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The italo-American journalist, Luigi Barzini, expressed a common opinion about Germany by calling it a Protean country. He was referring to Proteus, the prophetic old man of the sea who would reveal the shape of things to come only when he was tied down. But he could not be pinned down easily; he continued to change - into a roaring lion or a harmless sheep, a slippery serpent or a charging bull. .

In this paper I argue that if we are to make sense of why punishment practices differ between jurisdictions, then we should focus on the political cultures that shape penal practices. Political culture is conceived of here as a 'practical consciousness' (Williams 1964), made up of implicit and express cultural values and political commitments. Political culture informs how governments understand society and their role within it, and permeate decisions about how they should best respond to the problems of crime, punishment and social order. By grasping these differences in the politics of punishment, we can better illuminate the local and contingent forces that are fundamental in shaping differences in cross-national penality.

The scope of my project is ambitious, probably excessively so. I would like to identify those elements of memory that impinge upon the political culture both of the elites and of the citizens and exercise an impact on (the construction of) the institutions. Memories of past political occurrences which according to the interpretation by specific and significant social groups (and/or influential elites) are defined extremely important and dramatic significantly contribute to the shaping of political culture, opening and/or foreclosing alternative paths to change. My initial hypothesis is those interpretations are especially significant when they refer to dramatic events whose recurrence must be prevented. In a way, they may be structured as warning memories or negative memories. My intervening hypothesis is that, when there are several carriers of different memories who try to affect institutional change, it is more likely that the winners will be those who promise change, perhaps, a limited amount of change, with respect to the past. My concluding hypothesis is that, nevertheless, even defeated memories will maintain a presence in the political culture at large or of some specific groups, provided they are enshrined in a political organization.

This essay introduces a special issue: "Ancient Rome in English Political Culture, ca. 1570–1660," ed. Paulina Kewes, Huntington Library Quarterly 83, no. 3 (2020).

This research study is aimed at investigating 1) the relationship between Thai youth leaders' levels of knowledge and understanding of democracy, of attitudes toward democracy and of the political behaviors, and 2) how their backgrounds and political culture would influence their level of political participation in the future. The participants in this study consisted of 1,064 members of the National Youth Council, and included representatives from all 76 provinces of Thailand. The result is that the majority of the participants had a) a high level of knowledge and understanding of democracy, b) a medium level of democratic political behaviors and culture, and c) a high level of interest in participating in politics in the future. การศึกษาวิจัยเรื่อง "ปัจจัยภูมิหลัง วัฒนธรรมทางการเมือง และการมีส่วนร่วมทางการเมืองของผู้นำเยาวชนไทย" มีวัตถุประสงค์สำคัญคือ การศึกษาความสัมพันธ์ระหว่างระดับความรู้ความเข้าใจต่อระบอบประชาธิปไตย ระดับทัศนคติทางการเมืองแบบประชาธิปไตย และพฤติกรรมทางการเมืองของผู้นำเยาวชนไทยและการศึกษาปัจจัยภูมิหลังและวัฒนธรรมทางการเมืองที่มีผลต่อการมีส่วนร่วมทางการเมืองของผู้นำเยาวชนไทย โดยศึกษาจากกรรมการสภาเด็กและเยาวชนแห่งชาติจาก 76 จังหวัดทั่วประเทศ จำนวน 1,064 คน ผลการวิจัยปรากฏดังนี้ ผู้นำเยาวชนไทยส่วนใหญ่มีความรู้ความเข้าใจต่อระบอบประชาธิปไตยและมีทัศนคติทางการเมืองแบบประชาธิปไตยในระดับสูง มีพฤติกรรมทางการเมืองและวัฒนธรรมทางการเมืองแบบประชาธิปไตยในระดับปานกลาง และผู้นำเยาวชนไทยส่วนใหญ่สนใจที่จะมีบทบาททางการเมืองในอนาคตในระดับสูง

