und den Stadtbewohner aus der Bezirkshauptstadt wird sogar besonders wenig Vertrauen entgegengebracht. Dieser Mangel an Vertrauen kann die soziale Interaktion und die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung der Gemeinschaften potenziell behindern und verlangsamen. Die begrenzte Vielfalt der Ernährung stellt ein weiteres kritisches Problem dar, das durch unsere Analyse deutlich wurde. Als Folge einer suboptimalen Ernährungsqualität kann die volle Entfaltung von Individuen und ihren Fähigkeiten eingeschränkt werden, wodurch das wirtschaftliche Potenzial der betroffenen Haushalte eingeschränkt wird. Gleichzeitig zeigen wir, dass Mobiltelefone in den Händen von Hirtengemeinschaften ein besonders leistungsfähiges Werkzeug darstellen. Die Technologie hat das Potenzial, wichtige Wohlfahrtsdimensionen zu verbessern. Mobiltelefone können mit einer Zunahme des Vertrauens gegenüber den Menschen aus der Kreishauptstadt in Verbindung gebracht werden, was dazu beitragen könnte, einige der oben genannten Herausforderungen zu verringern. Darüber hinaus können Mobiltelefone mit vielfältigeren Ernährungsgewohnheiten in Verbindung gebracht werden. Diese Verbesserung einer konkreten und hoch relevanten Dimension des Lebensstandards bekräftigt die Chancen und Verbesserungen, die die Mobiltelefontechnologie den Hirtengemeinschaften bereits gebracht hat und weiterhin bringt. ; The arid and semi-arid lands (ASAL) cover close to 90 per cent of Kenya's landmass and are home to nearly 30 per cent of its population. Historically, the ASAL have however suffered from limited political representation, weak integration into social services, and low infrastructure investments. This marginalization has caused affected communities to fall behind in economic development and overall welfare. This thesis contributes to the understanding of two important aspects in the lives of the predominantly pastoralist communities that inhabit Northern Kenya's ASAL. The first aspects relates to social trust, which is considered a fundamental component of economic interaction and growth. The second aspect relates to nutrition, which is considered to be a fundamental component of human and economic development. In particular, this thesis aims at showing that increases in social trust and improvements of diets among pastoralist communities can be achieved through the use of mobile phones. This dissertation is composed of three papers, each highlighting a particular component of the overall analysis. The first paper of this thesis in chapter II, is titled: "A Radius of Trust? Contrasting Insights from Experiments and Survey Data". It provides insights into the trust culture of pastoralist communities in Turkana County, Northern Kenya. The analysis is based on primary data collected in July/August 2018. We conducted an incentivized version of the canonical trust game by Berg et al. 1995 with 402 participants. Using a between-subject design, trust was measured for three treatments: trust towards people from one's own village, trust towards people from a neighboring village, and trust towards city dwellers from the county capital. While fellow villager and people from a neighboring village are equally trusted, experimental data show that participants place statistically significantly less trust into city dwellers from the county capital. We argue that this phenomenon can be explained with the concept of the radius of trust. The experiment is then contrasted with self-reported trust levels. Survey data differ from the experimental data in the aspect that fellow villagers seem to be more trusted than people from a neighboring village. A potential cause of this discrepancy lies in overstatements of trust towards fellow villagers in the survey due to a social-desirability bias. The second paper of this dissertation in chapter III, "Can Mobile Phones Build Social Trust? Insights from Rural Kenya" utilizes the same data set as the aforementioned paper. The effect of mobile phone use on trust is the focal point of this second study. The experiment is used here as a measurement for social trust. However, the source of variation exploited in this study is based on mobile phone usage of the participants rather than the difference between the three treatment groups. To deal with bias due to unobserved heterogeneity of users and non-users, we use a control function approach with mobile phone reception as an instrumental variable. The results suggest that mobile phones might help to increase trust towards people that live far ways, namely towards people from the county capital. No statistically significant effects are found with regard to trust towards people who live closer, namely towards fellow villagers and people from a neighboring village. The differential effect of mobile phones on trust could be explained by the fact that mobile phones facilitate communication particularly between people that are distant from each other. The third paper of this dissertation in chapter IV is called "Can mobile phones improve nutrition among pastoral communities? Panel data evidence from Northern Kenya". This study presents an impact assessment of the effect of mobile phone use and mobile phone ownership on two indicators of dietary diversity. The study is based on six rounds of secondary panel data collected from 2009 to 2015 in Marsabit County in the North of Kenya. We show that the region is characterized by relatively low levels of dietary diversity. At the same time, mobile phone usage has risen substantially in the observed time period. We argue that mobile phone use and mobile phone ownership can be associated with increases in dietary diversity. Several robustness checks suggest that easier access to markets and purchased food contribute to this increase in dietary diversity. Based on these three papers, we draw several conclusions. Firstly, we reinforce previous alerts that pastoralist communities in Northern Kenya do indeed face several severe challenges: social trust in the region is low, and city dwellers from the county capital even face particularly low trust levels. This lack of trust can potentially hamper social interaction and economic development of the communities. Limited dietary diversity represents another critical issue that became apparent through our analysis. As a consequence of sub-optimal dietary quality, full evolvement of individuals and their skills might be constrained, thereby restricting the economic potential of affected households. At the same time, we show that mobile phones represent a particularly powerful tool in the hands of pastoralist communities. The technology has the potential to improve important welfare dimensions. Mobile phones can be associated with increases in trust towards people from the county capital, which might help reduce some of the aforementioned challenges. Furthermore, mobile phones can be associated with more diverse diets. This improvement of a concrete and highly relevant household welfare dimension reinforces the advantages that the mobile phone technology has brought and continues to bring to pastoralist communities.

This report presents the synthesis of household level surveys in five intervention countries (Angola, Malawi, Mozambique, Zambia, and Zimbabwe) of the Drought Tolerant Maize for Africa (DTMA) project designed and implemented by the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Center (CIMMYT), International Institute for Tropical Agriculture (IITA) and national research and extension institutions in 13 countries of Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). In each of the study countries, two districts were randomly selected provided that the districts fall in predetermined categories (20-40%) of probability of failed season (PFS). A total sample of 1108 households was randomly drawn with sample sizes varying country to country. The report has different sections that focus, in order, on description of the sample households, extent and determinants of poverty and inequality among the sample population, characteristics of maize production, perception and management of drought risk, and determinants of likelihood and intensity of adoption of improved maize varieties. The distribution of the age of the sample population shows that the population below the age of 16 years is 54% in Zambia, 47% in Malawi and more than 42% in the other three countries. Most of the sample households in each of the countries are headed by males. Only, Malawian sample has about one third of the households headed by women. The literacy level of household heads is considerably high by African standards. The proportion of literate household head ranges from 67% in Angola to 97% in Zimbabwe. The details of the literacy level show that about 48% of Zimbabweans have attended secondary school or higher followed by 32% in Zambia and to 28% in Angola. Most of the literate household heads in Malawi and Mozambique fall in the primary school category. The farming systems in the study areas are predominantly traditional and semi-subsistence oriented. The plough culture is an important feature of the systems and hence the traction power of draft animals is indispensable. Nonetheless, only Zambian (44%) and Zimbabwean (42%) farmers use draft animals. No sample household in Angola and Malawi owns a draft animal. The livestock owned per household, in tropical livestock units (TLU), ranges from 0.41 in Malawi to 2.9 in Zambia. Accordingly, the current value in US$ of the livestock owned by a typical household ranges from 102.7 in Malawi to 1051 in Zambia. The average farm land holding is highest in Mozambique where a typical household owns nearly 8 hectares of land, followed by Zambia at 6.63 hectares, and Zimbabwe at 3 hectares. The smallest average farmland was observed in Malawi with a typical household owning 1.25 ha. Wealth indices were computed based on asset holdings to look into the relative welfare distribution of the sample communities. Forty four percent of the sample households in Angola have negative wealth index. The households with negative indices can generally be considered as poor. Nearly 55% Malawian, 57% Mozambican, and 54% Zambian sample households do have negative wealth indices. Sixty two percent of the sample households in Zimbabwe have negative wealth indices, which is higher than any other country in the study.Asset wealth based rough classification of the households has shown that most of the sampling households are poor. A more detailed analysis of poverty and inequality was done based on reported income and expenditure. Household level determinants of poverty were identified using quantile regression. Generally, sample households in Mozambique and Zambia were found to be poorer than the sample households in Angola and Malawi. The poverty profiles show that the absolutely poor households in four of the countries (Angola, Malawi, Mozambique, and Zambia) do have significantly smaller family size, smaller number of illiterate household members, less number of important assets such as phones and radio, livestock and smaller farm sizes. An important observation is that the proportion of total land allocated to maize by absolutely poor households is significantly higher than that of better-off households. The study has also detailed the extent and determinants of poverty and inequality in the countries. The importance of maize technology use and resource allocation to the crop in determining magnitude of poverty and inequality is an important finding in view of the fact that the sample population is essentially semi-subsistent with limited market orientation. This finding also justifies the effort being exerted on development and deployment of maize and maize related technologies in rural communities of the study countries. Maize production in the region has peculiar characteristics with important distinctions across countries. The land allocated to maize ranges from 45.9% in Mozambique to 69.8% in Malawi of the whole farmland. In Angola, Malawi and Mozambique, most of the maize land is covered with land races; whereas in Zambia and Zimbabwe, hybrid maize covers most of the maize area. All the sample farmers in Zimbabwe are aware of the difference between improved Open pollinated varieties (OPVs) and hybrid maize varieties. On the contrary, about 95% of the sample farmers in Angola do not know the difference between OPV and hybrid maize. Most of the sample farmers in Malawi (72.0%), Mozambique (98.0%), and Zambia (78.0%) are in fact aware of the difference between OPVs and hybrid maize varieties. Regarding recycling of hybrid seeds, it was found out that Zimbabweans hardly recycle, whereas Mozambicans do on average recycle 1.5 times. This pattern of recycling also applies to improved OPVs. Despite considerable number of farmers depending on the market to fetch maize seeds, 90.7% of the farmers in Angola purchased and planted only local maize varieties. Malawian and Zambian farmers, followed by Mozambicans and Zimbabweans, do mostly purchase and grow improved seeds. In terms of the proportion of seed types used, Zimbabwe stands out well-above others with 94.6% of the seed used being improved, followed by Zambia (64.3%) and Malawi (24.8%). In Malawi, the most preferred varieties, in order of preference are: local, MH36, Kanyani, and Makolo. In Mozambique, Ndau ou Chindau, Matuba, SC513, Laposta, and Pan 67 were indicated to be the most preferred varieties in that order. In Zambia, the four most preferred varieties were identified to be Gankata, SC513, Pool 16, and Obatampa. In Zimbabwe, SC513 is the most preferred variety followed by ZM521 and the local Heckory King variety. Drought was reported to be the most important challenge on the livelihoods of people in Malawi, Zambia and Zimbabwe, whereas it was indicated to be second, next to sickness and mortality of a family member, in Angola and Mozambique. Maize varieties in general and improved OPVs and hybrids in particular are being considered very risky in terms of predictability and reliability of yields. Given the importance of maize and the vulnerability of the farming communities in the region, drought and risks associated with it will have paramount and potentially irreversible consequences on the poor sections of the region. The decisions regarding level and intensity of improved maize adoption have also been investigated to show that gender based intra-household division of labor was an important factor considered in deciding to adopt or not improved maize varieties. Asset endowments such as farm size and livestock wealth were found to be important determinants of level and intensity of adoption in the region. Similarly, membership in social groupings and engagement of off-farm activities influenced adoption decisions. Access to extension services has universally been identified as an important factor in determining the level and, when relevant, the intensity of adoption of improved maize varieties in the region. As important as this service is, however, the extent to which farmers are getting the service is not that encouraging according to respondents. It is, therefore, imperative to underline again the need for investment in the agricultural extension system and the effort that shall be exerted in enabling the private sector to engage in generation and deployment of agricultural information. In designing and implementing any intervention that aims at contributing to the risk coping ability of farmers, it is essential to take into account heterogeneity of the farming communities. Due consideration of this heterogeneity shall be made while assessing the importance of drought risk and while analyzing the effectiveness of the contributions to be made with the intention of strengthening drought risk coping strategies. The trait preferences of farmers are for instance an important indicator of the heterogenous demand structure. This study has shown that despite the fact that yield size is among the most preferred traits, farmers' strong reference to maize as a risky crop urges refocusing breeding activities to generation of germplasms with reliable yield distribution. Farmers have also shown strong interest in traits such as drought tolerance, early maturity, and good performance under poor rainfall implying the need for multi-trait focused breeding schemes. Public agricultural extension institutions and public mass media are by far the two most important sources of agricultural information in the region. Despite the political importance of agriculture in general and maize in particular, there is always a lack of incentive in publicly owned institutions to deliver the information as timely and as adequately it is needed. Agricultural extension efforts in the region should in fact be accompanied by comprehensive microfinance institutions to relieve farmers of the seasonal cash shortage which almost all of them experience every year. So far, except in Zimbabwe, access to rural credit and finance seems to be farfetched.

