Suchergebnisse

A survey conducted by "Centre for Socio-economic and Humanities Research" at the Kama Polytechnic Institute in the city of Naberezhnye Chelny in October 1999 represents a specific material for the analysis of age differences in the political culture within a particular area - a major industrial city of the Republic of Tatarstan.

Понятие политической культуры – одно из ключевых и относительно новых в политической науке. Несмотря на выработку ряда общепризнанных определений данного феномена, не все они могут служить инструментом адекватного исследования его содержания. Цель настоящей статьи – обосновать понимание политической культуры как особой части политического наследия, как качественной характеристики политической сферы жизни общества.

В данной статье рассматриваются функции влияния средств массовой информации на политическую жизнь Российской Федерации, аспекты которых, как полагает автор, содействуют формированию политической культуры современной России. Так же он отмечает, что СМИ, как и другие сферы общественной жизни, находятся на стыке своего развития и становления демократической гласности и независимости от властных государственных структур. Суть заключается в том, что построение правового государства и формирование политической культуры зависят как от власти, так и от самого общества, находящихся под влиянием СМИ, которое имеет своей миссией расширение политической культуры и духовного роста.

В статье исследуется граница между допустимой свободой в личных и политических действиях меровингских королев и неординарными поступками Хродехильды и Радегунды, которые привели их на мучительный путь христианского поиска утешения и прощения. Политическая культура франков допускала в VI веке активную позицию для меровингских королев в качестве супруг франкских правителей и матерей королевских наследников. Личный политический выбор Хродехильды и ее стремление к регентской власти при внуках стали причиной трагической гибели ее близких. Глубоко переживая череду драматических событий в своей жизни, Радегунда избрала монашескую стезю и крайние формы аскезы. На примерах этих королев в неоднозначных оценках трех авторов аутентичных источников (Григория Турского, Венанция Фортуната и монахини Баудонивии) были сформулированы гендерные парадоксы для проявлений крайней жестокости, насилия и самоистязания.
The article explores the boundary between the permissible freedom in the personal and political activity of the Merovingian queens and the extraordinary actions of Clothild and Radegund, which brought them on the painful path of the Christian search for consolation and absolution. The political culture of the Franks in the sixth century allowed an active position for the Merovingian queens as spouses of Frankish kings and mothers of royal heirs. The personal political choice of Queen Clothild and her desire for regency with her grandchildren led to the tragic death of relatives. Deeply experiencing the dramatic events in her life, Queen Radegund chose the monastic path and extreme forms of ascetic practices. Based on the contrasting descriptions of these queens, in the ambiguous assessments of three authors of contemporary sources (Gregory of Tours, Venantius Fortunatus and the nun Baudonivia), gender paradoxes were formulated for manifestations of extreme cruelty and violent self-aggression.

This article examines the political discourse on foreign-culture immigrants, that forms the agenda of the Danish government. The difficulties of integrating migrants increase with the influx of asylum seekers and family reunification, when the rate of their admission exceeds the rate of naturalisation (absorption) of diasporas, that Danes see as a threat to social cohesion. A "preventive" immigration policy has emerged, demonstrating significant restrictions that reduce the influx of refugees. The discourse of restrictive policy supported by the electorate determined the government's agenda based on agreements between the center-left Social Democratic Party, the center-right Liberal Party of Wenströ, and the far-right Danish National Party (DNP) with its anti-immigrant agenda. At the same time, the ruling parties, weakening the support of the extreme right-wing parties, "intercept" the provisions of the DNP programme.

Restrictions on the political agenda concern mainly foreign-culture immigrants: strict regulation of the admission of asylum seekers, granting a residence permit, family reunification, initial distribution to municipalities and resettlement of immigrant "ghettos". This is combined with the education of immigrants based on the values ​​of social cohesion, work for the welfare state, and the inclusion of immigrant children in educational institutions. The discourse also includes the issues of deportation of immigrants, including asylum seekers, who commit crimes, the detention of asylum seekers not in Denmark and the EU countries, but in third countries that the government intends to make special agreements with. Taking into account the difficulties of returning refugees to the countries of origin, even if life there has become safer, this option is considered the most optimum, and appropriate work is being carried out in this direction.

The EU leadership condemns such a policy, but in the conditions of the weakness of its immigration policy, legal collisions, as well as the weakening of the solidarity of the Union members, there is no political opportunity from the outside to forcibly adjust the Danish state policy. In other EU countries, Denmark's preventive restrictive policy can be perceived as a positive model for the reception and integration of refugees of other cultures. The Danish experience is also useful for Russia, where problems arise in working with foreign-culture diasporas. In addition, such restrictive policies are helping to strengthen mobilisation mechanisms to combat the COVID-19 pandemic.

