Suchergebnisse

Jedno od osnovnih svojstava posebnih bezbednosnih problema, ali i zadataka kojima se oni rešavaju predstavlja složenost. U zavisnosti od osnovih obeležja složenosti posebnih bezbednosnih problema i zadataka, kao odgovora na njih, primenjuju se odgovarajuće koncepcije složenosti. Radi se o logičkoj, teoretsko-informacionoj, algoritamskoj, teoretsko-množinskoj i statističkoj koncepciji. U zavisnosti od primenjene koncepcije složenosti varira struktura procesa odlučivanja o načinu angažovanja snaga određenih za rešavanje konkretnog posebnog bezbednosnog problema, kao i ishodi tog procesa. S tim u vezi, postavlja se pitanje posledica izbora odredjenje koncepcije složenosti na proces i ishod odlučivanja u uslovima rešavanja posebnih bezbednosnih problema. Značaj odgovora na ovo pitanje je u pravilnom shvatanju koncepcija složenosti i njihovog uticaja na odlučivanje povodom rešavanja posebnih bezbednosnih problema. Odgovorom na ta pitanja olakšaće se edukacija u oblasti bezbednosnog menadžmenta s jedne strane i primena stečenih znanja u toj oblasti, s druge strane. ; One of the basic characteristics of special security problems, as well as the tasks with which they are solved is their complexity. Depending on the basic characteristics of the complexity of special security problems and tasks, as responses to them, adequate complexity concepts are implemented. This refers to logical,theoretical-information, algorithm, theoretically multiple and statistical concept. Depending on the implemented complexity concept, the structure of the decision-making process varies regarding the method of engaging the forces determined for the solving of concrete special security problem, as well as the outcomes of this process. Thus, there is the question about the consequences of the selection of certain complexity concepts for the process and outcome of decision-making in the conditions of solving special security problems. The significance of the answer to this question is in proper understanding of the concepts of complexity and their influence on the decision-making regarding solving of special security problems. The answer to this question will facilitate the education in the field of security management on the one hand and implementation of the acquired knowledge in this field, on the other hand. ; Book of papers / 4th International Conference "Crisis management days", 25 - 26 May 2011, Velika Gorica, Croatia

The theory of public choice is a major link between political science and economic science. It includes economic research into the issue of non- market decision-making i.e. the application of economic analysis to political decision-making. The champions of the theory of public choice have most confidence in the market and the market institutions. They try to explain political decision-making by means of the standards operating on the market. The public choice theory approach is based on the concept of methodological individualism and homo oeconomicus, since individuals try to promote their own interests both on the market and in politics. Theoreticians of public choice investigate voters' behaviour, the roles of politicians, political parties, and interest groups in complex democratic societies. Central for their research is the political process in which voters behave as buyers, politicians as entrepreneurs, while bureaucrats are prone to self-aggrandisement and their ambition is to boost the significance of their office. The theory of public choice emphasises the category of exchange (political exchange) and the catalectic approach to economy. (SOI : PM: S. 100)

The paper analyzes the regulation of the institute of the test procedure, especially institutes simplified procedure, as well as administrative actions to the decision in the Law on Administrative Procedure of the Republic of Srpska. Specially processed actions authorized officials in this part of the administrative procedure, which can take place to resolve the administrative matter.Thus, first, in the preamble emphasizes the importance that arranging direct solving has to conduct efficient and cost-effective administrative procedures. In the central part of the shortened institutes and special examination procedures are analyzed in detail, with particular attention paid compared institute immediate resolution of the Institute a summary procedure . In conclusion, the paper briefly discusses the work point out the basic problems and theses, and stresses the duty of officials and that when immediate resolution of protecting the rights of the parties.