Günümüzün rekabet yoğun iş yaşamında, örgütlerin birer öğrenen örgüte dönüşümü, onların rekabetçi yeteneklerini artırmalarını sağlamaktadır. Ayrıca, günümüzde çalışanların sadece kendilerinden beklenen rol davranışlarını değil, bunun ötesindeki, gönüllü sergilenen rol ötesi davranışları da sergilemeleri beklenmektedir. Örgüt yazınında bu tür davranışlar örgütsel vatandaşlık davranışları (ÖVD) olarak isimlendirilmektir. Öğrenmeyi destekleyen, astları güçlendiren bir liderlik sitilini uygulayan, takım çalışmasına ve iletişime değer veren yapıları ile öğrenen örgütler, çalışanların rol ötesi davranışlar sergilemeleri için uygun bir ortam hazırlayabilirler. Bu temel düşünceden hareketle yürütülen çalışmanın amacı, çalışanların öğrenen örgüt algılarının, örgütsel vatandaşlık davranışlarına etkilerini araştırmaktır. Yabancı veya yerli yazında böyle bir araştırmanın daha önce yürütülmemiş olması ise çalışmanın önemli bir boşluğu doldurmasını sağlamaktadır. Çalışmaya, Türkiye'de faaliyet gösteren 20 farklı firmadan 436 beyaz yakalı çalışan katılmıştır. Analiz bulguları, araştırmaya katılan çalışanların öğrenen örgüt algıları ile örgütsel vatandaşlık davranışları arasında aynı yönlü ve anlamlı bir ilişki olduğunu göstermiştir. Regresyon analizi sonuçları ise sürekli öğrenme, diyalog ve araştırma, gömülü sistemler ve destekleyici liderlik boyutlarının ÖVD üzerinde ilave varyans açıkladığını; ancak takım çalışması, güçlendirilmiş çalışanlar ve sistemler arası bağlantı boyutlarının ise ÖVD üzerinde böyle bir etki yaratmadığını ortaya koymuştur. Bu bulgular, öğrenen örgüt algısının çalışanların örgütsel vatandaşlık davranışları üzerinde önemli bir etken olduğunu göstermektedir. Ayrıca araştırma bulguları yöneticiler açısından değerlendirildiğinde de önemli sonuçlar sunmaktadır. Örgütsel vatandaşlık davranışları, çalışanların gönüllü ve örgütün işleyişine katkı yapan davranışlar olduğundan, bu tür davranışların çalışanlar tarafından sergilenmesi, hem örgütün ürün ve hizmet kalitesinin artmasına yardımcı olmakta, hem de böyle bir artış için hiçbir ilave maliyet ödenmemektedir. Şu halde bu davranışları artıracak yönde örgütü dönüştürmek, yönetsel anlamda da fayda sağlayabilecektir. Araştırmada, ortaya konulan bulgular tartışılmıştır. ; Discretionary behaviors that promote the effectiveness of organizations differ from formal role behaviors. These informal role behaviors have been termed as prosocial organizational behavior (Brief and Motowidlo, 1986; George, 1990) or organizational citizenship behavior (OCB; Bateman and Organ, 1983; Organ, 1988; Smith et al., 1983). Dennis Organ and his colleagues (Bateman and Organ 1983; Smith et al., 1983) were the first to conceptualize OCB, describing it as "individual behavior that is discretionary, not directly or explicitly recognized by the formal reward system, and in the aggregate promotes the efficient and effective functioning of the organization" (Organ, 1988, p. 4). Briefly, these behaviors are not compulsory in job definitions, are not rewarded or punished by organization management, and are discretionary. Dimensions of OCB include altruism (discretionary behavior that intends to help others in the organization about a certain problem), conscientiousness (a general compliance that requires employees to go beyond their minimum job requirements), courtesy (intentions that consider others before acting or deciding and informing them about the actions), civic virtue (employees' self-responsibility about organizational problems and attention to the social and political life of the organization) and sportsmanship (willingness to accept the inevitable problems or matters that are related to the job; Organ, 1988). As the ability to survive in an uncertain and turbulent environment is becoming more vital for work organizations today, the need for employees who voluntarily contribute to the organizational welfare beyond their formal roles is greater than ever (Somech and Drach-Zahavy, 2004). Therefore, organizational climate and structure need to be designed to support the emergence of OCBs. Transforming an organization into a learning organization by spreading the learning culture throughout the organization may both expedite to cope with the uncertainty of the environment more effectively and to meet with OCBs more frequently because employees' expectations will be satisfied. In this study we tried to demonstrate how employees' perceptions about their companies in the case the companies being learning organizations would affect their OCBs. Many studies have focused on the antecedents of OCB or OCB's relation with some organizational factors. However, the learning capacity of the organization as an antecedent of OCB has not been treated as often. A common result of all these studies is that employee perceptions about the job atmosphere are crucial if employees are to behave beyond formal roles or display OCB (Somech and Drach-Zahavy, 2004). In learning organizations, people focus on continuous learning processes that are carried out collectively by all of the employees rather than on their own performance results. In such organizations, people expand their own points of view beyond formal role definitions and develop a system approach (Senge, 1996). This approach facilitates organizational learning so that learning ability of the organization can support OCB within the organization (Somech and Drach-Zahavy, 2004). In some studies, it is suggested that OCB could support interpersonal relations in the organization and that it also might be a useful tool for managers to use in fostering a lively work climate (Kidwell et al., 1997). In this respect, the discretionary characteristic of OCB might be both a motivational factor and one of the most important antecedents of teamwork in an organization. As another antecedent of OCB, the clarity of the job might be conceptualized as the extent to which employees know what to expect in their daily routine and how explicitly rules and policies of the organization are communicated. OCB is closely connected to job clarity, comprehensible norms and rules, and good planning of work (Turnipseed and Murkison, 1996). Job clarity is especially related to the shared vision dimension of the concept of learning organization. Sharing the vision among the organization members may increase the clarity of the job. Podsakoff et al., (1996) suggested that if the employees knew the future of their work, their OCB exhibitions would be augmented. Leader attitudes also play a key role in the emergence of OCBs in an organization (Brightman and Moran, 1999; Ehrhart, 2004; Turnipseed and Murkison, 1996). Some leader behaviors, especially transformational leadership behaviors, positively influence OCBs. Many studies have found a direct link between transformational leadership and OCB (e.g., Kent and Chelladurai, 2001; Koh et al., 1995; Podsakoff et al., 1990, 1996). In conclusion, given the interactions described above, it can be summarized that organizational structure and climate have a direct impact on the emergence of OCBs. Thus, we may expect more OCBs from employees in a learning organization than from those in an unlearning one. Hence, the hypotheses can be stated as follows: Hypothesis 1. There will be a positive relationship between employees' learning organization perceptions and their OCBs. Hypothesis 2. All of the learning organization dimensions will contribute significantly to each of the OCBs independently. In this study, the participants of the survey are white-collar workers from 20 different middle or large-sized companies in Turkey. The questionnaires, consist of Learning Organization Scale and OCB Scale, were posted to the human resources departments of the firms with an information note. Of the 600 questionnaires sent, 460 (76.6%) were returned. As a result, 436 valid responses were used in the study. Findings indicated that intercorrelations between the learning organization and OCB dimensions show statistically significant positive relations between the learning organization and OCB dimensions (p < 0.01). Although intercorrelations between learning organization dimensions were high (.71 ≤ r ≤ .86), they were average (.50 ≤ r ≤ .67) between OCB dimensions. The relation between the learning organization and OCB dimensions was significant, positive, and average (.24 ≤ r ≤ .55). Hierarchical multiple regression analysis was performed to test whether learning organization dimensions explained additional variance in OCBs. The final model for altruism included continuous learning (β = .11; p < .05), dialogue and inquiry (β = .12; p < .05), and providing leadership (β = .12; p < .05). The conscientiousness model contained continuous learning (β = .14; p < .05) and dialogue and inquiry (β = .16; p < .01). The courtesy model comprised dialogue and inquiry (β = .18; p < .001) and providing leadership (β = .09; p < .05). The sportsmanship model contained continuous learning (β = .13; p < .05), dialogue and inquiry (β = .14; p < .01), and embedded systems (β = .13; p < .05). Lastly, the civic virtue model included continuous learning (β = .16; p < .01) and dialogue and inquiry (β = .32; p < .001). It is interesting that team learning, empowerment, and systems connections dimensions had no significant effects on any of the OCB dimensions. The results of this study indicate that there is a significant and positive relation between employees' learning organization perceptions and their OCBs. Whereas the structures of the organizations are being transformed toward a learning organization, OCBs performed by employees found to be increased, yielding support for Hypothesis 1. To explore whether learning organization dimensions explained additional variance in OCBs, we conducted a hierarchical regression analysis. Results showed that the dimensions of continuous learning and dialogue and inquiry were the most important factors in predicting and explaining the variance of OCBs. Although embedded systems and supportive leadership helped to explain additional variance of OCBs, other learning organization dimensions (team learning, empowerment, and systems connections) had no significant effect; therefore, Hypothesis 2 was partly supported. These findings have some useful implications for managers. In today's working life, employees are obligated to move beyond their formal roles to increase the organization's accomplishments. Since the findings of this study revealed a strong and significant relationship between employees' learning organization perceptions and their OCBs, an organizational transformation toward a learning organization in those enterprises could augment OCBs throughout the organization. This study displayed a strong relation between learning organization concept and OCBs. OCBs play a key role in developing the quality of the services produced by organizations. To exist in a competitive world, organizations have to improve their service qualities. If managers can transform their organizations into learning organizations, it seems that OCB exhibition within the organizations is likely be enhanced—as will the service qualities.

Issue 51.6 of the Review for Religious, November/December 1992. ; Christian Heritages and Contemporary Living NOVEMBER-DECEMBER 1992 ¯ VOLUME 51 ¯ NUMBER 6 Review for Religious (ISSN 0034-639X) is published bi-monthly at Saint Louis University by the Jesuits of the Missouri Province. Editorial Office: 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, Missouri 63108-3393. Telephone: 314-535-3048 ¯ FAX: 314-535-0601 Manuscripts, books for review, and correspondence with the editor: Review for Religious ° 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, Missouri 63108-3393. Correspondence about the Canonical Counsel department: Elizabeth McDonough OP ¯ 5001 Eastern Avenue ¯ P.O. Box 29260 Washington, D.C. 20017. POSTMASTER Send address changes to Review for Religious ¯ P.O. Box 6070 ° Duluth, MN 55806. Second-class postage paid at St. Louis, Missouri, and additional offices. SUBSCRIPTION RATES Single copy $5 includes surface mailing costs. One-year subscription $15 plus mailing costs. Two-year subscription $28 plus mailing costs. See inside back cover for more subscription information and mailing costs. ©1992 Review for Religious for religious Editor Associate Editors Canonical Counsel Editor Assistant Editors Advisory Board David L. Fleming SJ Philip C. Fischer SJ Michael G. Harter SJ Elizabeth McDonough OP Jean Read Mary Ann Foppe Mary Margaret Johanning SSND Iris Ann Ledden SSND Edmundo Rodriguez SJ Se~in Sammon FMS Wendy Wright PhD Suzanne Zuercher OSB Christian Heritages and Contemporary Living NOVEMBER-DECEMBER 1992 ¯ VOLUME 51 ¯ NUMBER 6 contents religious life directions 806 Journeying Together in Faith Paul K. Hennessy CFC sets forth three themes from the Israelite covenant experience pertinent to religious life. 815 Communities of Hope Donna Markham OP suggests a dynamic of'religious life in terms of bringing forth a new way of life based on collaboration, mutuality, and respect. 823 The Service of Lay Associates Patricia McNicholas OSU examines different responses to the trend of religious communities sponsoring associate membership programs. dialogue ministry 830 Inculturation as Dialogue Diana Taufer SC suggests that interculturation better describes the task of church ministers in working among the Na~:ive American peoples. 839 Jewish-Catholic Dialogue since Vatican II Alan Altany describes how both Jews and Catholics approach the dialogue and also what dynamics the continuing dialogue will involve. formation and ministry 854 The Media and the Good News Patil F. Harman SJ challenges the Christian disciple to enter into the communications media with imagination and fortitude. 866 The Core of Ministry Laura Morgan FMSC discovers a garden of olives as the meeting place between God and us. 870 Spirituality in the Puebla Document Juan Ram6n Moren6 SJ ~aighlights the fundamental traits of a spirituality that is moving the Latin American church. 802 Review for Religious values and virtues 882 Confidentiality: Erosion and Restoration James F. Keenan SJ underscores the standard norms of confiden-tiality when therapy involves a client, a therapist, and a religious superior and community. 895 Detachment: The Enclosed Garden of the Soul Judy Bush describes various forms of everyday detachments by which God leads us to closer union. 906 The Spirit at Play Kenneth Homan describes how God's Spirit encourages us to become playful stewards. prayer and life 911 Iconoclasm for Holiness' Sake Julie Hollitt FDNSC ventures through iconoclasm to discover the extraordinary with the ordinary. 916 Four Types of Prayer Anthony H. Ostini SJ presents four ways of praying traditional in the church. 920 Broken Arrows Joseph F. Nassal CPPS reflects on a solitude necessary for heal-ing and transforming our life together. departments 804 Prisms 927 Canonical Counsel: Secular Institutes 933 Book Reviews 951 Indexes to Volume 51 November-December 1992 803 prisms ~henever we celebrate the feast of Christmas, we come face-to-face with our ways of imaging and under-standing God. Drawing close to a baby in a manger does not seem difficult for young or old, for shepherds or the-ologians. Yet the implications of such an imaging need to be appropriated anew by people in every age and culture. The Christmas tableau challenges our way of evalu-ating ourselves, our relationships with others, and our own response to God. People of our time, we find it nat-ural to stress our personal gifts and talents; we look to our strength in self-image and our self-reliance in thought and action. And, yes, we are made aware of a lot of proper healthy correctives given to us today by the psychological sciences. We are encouraged to pull our own strings, to be confrontative and even aggressive in pursuing our goals. Yet the angels' trumpeted Gloria above a stable reminds us that human dignity and personal choice are not values without restrictions or limits. Today our relationship with God centers often on gender-imaging, but with the result that something like "the force be with you" expresses the compromise of a god-without-a-face. In the midst of some overly serious abstract arguments and of our age's all-too-limiting focus on personal expe-rience comes a human baby named Jesus, whose mother is Mary. Each time we place ourselves in wonder before this creche, we are enabled to glimpse some of the deepest realities about divine and human life. Jesus comes to us as poor and humble. He is poor, not only because like any baby he is totally dependent for food and shelter on others, but also because he incarnates God's chosen way of relating to us. Jesus shows us a God who 804 Review for Religious truly needs us, who waits upon our response, who suffers our indifference as well as our petty insistences on making gods more to our own liking. Jesus brings home to us that God is not a mighty one who delights in hurling lightning bolts or an impas-sive one seated on a cloud and forever lost in contemplation. We rejoice in being led to a God who has chosen to make himself so needy that our efforts can fill what is still lacking in the redemp-tive act and that our prayers and our actions do build up the com-munity of the city of God. In fact, in recognizing such a God, we know that being poor is not a curse but a grace that makes us more like God. When we recognize our neediness as a fact in our relation to others and to God, then our poverty is truly becoming our graced choice. We are becoming like Jesus; divinity becomes us. Again like any poor person, the Son of Mary and the car-penter must labor for the necessities of life. He will say that every-thing he has is gift given by the one he knows as Abba, but at the same time, because this God is one who works, Jesus matter-of-factly professes "I work." And from the very beginning Jesus calls others to labor with him--so reminiscent of that creation account of God asking the first humans to work in bringing the garden to a greater fruitfulness. Jesus again brings home to all of us that God is the first of collaborators. If we want to grow more in the divine life, our direction is clear. To work with oth-ers is the dynamic of Christian living--in families, in workplaces, in parishes and religious communities, in ecumenical endeavors, in civil society. To celebrate Christmas is not to seek escape into magical stars and angels singing and plum puddings and once-a-year friendly greetings. We Christians worship a God who chooses to be poor like us so that we might make a similar choice and thus realize a richness which can only be God's gift. We Christians step for-ward to take on the responsibility of collaboration with God for the coming of the kingdom; like our God, we catch sight of our real selves not in doing our good works for others, but always in acting with others. God so loved the world., and in our so liv-ing and in our so working we make real our love for God, our-selves, our neighbor, and our world. That this be the Christmas grace for us all is the prayer of the editorial staff. David L. Fleming SJ November-December 1992 805 PAUL K. HENNESSY Journeying Together in Faith religious life directions A joint assembly of the Leadership Conference of Women Religious (LCWR) and the Conference of Major Superiors of Men (CMSM) was held August 26-30, 1992 in Greensboro, North Carolina. This article and the one which follows are the addresses of the presidents of CMSM and LCVV~R. The theme we set for ourselves, "Now is the Time . . . Religious Life at a Moment of Kairos," is calling us to a journey in faith. Contemporary congregational leaders need to journey frequently. Ministry to our sisters and brothers and those they serve requires more than a tele-phone and a fax. For communities with personnel spread far and wide, frequent-flyer credits build up quickly. One of my personal rules of travel, especially in developing countries, where bus or airplane delays can be inter-minable, is to be involved in a good novel. Ever since I read The Day of the Jackal many years ago, I have been attracted to Frederick Forsyth's books. While waiting in JFK Airport in New York before a five-week visit to our South American communities recently, I began his Deceiver. In this three-part novel, an older German gendeman spy falls in love with a much younger prostitute, whom he later kills because of her infidelity. The novel's protagonist, Sam McCready, consults a psychiatrist about Paul K. Hennessy CFC, provincial of the Eastern American province of the Congregation of Christian Brothers, is midway through his two-year term as president of Conference of Major Superiors of Men. His address is 21 Pryer Terrace; New Rochelle, New York 10804-4499. 