This paper describes political culture of university students by using empirical data from quantitative research conducted in 2004. The research was part of a scientific-research project Youth and European Integration Processes, Institute for Social Research in Zagreb. The basic sample (N=2000) consisted of high-school students, employed, unemployed and university students. The subsample of university students (N=446) and a control group (N=532) were extracted from the basic sample of youth representatives. The control group comprised high school students, employed and unemployed young people. The political culture of university students is described using the indicators of political culture that were derived from Almond and Verba's theoretical framework: interest in formal politics, support for democratic values and attitudes and trust in institutions. The analysis indicates that university students, compared to other youth (high school students, employed and unemployed), have more interest in politics, their acceptance of democratic values and attitudes is higher, but they lack trust in institutions. These findings indicate that the political culture of university students in Croatia, compared to that of other youth, has greater potential to contribute to democratic processes. (IN CROATIAN: Rad se bavi političkom kulturom studenata. Analizirani su empirijski podaci dobiveni u kvantitativnom istraživanju provedenom 2004. godine u sklopu znanstveno-istraživačkog projekta Mladi i europski integracijski procesi Instituta za društvena istraživanja. Studenti (N=446) su izdvojeni iz osnovnog uzorka mladih (N=2000) te su uspoređeni sa slučajno izdvojenom kontrolnom grupom mladih (N=532). Kontrolna grupa mladih sastoji se od srednjoškolaca, zaposlenih te nezaposlenih. Politička kultura studenata opisana je indikatorima izvedenima iz teorijskog okvira Almoda i Verbe: interes za formalnu politiku, potpora demokratskim vrijednostima i stavovima te razina povjerenja u institucije. Analizom je utvrđeno da studenti, u odnosu na ostale kategorije mladih, pokazuju veći interes za politiku, u većoj mjeri prihvaćaju demokratske vrijednosti i stavove, no nedostaje im povjerenja u institucije. Ovi nalazi indiciraju da politička kultura studenata u odnosu na onu ostalih mladih ljudi, ima veći potencijal za doprinos demokratskim procesima.)

The Coronavirus pandemic and its resultant effects on public health facilities have ignited the 'Abandoned Projects War'. Apparently, many infrastructural projects across all sectors of the economy (ie. health, education, transportation, trade, etc) have been left uncompleted by successive governments for reasons best known to them. In many African countries and for that matter Ghana, desire for development projects such as schools, hospitals and clinics, affordable housing, markets, bus terminal, road construction, drainage systems are very popular among politicians for vote before every election. Voters' desire for evidence based projects before every election motivates politicians to make enormous campaign promises. Hitherto, lots of countries in Africa are littered with abandoned projects that are in mid construction which are critical for the social economic progress of the country. In Ghana, it is estimated that one-third of developmental projects started are never completed, consuming nearly one-fifth of all local government investment. This research proposes that projects abandoned in Ghana can be attributed to the political system of governance where election is a zero-sum game. This research finds scientific evidence in consistent with the assumption of the problem, an actions that has become a political culture in Ghana. To improved government project completions in Ghana will be to reinforce a National development agenda that goes beyond political lines, and a complete overhaul of the political system of governance. It is time for our leaders to do what is right and not what pleases voters.

The thesis explores the meaning and function of tears in Roman political culture during the Republic and the Early Empire in various historical settings: mourning, the law court, and in different political contexts where power, authority, and subjection were expressed or exercised. This is carried through by reading representations of weeping in Greek and Latin literary works in different genres, written by different authors. The study demonstrates that while tears and weeping were a common occurrence in Roman politics, the appropriateness and meaning of tears varied by literary context and variables in the historical context (like status, gender, and communicative context). The study also discusses the question of change over and time and argues that the advent of the Emperor impacted weeping and that both an increased appreciation of tears as well as self-control were available as responses for the elite.

This study investigates the extent to which forms of prosocial behaviour and values of social responsibility are related to various domains of political culture among Australian youth. Using data from a survey of 1311 senior secondary students from the ACT and South Australia, it was found that 14 per cent had participated in one or more volunteer activities and 26 per cent scored highly on social responsibility values. Furthermore, it was found that at least one or the other of these prosocial measures was positively related to five of the six domains of political culture, the exception being the feeling of political efficacy. Students who were prosocial also manifested higher levels of political knowledge, political awareness, political activism experience, and positive attitudes towards political freedoms and towards human rights. The implications of these findings for family practices and school programs for volunteer activities and for the instilling of a sense of social responsibility are discussed.