Введение. На сегодняшний день активно обсуждается проблема соотношения политики и культуры, а также роли культуры в формировании политического сознания аудитории. Однако поставленные вопросы не получили однозначного ответа. Автор статьи предлагает рассмотреть систему культуры в призме универсальной теории систем Т. Парсонса. Цель исследования - вывести соотношение роли культуры и философии в формировании представлений индивида о мире, а также определить место научно-технического романтизма на их пересечении. Методы. Для анализа сущности классической культуры как системы, ориентированной на формирование политического сознания индивида, был выбран универсальный исследовательский инструмент – AGIL-схема Т. Парсонса. Также в работе были использованы методологические подходы ряда российских и западных исследователей, таких как М. Бунге, В. Межуев, Х. Ортега-и-Гассет и др. Анализ. В рамках исследования автор выделяет четыре функции, характерные для культуры как системы, формирующей политическое сознание: адаптации, интеграции, целеполагания, а также сохранения и фор- мирования не противоречащих уже существующим латентных образцов. Далее проводится исследование соотношения понятий «классическая культура», «традиционная культура», «массовая культура». Результаты. На основе выявленных свойств исследованных систем выделяются когнитивные методы и сущностные характеристики научно-технического романтизма как феномена, существующего на стыке философии и культуры.

The authors analyze features of a political decision to reform the governance arrangements of public institutions; Institutionalizing norms and values of a political solution; epistemological ability of the subject to see the changes taking place and understand the usefulness of the object of these changes; problem of interpretation of freedom of political decisions and the focus of the authorities to solve public problems.

The political culture of any society is supported and determined by the spiritual and moral values adopted by this particular society over the course of its historical development. We can say that general cultural values of the metaphysical order eventually transformed into socio-political values that formed the modern heterogeneous political space. The transmission of values, including political ones, takes place by means of exploiting different mechanisms by society and using different tools. Nevertheless, one of the most effective mechanisms at this time is education, which is more and more often considered by developed countries as a means of achieving their economic and political dominance in the international arena. In this aspect, education serves as a tool of "soft power" policy. It is through the expansion and spread of their education model that many countries promote their political values in economically and geopolitically important regions.

It is impossible to understand modern Islamic (especially Arab) societies without taking into account the influence of Islamism as an ideology, cultural environment, mode of action, and lifestyle. Unfortunately, Islamism in many ways has remained a "phenomenon lurking behind the surface." In this article we will focus on the analysis of some political aspects of modern Islamism, showing how Islamism behaves when in opposition (where it feels more confident) and what happens when Islamists come to power in a legitimate way. We would like to show that Islamism is not something superficial, but the deepest and most comprehensive substance of Islamic societies. Therefore, it is extremely important to distinguish between radical and moderate Islamism, relying on the latter to weaken the former, since moderate Islamism can grow to be a positive and promising part of the political spectrum of Islamic countries. We believe that it is impossible to reduce the danger of radical terrorist Islamism by force alone. We can hope that this will decline if it can be divided by moderate Islamism and make the latter more respectable, open, and involved in normal political life.

The article is devoted to ideological issues in the Turkish party system in the context of the electoral process. The authors analyze the internal content and principles of ideological platforms of the leading parties in Turkey. The formal analysis of party programs allowed to determine the value of the ideology for the functioning of the parties. Besides, analysis of the results of opinion polls conducted by the Turkish public opinion research centers revealed the functionality of ideology in the context of election campaigns. The object of the study was the ideologies of 4 major political parties of Turkey, which entered National Parliament after elections in November 2015. These are conservative Justice and Development Party, the center-left Republican People's Party, the National Movement Party, the Democratic Party of peoples. Analysis of party programs and other official documents showed that all four parties clearly define their ideological identity and political position. However, despite the clarity of such ideological identification, analysis of the last two election campaigns in Turkey revealed a trend among major parties to refuse from the traditional ideological rhetoric and to practice populist methods of voters attracting. The paper discloses the contents of the political stratification of Turkish society, depending on the ideological preferences of representatives of various social groups. Causative factors of ideological discourse rise are considered in the context of inter-party competition of leading political forces of the Turkish Republic. A comparative analysis shows that the Republican People's Party and the Nationalist Movement Party are both doctrinal with distinct ideological postulates that have a national base. In contrast, the Justice and Development Party, as well as the People's Democratic Party are more pragmatic and charismatic at the same time. (author's abstract)

The article presents the analysis of regional features of populist rhetoric realization as the basis of electorate mobilization. The motivational characteristics of electoral preferences are established, the strategy of populist policy in the Russian Federation is determined. The populist rhetoric defines policy as moral and ethical fight between the people and oligarchy. In electoral political space of modern Russia populism is considered in a negative connotation, it has manipulative impact on public consciousness of Russians, it forms political expectations and electoral preferences. In the analysis of regional electoral process it is necessary to consider a phenomenon of patronclient relations being a factor of electoral preferences which ensures the platform for forming the relations of domination, supremacy and subordination. In Russian electoral political space there are patriarchal, traditional, client-oriented, protest and marginal types of electoral behavior. The patriarchal (Republics of the North Caucasus, Siberia) and traditional (Saint Petersburg, Belgorod region) types create the conditions for populism use as it is easier for populists to win electorate of the senior generation which are committed to traditional values and customs. The political behavior of electorate is characterized by orientation to populist slogans of political leaders which are addressed to the axiological and emotional sphere. Expectations of the median Russian voter stipulate the tendency towards the perception of populism. The populist policy testifies to weakness of democratic institutes and deconsolidation of the public in an assessment of heuristic potential of populism. Populism in modern Russia is not articulated yet, and it does not represent complete ideology or the developed type of subjectivity. This phenomenon is often identified with the national will.