806 Review for Religious possible reactions this fellow, spy may have, since he needs him to complete a job. The German has disappeared. The ensuing dia- 10gue struck me as pertinent on many levels and precipitated some thoughts ~:or this address, which I wrote in Peru, a country very close to God in its poverty and dependence and, therefore, ani-mated by wonderful hope. The passage is as follows: "Fugue," Dr. Carr purst~ed as he speared a forkful of tender sole meuni~re, "means flight. Flight from reality, especially ~iarsh, unpleasant reality. I think your man will by now be in a really bad way." "What will he actually do?" asked McCready. "Where will he go?" "He will go to a sanctuary, somewhere he feels safe, ~ome,where he can hide, where all the problems will go away and people will leave him alone. He may even return to a Childlike state. I had a patient once who, overcome by prob-lems, returned to tied, curled into the fetal position, stuck his thumb in his mouth, and stayed there. Wouldn't come out. Childlike, you see. Safety, security. No problems. Excellent sole, by the way. Yes, a little more Meursault. Thank you." Each of us, I am sure, encounters people, inside or outside our communities, who prefer to look to the future through the rear-' view mirror: "Let's go back to where we were. Times really haven't changed." Underlying this, of course, is the implication that the past was better than the present. As we know, such comparisons can involve value judgments about loyalty and authenticity. As I journeyed aboizt South America and reflected upon the struggle inherent in continual conversions and authentic renewal and i'efounding, I could not help reflecting upon the journey our ancestors in faith, the Israelites, were called to make from Egypt to Canaan, from the old to the new. Are we not also daughters and sons ot the covenant? Three themes fr6m the covenant experience, from covenant theology, seem especially pertinent to us today: first, God's initiative in creation, in vocation, i.n pouring forth wisdom and giving.us discerning hei~rts; second, the attraction of returning to Egypt from the confusion of the journey, but the irresponsibiiity of doing so; third, the promise, which is faithful and immutable. Although the two creation narratives in Genesis differ sub-stantially in origin and in content, the common element.is that the initiative is God's. "In the beginning, when God created the heav-ens and the earth, the earth was a formless wasteland, and dark- Nove~nber-December 1992 807 Hennessy ¯ Journeying Together in Faith ness covered the abyss, while a mighty wind swept over the waters. Then God said . . ." (Gn 1:1-3). In the second account: "At the time when the Lord God made the earth and the heavens, while as yet there was no field shrub on earth and no grass of the field had sprtuted., the Lord God formed man." (Gn 2:4a-7). The belief of our biblical forebears was that God is the initiator of all that is good and meaningful. We have the capacity to be selfish, to be confused about who is in charge. We have the capacity to sin, bu~ we cannot create something new without God. The call of the great leader Moses, together with his sister Miriam and his brother Aaron, is forthrightly a call, a vocation, from God. The call to minister, to lead, is not one we take upon ourselves. "Come, now! I will send you to Pharaoh to lead my people, the Israelites, out of Egypt" (Ex 3:10). Throughout the Scriptures we are reminded that, in some mysterious and yet direct way, it is God who calls and sends forth: Abraham and Sarah; Hannah and her son, Samuel; David; Zechariah and Elizabeth; Mary and, yes, Jesus. "Then a voice came from the heavens: 'You are my beloved Son. On you my favor rests.' At that point the Spirit sent him out toward the desert [and he was] put to the test there by Satan" (Mk 1:11-13). While Solomon is the prototype of dependence on God for wisdom and understanding, the theme runs throughout our Scriptures. The forceful poetic rendition of this message in chap-ter 38 of the Book of Job is one I heard a retreat master recite from memory: "Then the Lord addressed Job out of the storm and said: Who is this that obscures divine plans with words of ignorance? Gird up your loins now, like a man; I will question you, and you tell me the answers! Where were you when I founded the earth? Tell me, if you have understanding" and so forth. Note in a much different context the wise advice of Gamaliel before the Sanhedrin after the apostles are tried: "My advice is that you have nothing to do with these men. Let them alone. If their purpose or activity is human in its origins, it will destroy itself. If, on the other hand, it comes from God, you will not be able to destroy them without fighting God" (Ac 5:38-39). The author of this account clearly understands the prophetic statement as an inspired one. The duty of a leader is to search prayerfully for the wisdom which is of God and not to depend on that wisdom which is solely our own. This leads us to the discernment of spirits. The spirit in our 808 Review for Religious Scriptures, which are the testimony of the faith of our Jewish and Christian forebears, is always a fructifying one which leads us to integrity and joy. Note in Psalm 1 that the person who delights in the law of God and meditates on it day and night is like a tree planted near running water that yields fruit in due season and whose leaves never fade. Integrity and joy as well as peace and kindness are always hall-marks of the Spirit's presence (see Ga 5:22- 26). The Book of Sirach reminds us that people who open their lips in prayer and ask pardon for sin will be filled with the spirit of understanding and will pour forth words of wisdom and give thanks to the Lord (see Si 39:6). What is the application of all this for leadership in religious communities in today's world, especially here in the United States? Clearly, we must be people of faith and hope supported by prayer: faith that the God who worked in unexpected and wonderful ways in ages past has not deserted us; hope and prayer, because we have to have the courage to express our inabilities, our own sinfulness, and our own confidence in the promise. There is a natural concern in our societies today for new mem-bership, and we could be discouraged by a naive understanding of fruitfulness. Looking again at Psalm 1, we note that the tree by the running water does not clone or multiply itself. It ~inks even deeper roots into the fertile ground so that its own integrity is more secure--reminding us that the quality of our religious lives depends on us and that we have control over it in ways in which we cannot control the number of members. There is a clear hunger among us for a greater understanding of contemplation and its fundamental place in our own spiritual lives. In our common discernment in Louisville in 1989, it was identified as one of the most important Of the transformative ele-ments which would lead us to the next century. Last year it was the theme for the LCWR assembly in Albuquerque. There are voices which, without entering into our processes and our prayer, would criticize our direction. We cannot mistrust the movement of the Spirit which we leaders, numbering one thousand, experience. The quality of our religious lives depends on us, and we have control over it in ways in which we cannot control the number of members. Noventber-Decentber 1992 809 Hennessy ¯ ffourneying Togetber in Faith We must challenge ourselves and those we serve to form new communities of women and men, confessing their dependence on God's initiative and joyously reflecting God's beauty and wis-dom. This is a gotd ~hat clearly re.sponds to the creativity of Yahweh throughout our sacred history. In Louisville we identified the first three transformative elements as calls to prophetic wit- .ness, contemplation, and a clear Option fo.r the poor. Can we have go.tten closer to covenant theology? Reconsidering the advice of Gamaliel, we must be convinced that, if our "purpose or activity is human in origin, it wil! destroy itself." If, on the other hafid, it comes from God, "people will not be able to destroy it without fighting God." The Bdok of Exodus reflects our journey. It is a wonde.rful source for meditation. We read of high aspirations of fidelity and great sinfulness in cowardice and betrayal. I began this address with a quotation from Forsyth about a character tempted to reg,ress into the past. Do we not see this same confused longing among the Israelites? Do we not identify with Moses and Myriam? After all they have done to free the people from Egypt, in a short time, we are told, these same peopl.e "grumbled against Misses and Aaron" and said to them, "Would that we had died . . . in the land of Egypt, as we sat by our fleshpots and ate our fill of bread! Bu.t you had to lead us into the desert to make the wl~ole community die of famine" (Ex ~6:2-3). Over and over, lived experience depicted in literature, both sacred and secu!ar, reflects perennial wisdom that we can never go home a.gain. Sefin Sammon FMS, in his presidential address at the CMSM assembly in San Antonio last August, reflected the reac-tions of people in the midst of major periods of transition. Certain!y one of these is to deny there is change going on. Another is to blame the leader, as the Israelites did. I am quite confident that the vast majority of the communities of women and'men religious in the United States have maturely and prayer-fully addressed the impact of the changes in society on our con-secrated lives. I am sure we have made mistakes and are willing to admit them, but I feel that overall we have been on target. While it is natural that some members within our communities have not welcomed the changes necessitated by a changed society, we have also had to expend a lot of energy defending ourselves from crit-icisms from outside our commu.nities, from people who have not walked in our 'moccasins. This is unfortunate, and we may need to 810 Review for Religious be very careful that we do not neglect that prophetic leadership which the vast majority of our members has called us to give. We are called to let the individual founding charisms which brought our communities into existence shine brightly in a transformed society. I have been privileged for the last four years to serve in a leadership position in CMSM. This has brought me into close contact with the men and women leading both our conferences. I trust my experience. I have observed firsthand how mature and faith-filled women and men can come together to listen, to respect, to collaborate, and to grow in love. Together we have learned and we continue to learn about prayer, about witness, about the poor, about the environment, and about striving for peace based on justice. Many in this room were gathered in Louisville three years ago and experienced our solidarity about our future. Why should we doubt that God is leading us? Theologians have consistently identified the sensus fidelium, the prayerful and thoughtful experience of good Christians, as one of the focal points for determining the will of God. Let us trust our own experience and continue to move forward. Certainly, we can be misled at times individually and even collectively, but we do not seek easy answers. Jesus reserves his harshest criticism for those with easy answers. He does not always question their sincerity, although sometimes he does, but he reminds them that God is continually pouring forth new wisdom. The Pharisees were not bad people, but they were terrified of change. Their monolithic understanding, as devout as it may have been, did not allow God to continue to bring forth the new, to pour new wine into new wineskins. The desire to go back to Egypt may have been attractive in the midst of uncertainty, but was it faithful to the call? Almost twenty years ago Thomas E. Clarke SJ, the philoso-pher and writer, collected a series of his essays into a book enti-tled New Pentecost or New Passion? The Direction of Religious Life Today (Paulist, 1973). In the foreword he said: How are we to disengage Christian faith from the time-bound cultural expressions and vehicles of the past without the loss of integrity? That is indeed the question at the heart of the anguish, tensions, and polarizations character-istic of a period which has turned out to be as much a new Passion as a new Pentecost. No group in the church has November-December 1992 811 Hennessy ¯ Journeying Together in Faith had to deal with the question with greater seriousness than members of religious communities and particularly of American communities of religious women. In my opinion, these last represent the cutting edge of renewal and have yielded in the past several years the most courageous and intelligent leadership which we have in the church today. Our living God not only inspires and challenges us to seek faith-ful, even if difficult, answers. God also calls us to responsibility. The third and final theme from our covenant theology that I wish to note, although I have referred to it already, is that there is a promise of a future of peace, based on love and justice; this pledge is faithful and immutable. The German theology of hope of the 1950s and 60s (names like Moltmann, Pannenberg, and Metz come to mind) found its way, with some permutations, into a Latin American theology of liberation closer to our own time. In my recent visit to Peru, I was struck once again how these peo-ple are really hope-filled. It seems to me that the word esperanza appears in practically every hymn and popular song. That hope is not just for a better Peru or even for a mundo mejor, a better world; it is a deeply religious belief in a better life which will never end. The promise to Abram and Sarai that they would be led to "a land that I will show you" (Gn 12:1) is at the very heart of the pil-grim spirituality of the people of Israel and is their reason to hope. If God is faithful, so must Yahweh's people be. "Keep all the commandments, then, which I enjoin on you today, that you may be strong enough to enter in and take possession of the land into which you are crossing, and that you may have long life on the land which the Lord swore to your fathers [and mothers] he would give to them and their descendants, a land flowing with milk and honey" (Dt 11:8-9). Psalm 135 exhorts us to keep the faith, to have hope "because the covenant fidelity," the hesed of Yahweh, "endures forever." In a properly understood theology of hope, as in liberation theology, our expectation is neither passive nor blind. The prophets used many words and much energy reminding the peo-ple that they also were responsible for bringing about a better world through their industry and ingenuity. Jesus, too, stresses the personal responsibility of each of his followers to bring about a world in which the hungry are fed, the thirsty are assuaged, and the naked are clothed (see Mt 25). Nearly thirty years have passed since Martin Luther King Jr.'s 812 Reviem for Religious prophetic words resounded from the steps of the Lincoln Memorial. Reflecting on the covenant promises expressed in the United States Constitution, that prophet reminded the pilgrims who marched on Washington that the reality had not yet come close to the vision set forth in the Constitution. King reminded the world that even the freedom associated with the name Abraham Lincoln was not yet realized for all races. Coming from the shadow of the massive likeness of Lincoln, King's words wafted like a liberating breeze across the mall on that warm August day in 1963. The phrase still echoes in my memory: "Now is the time . . . now is the time." In a properly understood theology of hope, prophetic leaders remind the people of the orig-inal covenant. They do not ignore the chasm that exists between the promise and the reality. They are neither shy in telling the story of the way things could be, nor unrealistic about the way things are. And because they are people of hope, they proclaim confidently and continu-ously, "Now is the time., now is the time." It is my conviction that those of us in roles of religious lead-ership are obligated to reflect upon the instrumental position we play in the realization of the promise. We must, first of all, rec-ognize our own absolute dependence on God, and therefore we must spend significant time in prayer. Without such prayer we take ourselves all too seriously. Prayer becomes especially neces-sary, it would seem, when conflicts and misunderstandings arise within our communities or in the broader sphere of the church, of which we are both members and leaders. At those times par-ticularly, the promise must be our consolation. We are each called upon to bring our talents, our insights, our faith, our ingenuity, and our industry to bear in order to assure that we are faithful to the Gospel of Jesus and the original inspirations of our founders and foundresses. Our continuing call is to discern the signs of our times. While I have emphasized that reverting to the past is not an option for people of the promise, we need to study those aspects of covenant theology which are our greatest challenges today. We must not be blind to the fact that our proven North American We have been called to a community in baptism; we are saved as a community. November-December 1992 813 Hennessy ¯ Journeying Together in Faitls individualism creates real problems for the communitarian empha-sis in salvation history. We have been called to a community in baptism; we are saved as a community. Our founders and foundresses called us to community. While we cannot return to a time which canonized uniformity and called it unity, we have a key role to play in our church and in the world; we need to witness to the transcendent value of unity in heart and mind witnessed pub-licly. Our various founders and foundresses had different inten-tions in this area, and so a monolithic understanding of community is inappropriate and indeed impossible. However, when the affinity of our members with one another is so loose that true community is more in the imagination than in reality, we might have missed the mark. I indeed believe that in this area very necessary self-critiques are taking place within our houses. What do we mean by common prayer, common life, and so forth? It is appropriate that the examinations be internal since we seek the original inspirations and intentions of our various founders and foundresses. I am certain that the call to real community is an essential part of the covenant between God and ourselves. I believe that religious are in a privileged position for witnessing to com-munity forthrightly. It is an opportunity we cannot neglect for the sake of a world and a church in which people are crying for meaning, affiliation, and fulfillment. The Scriptures, which we call "sacred," are written expres-sions of an experience of God which is normative for us. The 'faith experience that the Scriptures report is not very different from our own. We are called to journey, to be confident people on pilgrimage. God is both initiator and fulfillment. We are called to faithfulness, exhibited in common lives of joy, love, and hope. "Now is the time., now is the time." In Memoriam David J. Hassel sJ died in Chicago, Illinois, on 26 September 1992. Father Hassel, a well-known author and contributor to this journal, recendy completed his term as a member of our advisory board. Please remember him in your prayers. 