This study investigates the extent to which forms of prosocial behaviour and values of social responsibility are related to various domains of political culture among Australian youth. Using data from a survey of 1311 senior secondary students from the ACT and South Australia, it was found that 14 per cent had participated in one or more volunteer activities and 26 per cent scored highly on social responsibility values. Furthermore, it was found that at least one or the other of these prosocial measures was positively related to five of the six domains of political culture, the exception being the feeling of political efficacy. Students who were prosocial also manifested higher levels of political knowledge, political awareness, political activism experience, and positive attitudes towards political freedoms and towards human rights. The implications of these findings for family practices and school programs for volunteer activities and for the instilling of a sense of social responsibility are discussed.

The fact of Argentina being one of the first countries to legalize gay marriage has been studied all over the world. A not-so-mentioned cause is that, according to survey data, discriminatory attitudes towards homosexual people decreased noticeable in Argentina since the restoration of democracy in 1983. The evolution of these attitudes, considered as a key indicator of the value of tolerance in any society, suggests that at least some central components of political culture may change as a product of democratic exercise and not only of economic modernization. The article also revises the attitudes towards people suffering from AIDS and people with criminal records. ; Facultad de Periodismo y Comunicación Social

Ukraine is currently experiencing its worst crisis since obtaining independence in 1991. Violent escalation in Kyiv costing dozens of lives, separatist endeavours in Crimea and instability in the eastern provinces result not only from Russia's irresponsible great-power politics, but also from an elite prioritising its own self-interest. Viktor Yanukovych's corrupt and increasingly authoritarian regime was merely the most extreme expression yet of a political culture dedicated to serving special interests with no heed to good governance. With popular hopes of meaningful political change already dashed once after the Orange Revolution, how Ukrainian politicians handle their power now and in the future will be absolutely crucial. (SWP Comments)

Nationalism represents a serious challenge for the countries in transition. It is a factor which immensely influences and shapes the transitional process in politics in all South-Eastern European countries. It represents a challenge for the post-communist countries especially for countries like the former republics of ex-Yugoslavia, since, as Robert Kaplan points out in his foreword chapter to the book Balkan Ghosts: A Journey Through History, " in the Balkans, no wars are 'local' ". [1]Societies in Europe are experiencing remarkable changes especially in politics and economy through empowerment of their democratic political and economic systems. Nationalism and nationalist attitudes are present in political cultures in countries of transition despite efforts for implementing democracy, rapid changes and modernization of societies at institutional level and social structure and despite the newly established environment of these societies. Countries in transition borrowed the so-called 'copy-paste' action, and tried the implementation of such systems without considering the specifics of countries in transition which subsequently faced the variances, inadequacy and quite often the inability for the implementation of the latter. Therefore, this paper aims to focus on political culture of transitional countries, with a specific emphasis on Kosovo, covering nationalism and the process of democratization as a very important part of its political system and its political culture.

Digitised version produced by the EUI Library and made available online in 2020.

Five years after the murder of British MP, Jo Cox, during the European Union referendum campaign in 2016, this article examines the More In Common initiative through two sites of participatory practice: on Twitter via two related hashtags–#MoreInCommon and #LoveLikeJo–and the 'More In Common' exhibition (2021–2022) at the People's History Museum in Manchester. We consider how both spaces help to organise public feeling and consider the ways in which these sites draw on Cox's identity politics and values to curate her political legacy. We identify three emergent logics through our thematic analysis of the tweets posted with the hashtags in the month following her death: connected, visual and resistant. Considering the political legacy of 'more in common' 5 years later, we then trace the movement of the campaign from the digital to the physical and assess the ways in which Cox's values are crystalized through co-created participatory artistic projects displayed in public gallery space.