814 Review for Religious DONNA MARKHAM Communities of Hope Mtaphor is a window into the heart of human desire nd longing. It reveals the human spirit as it fuses our deepest-he!d beliefs with our lived experience. Metaphor expresses the kernel of What has been forgotten, lost in the whirlwind of our distracted lives. It holds the power to break through all that stands in the way of the proclamation of truth. Metaphor is at the center of the power of the mystic, the therapist, and the artist tO effect profound healing and change at the core of the human spirit. Because it touches the center of truth, a metaphor inter-preted always provokes change. Consequently, metaphors are often very disturbing--both to the speak.er and to the listener. A metaphor disturbs because it cannot be pursued very far without our being led to the very boundaries of what is most "sacred. It cannot be g,rasped at the level of the intellect alone--it is an empathic resonance of the spirit, an expression of what is true. like a parable, metaphor uses ordinary language to exprgss the extraordinary truth of what it.means to be human. Community, as metaphor, expresses the truth of our longing for relationship, the best expression of our humanness. Com-munity enge.nders awe and wonder as it webs together hearts in a world where individualism, separatism, and nationalism collude to keep us isolated and disempowered. Central to the birthing of an alternative world grounded in compassion and justice, com-munity threatens the prevailing culture by drawing near to and Donna Markham OP recently completed her one-year term as the Leadership Conference of Women Religious president. Her address is 8808 Cameron Street; Silver Spring, Maryland 20910. This presentation by the LCWR president (see introduction on page 806) was previously published in Origins 22, no. 14 (17 September 1992). November-December" 1992 815 Markham ¯ Communities of Hope conspiring with the transformative power of God. The presence of a community of hope disturbs and disquiets because it disrupts the social drift toward autonomy and self-sufficiency. It disturbs those of us who aspire to live it, and it unsettles the environment in which it is situated. It threatens change on every level and demonstrates that conversion and healing are, indeed, painful processes. Truly, community is a healing metaphor for a frag-mented world. It is not an option. It is an obligation essential for the survival of the planet. It is our obligation as religious women and men who have committed our lives to working for the reign of God in our world. The Prevailing Mood The most profound longings of our contemporary human spirit are variously contained in the language of critics, scholars, theologians, and poets--and those ordinary folks who are capable of verbalizing their inner pain. Repeatedly we find references to persons feeling alone and orphaned, individuals searching for meaning. Not too long ago, a 31-year-old mother of two sat with me in tears as she said, "I don't feel like I belong anywhere or to anyone. I just feel unwanted and not connected to anybody. I keep looking for things to make me feel better, but nothing is working." She went on to tell me how she had bought a high res-olution TV and a new VCR and, most recent!y, had gotten a sta-tionary bike. In spite of her new acquisitions, she continued, "I feel like I'm on the verge of dropping out, giving up. I can't sustain a lasting friendship or belong to a group for any length of time. Noth!ng lasts. The pain is horrible. I am trapped, cold and alone. I can't get out. Nothing makes sense anymore." Her expression is that of a prisoner in self-enforced solitary confinement. "I am trapped, cold and alone. I can't get out"--the deepest truth of her experience expressed in analytic metaphor. In the act of expressing her truth and in the response of someone interpreting her excruciating pain of helplessness and isolation, she begins her journey toward freedom. Similar experiences of disengaged subjectivity and alienation have often resulted in an escalation of materialism and con-sumerism-- a desperate effort to capture some solace and com-fort. In a rather disturbing commentary on contemporary experience, Robert Bellah notes that one of the most prized and 816 Review for Religious inexpendable commodities which we Americans possess is a microwave oven--the antithesis of the sacrament of the family meal (The Good Society, 93). A family's shared preparation of, par-ticipation in, and cleaning up after Sunday dinner all-too-fre-quently is replaced by each member "zapping" his or her own favorite microwave-ready food and rushing off to the next sched-uled event. Daily news commentaries unveil progressive fragmentation and self-serving separatism. Separatism, often disguised and jus-tified as American "pluralism," promotes scandalous division and destruction in every corner of our lived experience. Recently we have had our own experience with this type of heretical rational-ization and have experienced its painful effects. In an attempt to recover from the stunning and disheartening consequences of enforced and formalized division, we face with greater determi-nation our commitment to call for union and collaboration among those who are committed to justice, peace, and the common good. We know well from our own experience that the obsessive pursuit of private agendas, often driven by politics, has resulted in personal, ecclesial, and national crises of meaning and belong-ing. Repeatedly our poets, spiritual writers, ecolog.ists, sociolo-gists, and even business analysts reflect to us the dangers and numbing effects of individualism, separatism, and the disregard for unity and the good in common. Communities of Hope Entwined in these commentaries of our day is the longing for connection, meaning, and belonging. Community is the delib-erate human expression of such profound yearning for intimacy and purpose. I am convinced it is our final hope for establishing reconciling communication in a pained world. And it is our hope for the future of a religious life that finds itself immersed in an era roiled by exclusion, competition, and confrontation. Communities of hope become the bridges between islands of the spirit where compassion, friendship, and commitment to the mission of the Gospel still flourish. Vibrant communities of hope hold the power to proclaim the truth that we are profoundly interconnected with God and with ill creation. We are part of a living system which is our home. Communities of hope witness to our being embedded in the whole Noveraber-December 1992 817 Markham ¯ Communities of Hope of God's creation and, as living parts of this system, they are agents for the conversion of all those who promote fierce com-mitment to their own separate survival. What are the demands and conseq.uences of living at the heart of the metaphor? What does it mean for us, women and men reli-gious at a very precarious moment in history, to commit and entrhst 6urselves to ultimate belonging--to the creation of com-munities of hope which attest to the truthfulness of God's rela-tionship with us and with our world? This question is currently a. focus for many provincial and general chapters. It is a question which we are addressing with a degree of candor and self-critique that attests the maturity of American religious life. And it is a ~luestion we are answering by calling ourselves to no less than the profound communal transformation of con.temporary religious life. We know well that norms and lifestyles which were sufficient and effective yes.terday are painfully inadequate' to address the crises o.f today. Yet, in spite of uncertainty and the lack of clear direction, and often in the midst of misunderstanding and criticism from those upon whom we have counted, we entrust Ourselves to our faithful God and move on. We are taking the charism of religious life extremely seri-ously. We ar~ risking new ways of being communities of celebra-tion that radiate coherence and hope into society. More and more we are immersing ourselves among the marginated and most vul-nerable. In the blighted core of an inner city, a group of religious engaged in various ministries opens its home to neighbors--a place for prayer, respi.te, and hospitality--a contradiction in an environment charged with violence and suspicion. In a border town young adults and religious ~'espond to the needs of Central American refugees by establishing a center 'for illegal aliens. Theological reflection, common prayer, radical simplicity, and advocacy form the nonnegotiable basis of their communal life. Surrounded by affluent retirement communitieF, a growing enclave of destitute migrant workers is attended by wonderfully altruistic college students, religious brothers, and some commit-ted. couples who live among, pray with, and work on behalf of this neighborhood of preyiously ignored people. Such communities of hope are growing in strength and num-bers across the country. Increasingly we are embedding ourselves in uncomfortable places where we are bound to challenge the dominant norms of our church and our society. Counting on the 818 Review for Religious binding friendship of God, we are often venturing into places where many--and, indeed, where we--may not wish to go. Nevertheless, with all the metaphoric power of being part of a greater whole--a part which contains and is contained by every other part--we are conspiring in and committed to the healing and unify-ing transformation of the earth. While we have reason to be encouraged, we realize we have much to which to call ourselves and our congregations. Such a growing commitment to be communities of hope is inspired by the covenanted intentionality of God. We become more closely bound to God as we bind ourselves increasingly to God's will for mercy, justice, and peace. This binding intimacy--and the continued conversion to which it calls us--destabilizes the status quo and, consequently, is perceived as subver-sive by those who feel more at home in an environment of sepa-ratism and elitism. Such people fiercely resist the "subversion" they do not want to see. Increasingly we are embedding ourselves in uncomfortable places where we are bound to challenge the dominant norms of our church and our society. The Cost of Commitment Clearly, there are obligations which follow from taking responsibility to live at the core of metaphor. To begin with, com-munities of hope relinquish the security of the rigid constructs and protective routines that once defined community life. They are resilient and responsive to the ebb and flow of the needs of those among whom they li',;e, all the while claiming contemplative space, some time set apart. Participation in these transformative communities calls us to let go of our own accommodation to per-sonal comfort and possessions, to lay aside rugged autonomy and private agendas, in order to respond together to those needs which are most urgent. Those who live in the metaphor strive to rep-resent that which is most true. For many of us, that calls us away from what has been more comfortable. Communities of hope call us to be marginated anawim while, at the same time, being surrounded by the dominant culture. That November-December 1992 819 Markham ¯ Communities of Hope is, we are called to make a home with the dispossessed and vul-nerable in the midst of a culture that rejects them. We commit ourselves to live in the midst of prevalent social norms while maintaining a distinct identity as outsiders who refuse to be domesticated. We commit ourselves to responsible criticism of the prevailing culture, to search for and proclaim the truth of what we see and experience. We do this through the rigorous practice of a shared faith, through nondefensive and honest inter-action with those who oppose us, and through an uncompromis-ing commitment to contemplation, common prayer, and, most importantly, a reconciling compassion. Further, communities of hope hold the capacity to grieve together as they remember what has been forgotten and feel the shared pain of being outsiders. The catharsis of grieving yields to the.celebration of a faithful God who is friend and companion, who has called us together to be an organic conspiracy for the healing of our world. The inability of persons to feel and admit sadness marks a dulling adaptation to the existing state of affairs. One of the more disturbing symptoms an individual or a group can exhibit is the absence of the human emotion of sadness. Those who are unable to grieve have closed themselves to the transfor-mative power of empathic love and compassion. They have sealed themselves in smug detachment. As members of transformative communities, we must have the hope and the stamina to sustain rejection, misunderstanding, and unfair judgment--even ridicule--from the dominant major-ity. Walter Brueggemann addresses this in his Interpretation and Obedience, saying that exiles "must hold and practice faith in an empire that is deeply hostile., to our most precious social vision" (206). He continues, "The empire has a plan for the exiles: that they should be forever displaced, homeless, at risk, restless, admin-istrated (223). The empire will never understand. In the end, however, it will yield" (232). Staying Faithful Communities of hope are consistently faced with the risk of becoming sidetracked from their dynamic function of bringing forth a new way of life based on collaboration, mutuality, and respect. The dominant system will try to entice us to set aside our own agenda and replace it with its own. It will consistently and 820 Review for Religious untiringly try to seduce us into spending time and energy in reac-tion to it rather than in being about the threatening task of pro-claiming truth, justice, and compassion. It may even attempt to entrap us, freeze us out, and isolate us in the hope that we will feel just as imprisoned as that 31-year-old mother. But as long as com-munities remain faithful expressions of the human desire for heal-ing, for solidarity with the suffering and the vulnerable, and for communion with God and with creation, we will continue to agi-tate and disturb the pervasive system--and we will continue to promote its healing. The prevailing culture will attempt to undermine communi-ties of hope by coopting individual members to submit t6 a more comfortable existence, removed from the stringent demands .of proclaiming what is true and just. The dominant system cleverly realizes that solitary persons will not survive long as outsiders in its midst. They are ripe to be picked off and assimilated, thereby losing their power to convert and transform. Nowhere is the evil of the dominant system more apparent than when it works to devalue and fragment those who are bound together to work for the common good. The more hostile, intransigent, and wily the environment, the greater the need for the community to gather hope, strengthen desire, and realize vision. Leading at the Heart of Truth Good leaders have the courage to interpret the metaphor. They know that meaning is wrapped in the heart of metaphor. Leaders risk telling the truth. They realize that, left uninter-preted, the metaphor is bereft of the fullness of its power to bring about change. But the metaphor can be interpreted only from a posture of deep love. If there is any element of judgment or reprisal, the interpretation will be rejected. To prepare ourselves for the act of interpretation, we know that we must love with a passion that transforms our whole being, that is rooted in and nourished by contemplative relationship with God. We pray for a love that is so transparent and pervasive that it gives us the greatness to accept our own failings and those of our sisters and brothers, the courage to proclaim the vision of an alternative world ruled by the good in common, and the wisdom to challenge any acquiescence to the status quo. This is the foun-dation of interpretation. November-December 1992 821 Markham ¯ Communities of Hope What might interpretation entail for leaders today? It would entail: ¯ recalling the memory, the charism, and the values of the covenant; ¯ acknowledging, supporting, and celebrating deepening com-munities of hope; ¯ sharing the sorrow of the community of outsiders as they struggle to maintain integrity and unity in the face of misunder-standing, stereotyping, or ridicule; ¯ challenging those who are being tempted toward assimila-tion by the prevailing norms of individualism and materialism; ¯ asking difficult questions when the obliteration of bound-aries begins to diminish the identity of the community and moves it to compromise its prophetic purpose. It is in the honesty of the interpretive act that truth is revealed and continued conversion is realized. We who take on the respon-sibility to interpret must know that we will be called to profound experiences of inner conversion that happen only when we love the community so very deeply. In this act of interpretation, we are led with our communities to the edge of what is, simultane-ously, overwhelming and most sacred. A~ we continue to promote the coming of the reign of God in this new day, we bind ourselves in communion, united in a vision of religious life that is unafraid to live truthfully in the criticism of a dominant system, and we pray in the words of the prophet that we will continue to seek God with all our heart, with a sin-gle loyalty, with a centered hope (see Jr 29:13). 822 Review for Religious PATRICIA MCNICHOLAS The Service of Lay Associates Ordinary people can do extraordinary things. Many lay people fee! called to service of the poor and needy, but c~anfiot always find appropriate or worthwhile ways to respond to thi~ call. M.any communities of women religious have the per-so. nnel, the financial resources, and the contacts that enable var-ious forms of ministry to the poor and the disenfranchised to 6perate~ successfully. These programs are now being shared with lay people who desire to work with religious .communities in coop-erative ministry projects. Are thes~ programs, which involve the !aity in a religious co.mmunity's outreach efforts, one mor6 aspect of the movement toward formal lay association with religious communities? This aru,'cle attempts to place such efforts within the broad conte~ of the associate movement as it has developed in the United States. In the last twenty years, religious communities have set up various relational structures with groups of lay persons. T,hese are usually Enown as associate members or co-members. The groups are of special interest because, seeming to have appeared out of nowhere, they have increased in numbers at a tremendous rate. Today more than 60 percent of women's communities have an associate program and another 19 percent indicate that they are developing or are interested in developing a program? The phe-nomenon continues in spite of the lack of any clear-cut struc-tures, national organization, or official impetus. In some religious communities these groups embody their hopes for the future of religious life; for others they are a threat to that v~ry same future. Patricia McNicholas osu is completing her work on a doctorate in ministry. She c~n be addressed at 4250 Shields Road; Canfield, Ohio 44406. November-December 1992 823 McNicbolas ¯ The Service of Lay Associates Rosemary Jeffries asserts: "There is a plurality of religious life modes operative at ~he current time but none seems totally ade-quate in itself. New and emerging forms of membership suggest that one model might not be sufficient. Clearly the traditional model cannot accommodate alternative forms of membership.''2 The persons who participate in associated groups typically resemble the community of which they are a part. For example, the vast majority are older, white, middle-class, educated women-- the same description that would hold for most religious commu-nities of women. In the pastr membership in religious communities was lim-ited to vowed members only. No longer is this the case. Recent research shows that associate groups participate at different lev-els within community life and that the various programs tend to follow discernible patterns in their development and in their rela-tionship to specific religious communities. Jeffries describes five trends that are generally found in such programs: 1. The associate membership programs tend to attract persons very similar to the religious themselves. 2. Decisions and responsibility for the programs are mainly in the hands of the religious. 3. The activities of associate programs are limited, and communication with associates is generally sparse. 4. Most religious and associates currently involved in the associate programs are ambiguous about the purpose and future direction of these programs. 5. Associates are more positive about the programs than are the religious.3 In May 1989, more than 100 directors of such programs and associate members gathered at Bon Secours Spiritual center in Marriottsville, Maryland, for the first national gathering to discuss the movement. The purpose of the gathering was described as exploring "how spiritualities or charisms of the church, previ-ously identified with particular religious congregations, were being assimilated by groups of lay people who claim the identity, history, and traditions of a particular spirituality as their own.''4 Although the groups differed in the frequency with which they gathered, in the typg of commitment required, and in the kind of formation provided by the rel!gious community, what they seemed to have in common was the forming of bonds between the laypersons and the religious on the basis of the charism and 824 Review for Religious mission of the community. The persons at this assembly also emphasized the importance of spiritual growth and of the expe-rience of community. In some religious communities, associate groups have become so integrated within the community itself that they may now be considered co-members of the institute. Rose Marie Jasinski CBS and Peter Foley describe what they identify as four "generations" of associates. The first-generation associate was a person look-ing to the religious for spiritual growth. It was assumed that the religious took the leadership in the movement. In the second gen-eration, there was a growing sense that the laypersons and the religious journeyed together on this spiritual path. In the third generation, the associates were invited to participate in the com-munity life of the congregation. In the fourth and current gen-eration, associates actively participate in the mission of the congregation and may be considered co-members.5 Should all associate groups move toward the vision suggested byJasinski's schema? Conleth Overrfian seems to believe so. He thinks associate groups will be the very stimulus needed to create a future for religious institutes that are currently losing mem-bership. He calls on reiigious communities to extend member-ship to the laity. He says, "The future of religious life lies, not in some foi'm of 'non-canonical' organization, but in a vital amal-gamation of the fully vowed religious membership and an associ-ation of l~y people who would in actual fact be members of the religious institute.''6 He envisions a group of dedicated prayerful people who share the spirit of the institute and collaborate with vowed members in fulfilling the community's mission in the church.7 Out of this experience Overman sees religious institutes revitalized with a torrent of new life. This vision of religious life extends the meaning of what it means to be a religious, just as in earlier centuries the concept of being a religious was expanded from the notions of enclosed cloister to apostolic religious com-munities. Paula Gonzales SC also envisions co-membership as important for the renewal of religious communities. She main-tains that the emergence of associate/co-membership is the begin-ning i~f a marked transformation in the very identity and understanding of religious life.8 In March 1990, Region VI of the Leadership Conference of Women Religious met in Cincinnati to discuss the movement. In preparation for the meeting, the members completed a mail sur- November-December 1992 825 McNicbolas ¯ The Sei'vice of Lay Associates vey about their experiences regarding the associate movement. Doris Gott~moeller reported the results of the siar~ey and then summarized her finding in an article in Review for R~ligi~)us.9 Many questions about the movemen~ emerged. The most basic one concerned the very nature of associate groups. Are they really iaew forms of membership !n [he congregation,, or are they essentially noncanon, ic.al, lay associations connected to various religious institutes? Jeffries maintain~ that [h~ emergence of the associate movement and 6ther altei'- native forms of membership re,deals the need to reconcep-tualize religious life as a plurif6rm mod~l inclusi;ce of different ways of belonging rather than ~is one model . Possibly the more pluriform reality of contemporary reli-gious life provides an appropriate atmosphere for the growth of nonclinical forms of association.~° If these new organizations do represent a visionary refound-ing of th~ institutes and a new form of membership within the institute, what effect will such programs have on the existing corl-gregation and on its sense of ideritity? What rights do the asso-ciates have? Should associates be invited to participate in congregational events such as chapters, assemblies, and celebra-tions? Gottemoeller is clear about the need to clarify and answer these questions. Elizabeth McDonough criticizes.the popular belief that ~associates should be given rights to participate in inter-nal commuriity matters. She says: Perhaps religious ~vary of this ti'end instinctively sense the accuracy of the . . . analysis by sociologist Wittberg, who notes that the associate/co-membership t~'end is far from a contemporary i'efounding. It is me~ely t'i!pical behavior for ¯ . . groups that have no central communitai'ian identity by wbicb, they can attract others or into which they can incor-porate newcomers or from which they c~n claim the ongo-ing allegiance of or make significant demands on--those who belong.~ Her view would seem to suggest that the question is no~ just one concerning levelsof membership, but one concerning the ver~ identity of the institute itself. If associates are seen as mem-bers, then is the institute graying the boundaries that create its i.dentity and in that very process conti'ibuting to its own demise? In a re(ent issue of Human Developm6nt, Donfia Markham also raises the question of boundaries. She sa~,s that l~aders of reli- 826 Review for Religious gious institutes in this time of tremendous change need to "call the group to hope and to a bold vision for the future. They push at the boundaries of how the group has defined itself.''~2 Later in the same article, though, she notes that it can be a form of denial for a community to "make its boundaries so permeable that they no longer truly exist.''~3 Thus the nature and identity of these associational groups is the most significant one to be answered by any congregation as they form and develop associate programs. Experts in canon law also have serious questions about the move toward membership rights for associates. In a bulletin pub-lished by the Canon Law Society of America, David Hynous OP states: It is not appropriate to use the terminology of membership to designate those women and men collaborating with us in our ministries. It may very well be inspired by the sincere hope of stimulating our lay colleagues to give serious con-sideration to a lifetime commitment in religious life. But, insofar as we are discussing lay participation in the apos-tolic endeavors of religious institutes, it is misleading to use the terminology of membership,t4 He raises concerns when associates are invited to live and work with religious. These include questions regarding appropriate formation, issues surrounding celibacy, and financial concerns including hospitalization and retirement. These are serious issues around the question of membership. Gottemoeller, in her reflections, also raises the question of what kind of formation should be provided.'5 She asks, too, whether the program is intended to support the congregational members or whether it is outwardly focused, that is, intended to promote the mission of the church. She challenges the view that associate membership will be a way to ensure the continuity of congregation-sponsored ministries. Most associates seem more concerned about their personal relationship with the congrega-tion than with the future of the congregation's institutions. She states, "My impression is that very few associates are in positions of responsibility in congregational ministries, with the talent and energy to direct the ministries in the future.''~6 In addition, Jeffries notes that most associates reflect the aging patterns of their respective communities.'7 Gottemoeller concludes by not-ing that, given the nature and number of the questions about the associate relationship identified here, any conclusions about November-December 1992 827 McNicbolas ¯ The Service of Lay Associates its long-term contribution to religious life are decidedly premature. Perhaps the best stance to take is to be cautious about either overstating the potential of associate programs to redefine religious life or underestimating the power of the Spirit to use this vehicle to revitalize an age-old phe-nomenon within the church.~8 In spite of the questions raised concerning the nature of such groups, many communities are continuing to sponsor or plan for these types of associate groups within their community structure. These associate membership groups will continue to provide one way for lay people to fulfill their baptismal call to contribute to the mission of the church, namely, through cooperation with the efforts of a specific religious community. At the same time, those who participate will enable the community to expand its own con-cept of what it means to be a "member" of that specific commu-nity. The participants in associate programs will come to some understanding of the community's history and charism and will participate in the mission of the community. There is a need for continued research on this relatively new phenomenon within religious life. In the meantime many layper-sons are finding fulfillment in a variety of ministerial experiences related to the charisms and works of specific communities. If the results of the trend are positive for the religious communities that sponsor such associations, for the lay people who participate in them, and for the poor and the needy who benefit from them, this trend may well be with us for a very long time to come. Notes ~ Rosemary Jeffries RSM, "Results of the Survey on Associate Membership in Religious Life," Horizon: Journal of the National Religious Vocation Conference 16 (winter 1991): 65. 2 Ibid, p. 63. 3 Ibid, p. 74. 4 Rose Marie Jasinski CBS and Peter Foley, "Reflections on the Associate Movement in Religious Life," Occasional Papers, a publication of The Leadership Conference of Women Religious, 16 (October 1989): 7. s Ibid, p. 8. 6 Conleth Overman CP, "The Need for Religious Institutes to Develop a Strong Outreach of Lay Associates," Sisters Today 57 (February 1986): 345. 7 Ibid, p. 347. s Paula Gonz~ilez SC suggested this in an address at the First National 828 Review f~r Religious. Conferences of Associate/Co-Membership, as quoted in Karen Schwarz, "Alternative Membership in Religious Congregations," Review for Religious 50 (July/August 1991): 559. 9 Doris Gottemoeller RSM, "Looking at Associate Membership Today," Review for Religious 50 (May/June 1991): 391-393. 10 Jeffries, p. 64. 1~ Elizabeth McDonough OP, "The Past Is Prologue: Quid Agis?" Review for Religious 50 (January-February 1992): 93. The reference to Wittberg is from Patricia Wittberg SC, Creating a Future for Religious Life (New York: Paulist Press, 1991), esp. chapters 2, 3, and 4. ~2 Donna J. Markham OP, "Making Friends with the Dragon: Women's Leadership in a Time of Transformation," Human Development 12 (sum-mer 1991): 29. 13 Ibid, p. 32. ,4 David M. Hynous OP, "Associate Membership in Religious Institutes," Bulletin on Issues of Religious Law 6 (Silver Spring, Maryland: Canon Law Society of America et al., 1990): 6. is Gottemoeller, p. 393. ~6 Ibid, p. 396. 17 Jeffries, p. 65. ,8 Gottemoeller, p. 397. Signs The straws in the wind at the door of a cave were signs, of a sort, of the brush of the Spirit-- but who caught the hint the Messiah would have a crib of rough chaff in that draft, or so near it? P.C. Ghotiolo SJ November-December 1992 829 DIANA TAUFER Inculturation as Dialogue dialogue ministry During a 1991 conference, Basic Directions in Native American Ministry, Sister Genevieve Cuny asked the Pueblo Indians present, "What gifts can the church share with you?" Again and again individuals answered for their groups, "Respect." This response indicates how church ministers can make the quincentennial years of Columbus's voyages years of reparation. It is the way of inculturation, of ongoing dialogue between faith and culture, because true dialogue fosters respect in and for all participants. But too often inculturation is a monologue by the church. The word lends itself to this misinterpretation. A better word would be "interculturation," which emphasizes that real ongoing dialogue clarifies the truth in both faith and cul-ture and thus leads to the mutual transformation of both. And dialogue requires a pervading presence of church min-isters among the people. Christ's message contains, at least implicidy, the whole truth for our living as God's people. The church, how-ever, has in its humanness proclaimed it imperfecdy, espe-cially by giving it overtones of Euro-American culture. The Native American and other cultures can offer insights which point out foreign and neglected elements in church teaching. Interculturation is also a matter of justice. An old def- Diana Taufer SC drew upon her work as a docent at the Indian Pueblo Cultural Center for her reflections in this article. Her address is 1014 South George Drive; Tempe, Arizona 85218. 830 Review for Religious inition of justice is "giving each one his or her due." Christ's mes-sage is due to ~ill people in all its purity with respect for them as persons and with respect for the truth that is in them. Church history is full of examples of how missionaries of old, influenced by the limitations of the times, failed to dialogue because they did not r~spect the culture and were not really present among thd people. The quincentennial presents an opportunity for church min-isters, ordained and nonordained, to learn from the way inter-culturation did or did not happen in the past when Catholic missionaries worked fimong Native Americans. A good starting point is With the Pueblo Indians of the Southwest, 90 percent of whom are baptized Catholics. While practicing also their native religion, they have maintained their language and cul-ture better than any other group of Native Americans. As early as 1528, Spanish explorers, accompanied by Franciscan missionaries, began to make inroads into Pueblo territ6ry. The first permanent settlement in New Mexico was made in 1598, nine years befoi'e the establishment of the colony at Jamestown. The Franciscans were men of their times, and the times were the years after the Protestant Reformation and the Council of Trent when the fear of heresy permei~ted the church. A~ a result, close relationships between the friars and the Indians Were discouraged by their superiors, and the friars were advised not to learn the native language. It became Franciscan policy to shift the priests frequently from one mission to another and to send them back at times to Mexico. The' priests emphasized the differences between the indigenous religion and the Catholic faith rather than the similarities, contrary to the practice of many earlier priests in Mexico. Coercion became the order of the day. The policy for con-version, as framed by the king of Spain and announced by the friars, stated that, if the natives accepted the Catholic faith once it was explained to them, great rewards would follow. If they did not, all of them would be enslaved, which consequence would be their own fault. Those Indians who did not cooperate sufficiently. An old definition of justice is "giving each one his or her due." November-Decen~ber 1992 831 Taufer ¯ Inculturation in their own "conversion" were whipped, humiliated, and other-wise punished. When the Indians later resisted the destruction of their nativ~ religious paraphernalia, some multioffenders were hanged. Joe Savilla, who with his wife, Peggy, heads the ministry to Native Amei-icans in the Archdiocese of Santa Fe, has begun to call these latter Indians martyrs. Coercion also invaded the Indian workday. The massive churches--sandstone set in adobe mud, with huge roof beams brought from mountains many miles away--were constructed with conscripted labor from the pueblos. To make matters even more unpalatable, men were often required tO do what they con-sidered women's work, for instance, plastering walls. In addition, the Pueblo Indians were expected to support the missions with food and other necessities. The NIexican government's economic system added to these burdens by awarding to local Spaniards tribute exacted from the native peoples in the form of labor, corn, blankets, hides, and so forth. By J680 the Spanish colonials and missionaries had so alien-ated the native peoples that they revolted. When the friars refused to leave, twenty-three out of thirty-one of them were killed along with about three hundred colonists; the remainder were driven out'of the area. Father Ed Savilla, a Pueblo Indian and pastor at Tats Pueblo, calls the 1680 revolt a spiritual power struggle between the Indian spiritual leaders and the missionaries. After the Spanish returned and regained control (1692-1698), coercion eased. Nevertheless, about 1773 Father Joaqu~n de Jestis noted: The petty governor and the lieutenant have their places at the door so that people may not leave during the hour of prayer and Mass. When all are in their places,., the father takes atten-dance to see whether everyone is there . If anyone is missing, the petty governor goes to fetch him. If he is not in the pueblo., he is punished on the following Sunday. The pueblos responded to these policies by taking their native practices underground, literally in some cases because kivas were at least in part below the ground. Anthropologists like Edmund Spicer describe their present pattern of belief as compartmental-ization, the practice of two religions kept separate. Ed Savilla thinks a better term to desEribe the relationship between their two beliefs is "parallel." A Pueblo woman told me that she wor-ships the one God in two ways, but she values the Eucharist above 832 Review for Religious all else. A Taos man, who spoke at the 1992 conference on Indian spirituality in Santa Fe, described his native and Catholic beliefs as interwoven. When I questioned him further, he answered that this description, he felt, fitted the majority of his people. Joe Sando, who was raised in Jemez Pueblo and still main-tains ties with the village, summarizes the beliefs of his people in his latest book, Pueblo Nations: Eight Centuries of Pueblo Indian History (1992): Elements of Catholic ritual that have been accepted are: worship on Sundays and receiving the various sacraments, confirmation, baptism, weddings, and the native social dances of the saints' days, Christmas, and Easter. These rit-uals are now accepted as traditional Pueblo social and cul-tural patterns. When I questioned him in an interview concerning what Catholic teachings Pueblos might disagree with, he said he knew of none. Presumably he is acquainted with at least the basic Catholic doctrines since he is a graduate of the Jemez mission school. Is the Pueblo culture in any way transforming the Catholic Church in New Mexico? If the interiors of the churches are any evidence, the answer is "a little." The old church at Zuni is being decorated with life-size representations of Zuni ceremonial figures. A church or two have been painted with Indian designs and have bowls of corn meal at the feet of statues. The interiors of most of them are old European in style. If the liturgies are any evidence of Pueblo cultural influence on the church, the answer is "very little" except on major feast days. Then the statues are carried in wocession after Mass to a shrine in one of the plazas, and the dancing begins. The Mass itself, homily and all, does not incorporate Indian elements, even when the readings could be linked to Indian spirituality. On the other hand, Sister Ann Rosalia Sazbo and the Tewa choir at San Juan Pueblo have translated sung parts of the Mass into Tewa and set the words to music. The factor that seems to make the biggest difference in the amount of interculturation that has occurred is the residency or nonresidence of a priest in the pueblo. These pieces of evidence are externals only, but if they are so slight, it is unlikely that much interculturation is taking place on a deeper level. The whole church would be much richer if authentic interculturation did occur. Even a little understanding November-December 1992 833 Taufer ¯ Inculturation of the Indian belief in the interdependence of all creatures would make a big difference in the American way of living. The Pueblo Indian believes that, if you intend to kill an animal, you have to let it know why and ask for understanding. An unusual instance of this realization was thd 1980 grasshopper invasion of the Rio Grande Valley. The elders advised their people: "Talk to them, tell them to have mercy. Tell them to eat, but to remember that we have children to feed too. Ask them to go on to another place and do not make war on them." Many Pueblos used the wooden plow long after the iron plow was introduced by the Spaniards. The wooden plow was gentler to Mother Earth because it did not scar so deeply. Ironically, a headline in the 29 June 1992 i~sue of Time states: "The plow is being displaced by new technique that protects the land." Another headline reads: "By the year 2000 no-till farming will be used in 80 percent of the cropland. It will be the greatest change in agri-culture in 100.years." The Pueblo Indians strive also for harmony among them-selves. They regard a schism in the village as the worst of evil. They believe that striving for wealth, social prestige, or personal power can weaken the harmony in the village. Often persons will refuse an office until they can no longer hold out against those urging acceptance. Traditionally, personal excellence is not regarded as success. When Maria Martfnez rediscovered the lost secret of black pottery for which she became world famous, she shared it with others without asking for any compensation. One's place depends upon fulfilling communal obligations. Surely the rest of us can learn from such attitudes even if we prefer not to imitate them in detail. There is no part of their culture that I have experienced more than their practice of sharing. The Bureau of Indian Affairs tried to stamp out their practice of it because the authorities regarded it as improvident. Nevertheless, the "throw" persists to this day. I was invited to be present for one at Laguna when the family was celebrating the name days of several members. Several persons stood on the rooftop and threw food and household items to a cr6wd of two hundred or more gathered below. Another sharing custom occurs on important feast days: families invite friends and strangers into their homes for a meal as a special prayer offering in honor of the day. This custom was explained to me by a young man when he realized that it was my first time to have been 834 Revieiv for Religious extended an invitation. Later I was glad that I did not linger too long, when I learned that courtesy requires that you leave so as to make room for others to be seated. On Christmas Day a Pueblo man at the rear door of Santo Domingo Church was giving each visitor a loaf of oven bread. When I asked if I could give something in return, he suggested a donation to the church. The visitor register showed that people from all over--Canada, Mexico, the Netherlands, Switzerland, New Zealand, Morocco, and so forth--had experienced that day the Indian gift of sharing. Later that year a woman I had just met invited me to visit her home in Santa Clara Pueblo. As I was leaving, she gave me a black-on-black pot that she had made. Greatest, however, of all their gifts is the example of a life permeated by religious beliefs. At Jemez State Monument a plaque reads: "We have no word for 'religion.' We have a spiritual life that is part of us 24 hours a day; it deter-mines our relation with the natural world and our fellow man." The Pueblo Indians engaged in many struggles with the American government because of their determination to main-tain traditions essential to the practice of their beliefs. In 1924 Charles Burke, commissioner of Indian Affairs, ordered the erad-ication of some observances which he regarded as sadistic and obscene. In response the council of all the New Mexico Pueblos issued a formal declaration: "Our religion to us is sacred and is more important than anything else in life . There is no future for the race of Indians if its religion is killed." When the American government wanted to incorporate into public lands the sacred Blue Lake of Taos, the elders refused to accept all arrangements, including those reimbursing them for lost lands, until in 1971 Blue Lake was returned to them. What Joseph E. Brown says of the Native American in gen-eral can be applied to the Pueblo Indian in particular: 'We have no word for "religion." We have a spiritual life that is part of us 24 hours a day.' With the American Indian we are dealing ultimately with a quality of culture wherein action and contemplation are interrelated and integrated . It may be said that special rituals and ceremonials, as well as the routine of daily life, Novevnber-Deceraber 1992 835 Taufer ¯ Inculturation constitute meditative acts that open to the exceptional per-son at least possibilities of pure contemplation. The dance, as a form of worship, is as ancient as their legends and has roots deeply embedded in their traditions, stories, poetry, and whole way of life. Students of their way of life have been much impressed by the depth to which the dance has entered into their spirituality. The Pueblos dance for all the important com-munal needs and occasions of the year: spring planting, harvest-ing, feasts of the Catholic Church year, installation of their officials, hunting, and so forth. The very young and the very old participate by the hundreds in the most common of the dances, the Corn Dance. In times past the men in a pueblo spent a major portion of their lives in native religious duties. Such is not the case today because of changes in pueblo economy and ways of earning a liv-ing. It is virtually impossible today for a non-Pueblo person to examine their religious life closely enough to verify statements such as these. Pueblo secrecy concerning their indigenous reli-gious practices stems from two principal sources. There is a deep-rooted belief among them that "power talked about is power lost." Some of them tell how informants died soon after they had given away their power by divulging secrets to anthropologists. Secondly, resentment persists at the conduct of the church, the government, and anthropologists. Church and government tried to eradicate many Pueblo practices while anthropologists enhanced their professional reputations and finances by writing about guarded details of Pueblo life. Pueblo Nations states: "The traditional Pueblo framework still remains. However, judging from this writer's traditional upbringing, it is rapidly disintegrat-ing in the face of a new order and a new lifestyle." At the 1991 conference on Indian spirituality, a young Pueblo man suggested very tentatively that perhaps the Pueblos should open secret ceremonies to priests and sisters so that they might better understand the Pueblo people. An elderly woman, a devout Catholic, emphatically rejected this suggestion because the Pueblos would then have nothing that was just their own. At the 1992 conference Sister Jose Hobday, mindful of their reticence, urged them gently to share their gifts. Father Matthew Fox, among others, has indicated the type of dialogue, the type of interculturation, that could tak.e place between Indian cultures and the Catholic faith. Pueblo people 836 Review for Religious have told me, "He talks like an Indian." Fox advocates "panen-theism," which emphasizes that "God is in everything and every-thing is in God." He condemns the dualistic mentality that sets up a subject-object mentality leading to manipulation of other crea-tures, puts one's feelings against one's thoughts, and divides a per-son into body and soul. He prefers an approach to the universe based on the cycles of nature rather than on a "mythical state of perfection in the past." For dialogue to be truly intercul-turation, the Catho-lic Church needs to examine a number of important teach-ings in the light of Native American experience, espe-cially the role of Jesus and the mission of the church. Carl Starkloff expressed the need well: Christian Indians "seek. a deeper penetration of Christianity into areas where, because of the missionaries' lack of imagination or knowledge, the church has never gone." Jesus needs to be shown free of the overtones of Western cul-ture. That necessity has long been recognized, but much more needs to be done about it. In addition, among the Pueblo Indians, and probably others, the role of Jesus as savior meets obstacles. The traditional Pueblo view regards the hereafter as similar to life on earth and as generally independent of the good or evil a person has done in the here and now. This view seems to leave lit-tle room for repentance and reconciliation with a God who willed Christ's sacrifice on the cross. The traditional Indian sees evil as excess and imbalance for which each person answers to the com-munity. The Pueblos find it difficult to understand how the death of one person centuries ago could affect their chief obligations designed to bring food, well-being, harmony, and protection to the village. The church's mission to teach all nations puzzles many Native Americans. They believe that the Great Spirit has entrusted to For dialogue to be truly interculturation, the Catholic Church needs to examine a number of important teachings in the light of Native American experience, especially the role of Jesus and the mission of the church. Novonber-December 1992 837 Taufer ¯ Inculturation them beliefs that they are to adhere to and guard. He has done the same, they say, for other peoples because he understands their needs and environment, and so there is no point to or need for conversion. Interculturation is an ongoing process, and the quincentennial could stimulate a real dialogue between Native American culture and the Catholic faith, leading to a mutual transformation through clarifying the truth in each. It could also serve the cause of justice by giving both groups their due: respect for the persons involved and for the truth that is in them. As Max Warren has said, "Our first task in approaching another people, another culture, another religion, is to take off our shoes, for the place is holy; else . . . we may forget that God was there before our arrival." Dialogue obviously requires not only that we approach and arrive, but also that we be truly present among the people. I hear again and again from Native Americans--from Hispanics too-- that church ministers are not present among them, that we remain closed away in our convents, rectories, and offices. They regard our absence as a sign of an aloof and superior attitude. Respect for and presence among persons of another culture is essential to interculturation, whether that culture is different from our own because of race, nationality, economic level, religion, sex, or age. Bibliography Brown, Joseph Epes. The Spiritual Legacy of the American Indian. New York: Crossroad, 1982. Department of Education, U.S. Catholic Conference. Faith and Culture. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Catholic Conference, 1987. Starkloff, Carl T. The People of the Center: American Indian Religion and Christianity. New York: Paulist Press, 1974. 838 Review for Religious ALAN ALTANY Jewish-Catholic Dialogue since Vatican II Tmhe Second Vatican Council of the Roman Catholic Church arks for many people 'the .beginning of a significan~ change in the church's relati6ns with Jud.aism, a change away from excltisiveness and triumphalism to a more dialogic and apprecia-tive attitude towards Judaism as a living.and holy religious tradi-tion. From the Jewish point of view, this development has b~en seen as a beginning, but certainly not a completed process. It is the intention here not to discuss this ongoing dialogue chronologically up to the present, but to examine the nature of it, even the the-ology of it at times. It is important to emphasize how both Jews and Catholics approach the dialogue, bringing to it their own positions, and what dynamics the continuation of the dialogue will involve. From the historical record it is apparent that the Jewish peo-ple have been the victims of two millennia of persecution, oppres-sion, and capitai crime at the hands of Christians. The Jewish people know this s.tory and its trail'of wounds, but Catholics have too often ignored it; "ignorance of and negative attitudes toward the Jews permeate each on~ of us."~ As the Jewish writer Henry Siegmah has said, "Anti-Semitism from the first century to the twentieth century is a Christian creation and a Christian respon-sibility.'' 2 When one side of a dialogue has exercised political, social, and economic control over the other side for much of history, a Alan Altany is assistant professor of religious studies at Marshall University. His address is Department of Religious Studies; Marshall University; 400 Hal Greer Boulevard; Huntington, West Virginia 25755. November-DeceTnber 1992 839 Altany ¯ ffewisb-Catbolic Dialoffue buildup of trust is necessary if the dialogue is not to be taken by the minority side as a further means of control and domination. The Jewish people have had to face this problem in the context of suffering, for "no doubt the memory of Jewish suffering at the hands of the church makes it difficult for Jews to take as seriously as they should their own classical affirmation of the religious worth of Christianity.''3 One person who went a long way in developing the needed trust and love was Pope John XXIII, even though he died in 1963 before the council he had called was completed (1962-1965) and before the declaration on the Jewish religion was issued. The Jewish author Arthur Gilbert has written that "certainly no pope had communicated as clear and consistent an attitude of friend-ship toward the Jewish people and Judaism in all of history as had Pope John XXIII.''4 The very fact of dialogue can be considered an advance over earlier times, although not everyone agreed that there should be such communication or what the nature of it should be if it did occur. On the one hand there was the position of Rabbi Joseph Soloveitchik, leader of the American Orthodox Jews: "Jews need not withdraw from cooperation on social problems, but there is no value at all in theological conversation, nor, for that makter, is such conversation possible.''s The conservative Catholic theolo-gians who wanted to maintain the old triumphalism in theology were also very skeptical of dialogue, for they felt they could gain little from it, having theologically denied the living worth of Judaism. Martin Buber has spoken about a different perspective on dia-logue, each group living in the heart of its own faith while appre-ciating the other: "It behooves both you [Christians] and us to hold inviolably fast to our own true faith, that is, to our own deepest relationship to truth. It behooves both of us to show a religious respect for the true faith of the other.''6 Another prominent Jewish thinker, Abraham Heschel, has also addressed the nature of dialogue, saying that we should not seek to expose the inner mystery of our faith to the other; rather, "the supreme issue is whether we are alive or dead to the challenge and expectation of the living God.''7 The Jewish perspective is emphasized here, for the church needs to see its historical perse-cution of Jews with great honesty; "while there are notable excep-tions . . . the history of the church's persecution of Judaism and 840 Review for Religious the Jewish people is even today not part of the consciousness of the church.''8 The dynamics of the dialogue are theologically and historically unique and must be understood. For a dialogue to be authentic, its participants must know the history both of the rel.ationship between Jews and Christians and of the anti-Semitism which has afflicted that encounter. Jews involved in the dialogue tend to emphasize this history of oppression whereas Christians have been inclined to focus upon the theological aspects of the relationship. From the time of the Vatican Council II, there has been a renewed look at the history of Jewish-Christian relations. Jews have wanted to remind Christians that to know this history is a moral responsibility because "the Christian experience of salvation has., been disconnected from the peo-plehood of Israel and the fate of the community of Israel through-out the ages.''9 There has been an abyss of Christian unawareness of the lived history of the Jewish community. The dialogue has caused the question to arise whether the interpretation of the Christian Scriptures needs some revision to remove ideas that, over the centuries, led to anti-Semitism. The Patristic period is important in this discussion, "for the [church] Fathers made no effort to understand the Judaism of their age on its terms, and certainly none to recognize in the Synagogue an authentic, if non-Christian, form of biblica! religion . The old wineskins cannot suffice. The new wine, flowing in the consciousness of post-Auschwitz theologians, must seek more suitable wineskins for its ferment.''~° Isolated and oppressed, the Jewish communities through the ages have been involved in a history of tragedy that deeply influ-ences the Jewish perspective on the dialogue. Rabbi Agus reminds us that "to put one community outside the pale of humanity as being at once charged with a metaphysical sin and condemned to an inscrutable fate is to lay the groundwork for the madness of mythological anti-Semitism." ~ Rosemary Ruether says it simply: "This very suppression of Jewish history and experience from 'The supreme issue is whether we are alive or dead to the challenge and expectation of the living God.' November-December 1992 841 Altany ¯ Jewish-Catholic Dialogue Christian consciousness is tacidy genocidal. What it says, in effect, is that Jews have no further right to exist after Jesus.''~z After becoming more familiar with the realities of history, the Christians in the dialogue have been confronted with Judaism as a living religion, a heritage of faith that does not define itself within Christian ~heological thought. This is at the very heart of the Catholic-Jewish discussion, for it says that the two religions, while sharing a unique relationship, are two separate religions that need to define themselves on their own terms, not on those of the other. Christians have had the major share of clarification to do here: "Christians must be ~ble to accept the thesis that it is not necessary for Jews to have the story about Jesus in order to have a foundation of faith and a hope for salvation.'''3 This amounts to Catholics realizing tha.t "Judaism can develop an inter gral self-definition without direct reference to. Christianity, while Christianity of nec.essity must include Judaism as a reference point in its self-definition.''~4 In the past a refusal or inability to see this reality has led Christian theologians to declare Judaism an essentially dead religion, serving only as a sterile witness to Christianity. The dialogue has brought this religious exclusivism into the light of criticism where it is understood' that Judaism can define itself without reference to Christianity: "Judaism does not usually define itself in relation to Christianity at all. Ra,ther, it represents an autonomous biblical religion which has passed through many stages, of growth quite independent of Christian assumptions concerning its character.''Is The Catholic Church's official statement on relations with Judaism is included in the council's Declaration on the Relationship of the Church to Non-Christian Religions.16 The final version was weakened in content from the original draft because of pressure from conservative bishops a.nd those bishops from Arab countries who said they feared reprisals against Christians in their countries if the statement was very strongly appreciative of Judai.sm's worth and herit.age. The major watering down of the statement was the decision not to include an explicit condemnation of charging the Jews with "deicide." !t was further criticized for a lack of penitential expression of Christian respon-sibility for persecution: "In vain does one search the Declaration of Vatican II for the slightest positive sign of Christian penite.nce. Because none is present, a.n opportunity of the century was betrayed.''~7 Another deficiency is noted by Henr~ Siegman, who 842 Review for Religious writes that "the failure of the Vatican Guidelines (1975)18 to deal with the theological dimension of the Jewish relationship to the land of Israel constitutes a grievous omission.''19 Yet Rabbi Siegman does say that the two major statements from the Vatican on relations with Jews signal a new spirit of respect and compas-sion that "bracket the past decade [ca. 1965-1975] like a set of bookends,''2° with the Declaration on Non- Christian Religions (Nostra Aerate) "marking a turning point in the history of the Catholic Church and the Jewish people.''2' The Guidelines, although a full decade passed before they were issued, speak more strongly than the conciliar statement about the vitality of Judaism when they state that "the history of Judaism did not end with the destruction of Jerusalem, but rather went on to develop a religious tradition . . . rich in religious values.''z2 We return here to our real theme, that the Jewish-Catholic dialogue must revolve around the realization that each tradition is a vital religion offering a path to God for its members. This recognition is also found in the statement of the U.S. bishops on Catholic-Jewish relations, where there is an exhorta-tion that homilists and liturgists "promote among the Catholic people a genuine appreciation of the special place of the Jewish people as God's first-chosen in the history of salvation and in no way slight the honor and dignity that is theirs,m3 The French bishops had issued in 1973 their own statement putting Nostra Aerate in a developmental perspective: "The posi-tion taken b.y, the Second Vaucan Councd should be considered a beginning rather than a final.achievement.''z4 This document goes on to demand Christian acceptance of the religious identity and spirituality of Judaism: "The Jewish people must not be looked upon by Christians as a mere social and historical reality, but most of all as a religious one; not as the relic of a venerable and finished past but as a reality alive through the ages.''25 The French bish-ops also said that, "far from envisaging the disappearance of the Jewish community, the church is in search of a living bond with 1t."26 A block to such a bond in the past has been the Christian focus of its relationship with Judaism on a theological level. By Each tradition is a vital religion offering a path to God for its members. Novernber-Decentber 1992 843 Altany ¯ Jewish-Catholic Dialogue that is meant a Christian theological perspective that saw no pres-ent validity in Judaism because Jews have not accepted Jesus as the Messiah. This has been coupled with the disasterously false accu-sation of "Christ killers" and the resultant "theology of curse," in which the Jews were thought to be cursed by God throughout the ages for their refusal to accept Jesus as the Jewish Messiah. The notion ofservitusJudaeorum, of Jews being destined to suf-fer always in this era of salvation history, grew very deep roots. Christians no longer related to Jews as to authentically religious people, but to a negative legend of Jewishness that arose from the dark depths and persistence of anti-Semitism. What has the Jewish-Catholic dialogue done to transform this situation? Discussions of the relation between Jews, Christians, and covenant took place. The French bishops said that "the First Covenant was not made invalid by the Second.''27 Monika Hellwig's attitude on this issue is that "living out the implications of contemporary theology may make Christians look a great deal more like Jews, and they may discover that they are after all one tree with them, rooted in the one covenant."z8 What is the relationship between the Jewish and the Christian covenant(s)? What does "chosen people" mean? What is the rela-tion between the church and Israel? These are theological ques-tions that are beyond the scope of this discussion, but they do suggest the need for a continuation of the dialogue into the 2 1st century and for ongoing theologizing to interpret past and present positions and to develop new insights and opportunities for deeper cooperation and dialogue. Coloring all of the discussions between Catholics and Jews are, and must be, the two pivotal realities for all Jews (and in a real sense for all Christians), the Holocaust and the founding of the modern state of Israel. In the consciousness of the Jewish partic-ipants, these realities have been constant factors determining the nature and direction of the dialogue itself. The deadly irony was that, by denying the living status of Judaism and of the Jewish people as still "chosen," the Christian churches down through history contributed to the brutal "choos-ing" of the Jews for persecution. This was the background for the evil of the Holocaust. Rabbi Agus speaks of an expanded under-standing of "chosen" when he says: "It seemed that there could be only one Chosen People, and all who were not so chosen would be cast into outer darkness. Today many of us interpret 'chosen- 844 Review for Religious ness' in the sense of an example, not of an exception. The greater the number of people covenanting with the Lord, the better.''29 The ages-long Christian exclusion of the Jews from the main-stream of Christian theological understanding, in the sense of refutingJudaism's authenticity as a living religion, built the foun-dations for persecutions, for the Holocaust. The Catholic John Pawlikowski has said that "Hitler and his collaborators could never have attained the heights they did if it were not for the centuries-long tradition of anti-Semitism in Christian theology and preaching.''3° The Holocaust is at the end of an ancient and tenaciously tri-umphalistic tradition of anti- Judaism and anti-Semitism. "The Holocaust acted out the church's fantasy that the Jews were a nonpeople, that they had no place before God, and that they should have disap-peared long ago by accepting Christ.''31 The Holocaust incorporates all the acts of hostility, barbarity, and fearsome hatred that Christians have enacted against the Jews over the centuries. Without such a historical founda-tion, it is very unlikely that the Holocaust could have been carried out by the pagan Nazis. The dialogue has encouraged a radical look at the Holocaust and has encouraged the incipient efforts to seek its meaning for Jews and all peoples. Rabbi Irving Greenberg sees the Holocaust as revealing an existential division within Christianity: "The redemption and revelation of Christianity is inescapably contra-dicted by the constellation of its classic understanding of Judaism.''32 This division within the Christian theological inter-pretations could, through wisdom and compassion in the dia-logue, be critically transformed. The dreadful absurdity of the Holocaust is portrayed by Rabbi Greenberg when he says that, "were Jesus and his mother alive in Europe in the 1940s, they would have been sent to Auschwitz.''33 Generations of Jews and Christians will have the responsi-bility to reflect upon its causes and meaning, although its mean- Coloring all of the discussions between Catholics and Jews are the two pivotal realities: the Holocaust and the founding of the modern state of Israel. November-December 1992 845 /litany ¯ Jewish-Catholic Dialogue ing escapes all logical analysis. From the Catholic viewpoint, the church must keep the Holocaust in its consciousness. Gregory Baum sees it as revelation that must be incorporated into the church's own understanding of itself, an encounter that is a turn-ing point for the church's vision of itself.34 The Holocaust is coupled in Jewish awareness with the found-ing of the modern state of Israel after World War II. It was men-tioned earlier that the Vatican Guidelines were criticized for their failure to address the vital relationship between the Jewish peo-ple and the land of Israel. The importance of this failure is high-lighted when the Jewish position is made clear that Israel rose from the ashes of the death camps: "Israel's faith in the God of History demands that an unprecedented event of destruction [the Holocaust] be matched by an unprecedented act of redemption, and this has happened [the establishment of the state of Israeli.''3s In the dialogue this Jewish attachment to a particular place has reminded Christians, who may overly tend toward abstract uni-versalisms, that people live in place and time, that their religious heritages are founded and developed within history. Christians have faith in the person of Jesus, not in some neutral, impersonal force. So, too, Jews regard Israel in a very personal and commu-nal way; it is the "place" of the people of the covenant and has a crucial role in the salvation of the people. "One Jewish scholar in an. address to a Christian audience said that 'for us Jews Israel is our Jesus.'''36 Israel remains a top-priority issue in the dialogue. Each one of the issues mentioned so far, such as covenant, the Holocaust, Israel, and the church documents could have been the topic for this whole discussion. However, they have been men-tioned briefly as the necessary foundation for the main purpose, to discuss the very core of the Jewish-Catholic dialogue, which is the awareness and appreciation of one's own faith and of the reli-gious tradition and faith of the other. From here we will deal with one of the main dialogic developments that may prove to be a means of drawing Jews and Catholics (and all Christians) into more theological communication in the future and of helping Jews and Christians address in solidarity the human task of being human. The development has to do with the interpretation of redemption and eschatology, that is, the final events of salvation history. Christians have always announced that the messianic age was here, that the kingdom of God was activated and present in Christ. Review for Religious The Jews have responded by pointing out the window at the suf-fering and evil still present in the world--so how could the mes-sianic times be here? It is on this point that the Jewish-Catholic dialogue has wrestled theologically, and we can look at some of the early results of that intimate and intense grappling. The French bishops have said: "Though Jews and Christians accomplish their vocation along dissimilar lines, history shows that their paths cross incessantly. Is not the messianic time their common concern?''37 For Jews Israel has a crucial role in the mes-sianic reality of building the kingdom of God through God's ini-tiation and responsive human participation. Israel became the center of the hope for messianic fulfillment for the Jews and all peoples. Rabbi Agus says that in Jewish awareness Israel is a "part of the universal messianic vision''38 and that "in modern Israel the ~fterglow of the messianic mystique is a potent reality, and Jews the world over respond to its perennial allure . ,,39 This was the expression of an "Israel-centered eschatology [that] favored the rebuilding of a Jewish state as a further step in the fulfillment of the messianic hope for all mankind.''4° "Fulfillment has become a centering point in the dialogue.''4~ It is fascinating that, in a relationship so often stained with blood (Jewish blood) in the past, a new relationship of compassion and plain humanity is being encouraged and formed through dis-cussion of the future and through eschatological theology: "This eschatological turn [new focus on eschatology by Christians] has brought the Church closer to the Synagtgue: both Jews and Christians now yearn for the messianic days when God will tri-umph over the power of darkness.''42 Rosemary Ruether speaks of unfulfilled and fulfilled redemp-tion. This approach opens doors for dialogue, including a look by Christians at what they mean by the parousia, the second com-ing of Christ. For Christians the present age is not yet completely fulfilled messianically, and the hope remains for a future fulfill-ment at Christ's return. In his introduction to Ruether's Faith and Fratricide, Gregory Baum addresses this future hope of fulfill-ment: ". the incompleteness of present redemption. Jesus is a significant beginning, an irreversible turning point, and a promise for future fu!fillment . The early Christians had a special vocab-ulary'for speaking about the unfinished character of the present redemption: they spoke of the second coming.''43 Pinchas Lapide and Hans Kiing engaged in a Jewish-Catholic November-December 1992 847 /litany ¯ Jewish-Catholic Dialogue dialogue, and a couple of their discussions are pertinent here, as well as displaying the warmth and humor necessary for dialogue to flourish. First K~ing, the Catholic: "We would also agree with you in this decisive argument which is continually raised by Jews against the Christian message: that redemption in the sense of consummation is not yet truly present . lit is] in this sense [that] Jesus Christ . . . announced this kingdom.''44 Lapide, the Jew, later said: "You are waiting for the parousia; with you, too, the fullness of the redemption is still in the future; I await its coming, but the second coming is also a coming. If the Messiah comes and then turns out.to be Jesus of Nazareth, I would say that I do not know of any Jew in this world who would have anything against it.''4s It is significant that Jews and Catholics can agree that redemp-tion will be further realized and fulfilled in the future through the revealed and mysterious action of a saving God, as shown by their acknowledgment that "the eschatological tension has not been resolved. What may be expected in the messianic fulfillment has not yet become manifest in the world . The messianic event should be seen as lengthy, complex, unfinished, and mys-terious." 46 For the Catholic Church, theologizing in this way can open up directions for and development of a theology of, and for the purpose of, dialogue with Judaism. Such a theology can help to melt the religious exclusivity and transform triumphalism into cooperation. The Christian can remain Christian and not suc-cumb to some kind of syncretism or eclecticism, while still seeing that God graces all humanity. The old "no salvation outside the church" (extra ecclesiam nulla salus) used as a weapon for con-demning all non-Catholics becomes an historical relic that can be buried. Our age is a time of new openings for dia!ogue among religions, and people begin to see more clearly that God's love touches, all human beings: "Since the divine redemption is not finished in Jesus, except by way of anticipation, the church is not the unique vehicle of grace: room remains in world history for other ways of grace, for many religions, and in particular for the other biblical faith, for Judaism.''47 Of course, Jews do not need to be told that Judaism is a vehicle of God's grace, but it helps for Christians, too, to have this understanding. So we return here to what was stated at the beginning, that the dialogue needs to be conducted with mutual appreciation Of each 848 Review for Religious other's religion, with special emphasis given, because of the his- .torical realities, to a Christian awareness of Judaism as a living and holy religious heritage. In looking at the Church's Guidelines document, Rabbi Siegman has written that "the Guidelines are the first Catholic document on the highest level of authority that view Judaism as a rich and vital religious movement in the period following the rise of Christianity as well [that is, not only in pre- Christian, patriarchal times]."qs Then in 1985 the Vatican's Commission for Religious Relations with the Jews pub!ished a document called "The Jews and Judaism in Preaching and Catechesis," Without such awareness by Catholics that Judaism has been and continues to be a living religious tradition, there could be no dialogue at all. But a change in the negative momentum of two millennia begins as Catholicism sees that God comes to the Jews through the Jewish religion, that God does hear the prayers of the Jews. Baum has said it clearly: "God continues to operate in the Jewish people. Christians must regard the Jewish re!igion as an authentic, God-inspired, supernatural worship of the one'true God.''49 History must be remembered; Jews and Catholics must remember and must envision new possibilities. Auschwitz and hope must be permanent parts of consciousness. For just as "no Jew is likely to forget Auschwitz, . . . no Christian can afford to blot its horror from his memory, for theology, like history, has changed its character, and nothing can reverse the situation.''s° By studying the traditions of rabbinic Judaism and learning the teachings of the Jewish sages, Catholics can be enriched; they can discover this living wisdom and faith. By taking a fresh look at Jesus and by studying the Christian sages of spirituality, Jews can be enriched; they can discover this living wisdom and faith. For Christians Jesus himself is their Jewish point of contact for "Jesus the Jew thought as a Jew, loved as a Jew, . . . suffered as a Jew, and died a Jew. It is impossible to understand Jesus without under-standing his Jewish concept of God's people and of God's covenant with his people.''51 The dialogue is thus not simply a work for small groups of A theology can help melt religious exclusivity and transform triumphalism into cooperation. November-December 1992 849 Altany ¯ Jewish.-Catholic Dialogue theologians. It has become part of the religious atmosphere, a process that surely is still at an early stage of progress. Yet steadily, implicitly or explicitly, the dialogue has meaning. Rabbi Siegman has said: "Given his or her own self-understanding, the Christian cannot avoid being confronted by the persistence 6f a living, thriv-ing Judaism. That living reality poses for the Christian the ques-tion of ultimate truth, and that is what makes the dialogue necessary and compelling.''52 And the dialogue demands action, especially from Catholics as they reconceive history. How can there re.ally be dialogue if there is an absence of genuine Catholic repentanc.e? How can the dialogue continue into the future with-out moral reconciliation? "Professor [Friedrich] Heer [a Catholic] asks: 'How is this church of ours to answer, today and tomorrow and the day after, for what she has done over these two thousand years to Jesus the Jew, to his people, to mankind, and to herself?.' V~e must confess our sin; we must ask God's forgiveness and that of the world community of Israel. But we must also perform deeds of reconciliation.''53 The time is now past when the facts about persecution of Jews by Christians over the course of history, facts deeply infused in Jewish experience, can be absent from Christian conscious-ness. Any claim to ignorance of such tragedies has no more excuse. Contemporary Jewish and Catholic theologies need to be devel-oped in the burning reality and memory of the Holocaust. M1 of this means that the dialogue demands radical reformation and compassion; Jews and Catholics mus~ recognize in each other a witness to God's saving love: "To be a b!essing unto people and a light unto nations is to be Israel. Toward that vocation both Christians and Jews feel themselves called. May we be worthy of our name.''54 Notes ~ Eugene Fisher, Faith Without Prejudice (New York: Paulist Press, 1977), p. 14. "[That] the church can understand its own nature only in dia-logue with a living Judaism is literally breathtaking to one who knows the history of the dark days of suspicion and polemics" (p. 27). 2 Henry Siegman, "A Decade of Catholic-Jewish Relations: A Reassessment," Journal of Ecumenical Studies 15, no. 2 (spring 1978): 249. 3 Ibid, p. 254. 4 Arthur Gilbert, The Vatican Council and the Jews (Cleveland: Word Publishing Co., 1968), p. 85. 850 Review for Religious s lbid, p. 125. 6 Ben Zion Bokser, Judaism and the Christian Predicament (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1967), p. 377. 7 Siegman, "A Decade of Catholic-Jewish Relations," p. 246. 8 Ibid, p. 248. 9 Monika Hellwig, "From the Jesus of Story to the Christ of Dogma," in Anti-Semitism and the Foundations of Christianity, Alan T. Davies, ed. (New York: Paulist Press, 1979), p. 126. 10 Alan T. Davies, Anti-Semitism and the Christian Mind (New York: Herder & Herder, 1969), p. 90. 1~ Jean Dani~lou, Dialogue with Israel (Baltimore: Helicon, 1968), p. 121. Rabbi Jacob Agus wrote a response to the views of Dani~lou in the book. 12 Rosemary Ruether, Faith and Fratricide (New York: Seabury Press, 1974), p. 258. 13 Ibid, p. 256. ~4 John Pawlikowski, "The Contemporary Jewish-Christian Theological Dialogue Agenda," Journal of Ecumenical Studies 11, no. 4 (fall 1974): 608. "Despite their shared biblical heritage and other simi-larities, Judaism and Christianity are essentially distinct religions, each one emphasizing different but complementary aspects of our religious dimen-sion" (p. 605). is Davies, Anti-Semitism and the Christian Mind, p. 104. 16 The very phrase "non-Christian religions" gives a sense of at least implicit exclusivism. ~7 A. Roy Eckardt, Your People, My People (New York: New York Times Book Co., 1974), p. 51. 18 The council statement was issued in 1965, while "Guidelines and Suggestions for Implementing the Conciliar Declaration Nostra Aestate" (n. 4) was issued in 1975 by the Vatican Commission for Religious Relations with the Jews. 19 Siegman, "A Decade of Catholic-Jewish Relations," p. 251. 20 Henry Siegman, "An Overview of Christian-Jewish Relations," Jewish Digest 20, no. 9 (June 1976): 66. "There seems to have been no comparable developments of similar import for Christian-Jewish rela-tions during this entire decade in Protestant and Orthodox Christianity" (p. 66). 2, Ibid, p. 69. 22 Guidelines, 1975. 23 "Statement on Catholic-Jewish Relations by the U.S. National Conference of Catholic Bishops," November 1975, in Stepping Stones to FurtherJewish-Christian Relations, ed. Helga Croner (New York: Stimulus Books, 1977), p. 34. 24 Ibid, p. 60. "Statement by the French Bishops Committee for Relations with Jews," April 1973. November-December 1992 851 Altany ¯ Jewish-Catholic Dialogue 25 Ibid, p. 61. 26 Ibid, p. 64. 27 Ibid, p. 62. 28 Monika Hellwig, "Christian Theology and the Covenant of Israel," Journal of Ecumenical Studies 7, no. 1 (winter 1970): 51. 29 Dani6lou, Dialogue with lsrael, p. 113. 30 Pawlikowski, "Contemporary Jewish-Christian Agenda," p. 613. 31 Gregory Baum, "Catholic Dogma after Auschwitz," Anti-Semitism and the Foundations of Christianity, ed. Alan T. Davies (New York: Paulist Press, 1979), p. 142. "The church's negation of Jewish existence before God created symbols and produced an atmosphere in which it was pos-sible for Hitler to make the Jews a scapegoat for the ills of society, and count on much popular support for his anti-Semitic campaigns" (p. 139). 32 Irving Greenberg, "New Revelations and New Patterns in the Relationship of Judaism and Christianity," Journal of Ecumenical Studies 16, no. 2 (spring 1979): 257. "Never again should official badge or pro-fessed religious belief allow murderers to escape condemnation and excommunication or allow victims to be excluded from the circle of humanity. Surrendering religious exclusivism or triumphalism is a crucial moral step" (p. 260). 33 Ibid, p. 258. 34 Baum, "Catholic Dogma after Auschwitz," p. 141. 3s Greenberg, "New Revelations and New Patterns," p. 263. 36 Pawlikowski, "Contemporary Jewish-Christian Agenda," p. 599. 37 Croner, Stepping Stones to Further Jewish-Christian Relations, p. 65. 38 Jacob Agus, "Israel and Jewish-Christian Dialogue," Journal of Ecumenical Studies 6, no. 1 (1969): 31. 39 Ibid. 40 Ibid, p. 18. 41 Ibid. 42 Baum, in Davies, ed., Anti-Semitism and the Foundations of Christianity, p. 147. 43 Ruether, Faith and Fratricide, p. 17. ~ Hans K~ing and Pinchas Lapide, "Is Jesus a Bond or Barrier? A Jewish-Christian Dialogue," Journal of Ecumenical Studies 14, no. 3 (summer 1977): 480. 45 Ibid, p. 482. 46 Hellwig, "Christian Theology and the Covenant of Israel," pp. 49-50. 47 Baum, in Ruether, Faith and Fratricide, p. 18. "Because Christianity proclaims an unfilled messianism, the church is not the only instrument that serves the coming of the final kingdom: there is room for other vehi-cles of grace" (p. 203). 48 Siegman, "A Decade of Catholic-Jewish Relations," p. 258. 852 Review for Religious 49 Gilbert, Vatican Council and the Jews, p. 207. "Today we encounter the divinely inspired tradition of a living Judaism as a tradition, like our own, 'rich in religious value'" (Fisher, Faith Without Prejudice, p. 7). so Davies, Anti-Semitism and the Christian Mind, p. 190. Sl Friedrich Heer, "The Catholic Church and Jews Today," Midstream 17, no. 5 (May 1971): 26. s2 Siegman, "A Decade of Catholic-Jewish Relations," p. 245. s3 Eckardt, Your People, My People, p. 250. s4 Gilbert, Vatican Council and the Jews, p. 242. Crib Chiaroscuro Always, by distance of darkness, You lay far as a star away. Always, the darkness was the gentle despair of knowing You were there, Your haloed-hair glowing against brown, slatted wood, but that I could not bridge that black of my own love-lack. Then, at my midnight moment of clarity when the sky of my spirit was spun by the sweet suddenness of Your smile to a cosmic charity-~even then I could not come near it, the crib reeling with a radiance too concealing. But now, dimmer than daystar at dawn, the crib is a pale glimmer of grace obscurity framing Your face and Your purity. I touch the Intangible. Marilyn Eynon Scott November-December 1992 853 PAUL F. HARMAN The Media and the Good News Raymond Carver, the widely acclaimed short-story writer from the Northwest who died just two years ago, gave one of his stories the title "Where I'm Calling From." Let me begin these remarks about formation and the communica6ons apostolate by telling you "where I'm call-ing from." In 1984 John O'Brien SJ, who was then the commu-nication secretary in the Roman curia of the Society of Jesus, wrote a position paper on "Jesuit Formation in Social Communication." He proposed introducing a com-munications component at every stage of the Society's for-mation process and sketched this out in some detail. His proposal met with only polite interest. Talking with Jack a few years later in Rome, I felt he was disappointed that there had not been more enthusiasm. Yet when I reread his proposal recently, it was clear that many of his recom-mendations had, in fact, found their way into the Jesuit formation program in the United States. Moreover, when Father Peter-Hans Kolvenbach, the superior general of the Society of Jesus, gave his "State of the Society" address to the provincials gathered at Loyola in 1991, he was able to report that "formation in communication for all Paul E Harman SJ is the Secretary for Formation for the Jesuit Conference in the United States. This article is the substance of an address he gave in Denver on 2 August 1992 to JESCOM, an association of Jesuits and their fellow workers in communi-cations apostolates. He can be addressed at Suite 300; 1424 16th Street N.W.; Washington, D.C. 20036. 854 Review for Religious scholastics is now becoming a fairly regular occurrence." The Jesuit major superiors of Africa and Madagascar, for example, have given their approval for an integrated program of training in communication covering the whole of Jesuit formation from novi-tiate to ordination. There is no lack of very clear and specific communications from all quarters about what formation should and should not be doing. In April 1992 the pope issued the official papal response to the 1990 Synod of Bishops on priestly formation. In November 1992 the U.S. bishops are looking at the fourth edition of "The Program for Priestly Formation," the document which is nor-mative for all seminaries and religious houses of priestly forma-tion in the United States; the revisions have taken almost two ~ears of committee work and gone through several drafts. Over the past eight years I have read at least forW pastoral letters, major addresses, and Roman documents--all published in Origins--on the identity, formation, education, spirituality, and ministry of priests. And, of course, there are the more controversial writings on Jesuit formation past, present, and future: Frank Houdek's "T.h.e Road Too Often Traveled,''1 Peter McDonough's Men Astutel.y Trained,2 and Joseph Becker's The Re-Formed Jesuits, vol-ume 1.3 (The latter two works, ~hough from different perspec-tives, look back with more than a little nostalgia to an older formation program and raise questions about the 9hanges intro-duced by the Second Vatican Council and General Congregations 31 and 32 of the Society.) If eight years ago formation personnel did not rush to imPle-ment every recommendation in Jack O'Brien's position paper, it was not for any lack of interest in or commitment to the com-munications apostolate. Rather it was because then, as now, those responsible for formation--perhaps this has always been and always will be the case--were concerned about "overload." The formation period is both too long .and too short. The list of all that needs to be accomplished in the space of the formation years g~'ows and grows and grows. There are, first of all, the "basics": formation in religious life, in community,, and in the spirituality of the order or congregation; introduction to its history, its traditions, and its varied aposto-lates. 'The essential academic studies of philosophy and theology demand large amounts of time as do the study of language, history, art, science, literature, economics, and psychology. And--along November-December 1992 855 Harman ¯ The Media and the Good News the way--issues of community life, interpersonal relationships, psychosexual development, addictions, and family disorders may need to be addressed. Can we do more in formation in the years between the novi-tiate and final profession? Of course we can, and we will because the times and circumstances demand it of us. Could we do for-mation, differently, so that it is not simply a matter of adding more and more components to a process that is al~'eady very long, con-sidering that the average entrance age is 26? Perhaps. There are always efforts in that direction. After eight years of looking at formation at close range, I am more and more inclined to think that we need to put less empha-sis on formation and more emphasis on mission. In doing so, we might discover that, in formation, less is definitely more. I was in the Far East earlier this year and met some of the novices and scholastics there; they were, on the average, about the same age as our novices and scholastics (that is, late twen-ties), generous, eager, intelligent, self-posses~ed, many of them with stories that I will not easily forget (as is true of our own entering novices in the United States). I listened intently to the discussions of formation issues in Korea, Indonesia, China, Vietnam, Japan, and Singapore, but I kept asking myself the same question that I ask here in the United States: Do we expect too much of formation? In my notebook I wrote: "Enough of forma-tion! Just ~et them free to become saints and martyrs. Mother Teresa says, 'Do something beautiful for God.' Here at home the Nike ads tell us, 'Just do it!'" So that is "where I'm calling from." Having said that we should talk less about formation and more about mission, let me say something about mission and the com-munications apostolate. If someone were to ask me to list the places in the text of the Exercises from which Jesuits over the centuries have drawn par-ticular energy and motivation for their lives, one of the first texts I would point to is §106 in the first contemplation of the first day of the Second Week. In this contemplation'on the incarnation, St. Ignatius proposes that the exercitant "see" all the people on the face of the earth "in such great diversity in dress and in manner of acting. Some are white, some black; some at peace, and some 856 ~Review for Religious at war; some weeping, some laughing, some well, some sick, some coming into the world, and some dying . " Put very simply, the exercitant is invited to look at the masses, not with the dis-passionate eye of the statistician or social scientist, but with the loving gaze of the Trinity. It is almost fifty years since a special Labor Day Weekend me~ting at West Baden, Indiana, of some 200 Jesuits gathered to assess the situation of the Society vis-a-vis the social situation in the United States. Peter McDonough makes much of this 1943 assembly in his book Men Astutely Trained. Unfortunately, there was nothing like JESCOM around then, but Father Dan Lord, who knew a thing or twO about the media, spoke forcefully aboui: reaching the masses, noting in passing that the Communist party in the United States showed more zeal in this respect than did the Society. (Jesuits seemed to rely more on the "trickle down" theory--focus-ing principally on the educational apostolate.) Many religious congregations, now more than ever, are becoming aware of a mission to reach the many, the masses, as well as the few. How do religious communities--all of us, not just those in formation--take i'esponsibility for this mission? Let me concentrate on one part of the mission, naniely, the Catholic masses. The Official Catholic Directory puts the number of bap-tized Roman Catholics in flae United States at almost 60 million; we are nearly one-fourth of the total population, and we are an increasingly diverse group. It has been said that Roman Catholics are now the only major religious denomination that truly has everybody in it. Now that is a mission with some challenge! Of the 60 million Catholics, 15 millionwa fourth of the Catholic population--are "inactive." Eighteen million Catholics have not attended Mass in any given month. The level of educa-tion among U.S. Catholics has risen dramatically in the last gen-eration and is actually slightly higher than the average national statistics; but young Catholics, for the