The author looks into the methodological features of public choice theory. On the example of James Buchanan's contribution, he demonstrates the differences between that kind of approach (often dubbed political economy) versus welfare economics and mainstream economics. Unlike welfare economics, which tries to work out the optimal state of allocation and distribution of economic resources by using certain logical rules based on Pareto's principles, or mainstream economics, which tries to identify the improvements in observable economic categories (such as national income or investment consumption), political economy encompasses the process of collective decision-making i.e. politics. In this, the efficacy criterion is t extent of consent (consensus) in collective decisionmaking. On the example of Buchanan's and Tullock's joint contribution in the book "The Calculus of Consent", the author concludes that this paved the way for introducing a legitimate categorial mechanism for investigating the costs of political decision-making into political science. (SOI : PM: S. 88)

Nowadays, there are divided opinions in Bosnia and Herzegovina when it comes to further mandate of the OHR and the institution of the High Representative. However, the e nd of the mandate of the High Representative is realistically expected in the near future. The need to abolish the office of the OHR and the institution of the High Representative has been mentioned increasingly in Bosnia and Herzegovina, especially in the Republic of Srpska. The reasons for the abolition of the function of the High Representative are different between the entities in Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as among its constitutive peoples. The authority of the High Representative has been increasingly questioned.It is on that basis that questions arise more frequently whether his (High Representative) legal acts will be valid, in particular individual decisions, such as deprivation of certain rights to citizens, the right to work, political action and passive right to vote. Representatives of the international community are worried that the interested domestic political circles could set a thesis (and be successful at it) that all acts of the High Representative will cease to apply at the moment when Annex X of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina is ended.A number of imposed laws not yet adopted by the local legislator himself, in the event of cancellation, would actually return BiH to the original competences under the Constitution BiH, as the legal consequence. The institution of the High Representative was set up by Annex X (Agreement on Civilian Implementation of the Peaceful Solution) of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina.Simultaneously, bearing in mind these facts, legally speaking, Bosnia and Herzegovina can not be classified into any known form of international dependence, however, the objective situation is such that Bosnia and Herzegovina with the powers vested in the High Representative and the actions that he is taking, can be considered a state with a specific form of international dependence and a special form of guardianship.

L'ICTA-UAB ha participat en el projecte d'investigació europeu ENGOV, que ha redactat un document que ha estat distribuït entre els caps d'estat d'Amèrica Llatina i la Unió Europea que es van reunir a Santiago de Chile. El document crida l'atenció sobre la necessitat d'incloure de manera més efectiva les comunitats locals en la presa de decisions mediambientals en relació a les activitats extractives, com la mineria o l'agricultura industrial, que s'efectuen en els seus territoris. ; El ICTA-UAB ha participado en el proyecto de investigación europeo ENGOV que ha redactado un documento que ha sido distribuido entre los jefes de estado de América Latina y la Unión Europea que se reunieron en Santiago de Chile. El documento llama la atención sobre la necesidad de incluir de manera más efectiva las comunidades locales en la toma de decisiones medioambientales en relación a las actividades extractivas, como la minería o la agricultura industrial, que se efectúan en los sus territorios. ; The ICTA-UAB has participated in the European research project ENGOV who wrote a Policy Brief that was distributed to the Latin America and the European Union chief of States Summit held in Santiago de Chile. The document draws attention on the need to include more effectively local communities in the environmental governance of extractive activities, like mining or industrial agriculture, taking place in their territories.

Si bé les idees polítiques de Ferrater Mora no comportaren cap militància expressa, una lectura de la seva obra ens manifesta unes constants que s'expressen especialment posant l'atenció en la relació entre Europa, Espanya i Catalunya, relació que hauria de regir-se per un fort federalisme. L'article, a més, precisa la posició de Ferrater Mora respecte de la llengua catalana més enllà de l'ús que en va fer obligat per les circumstàncies ; This paper proposes that although Ferrater Mora was never militantly political, his writing reveals an enduring interest in the relationship between Europe, Spain and Catalonia and a belief that their relations should adopt a federal design. The paper also examines Ferrater Mora's opinions and feelings about the Catalan language beyond the use of it his circumstances obliged him to make

Literaturverz. S. 189 - 193

By reporting on some conflicts but not on others, and by representing conflicts they report on in particular ways, the media strongly influence the dynamics and outcomes of democratisation conflicts, and thus also shape the prospects of success of conflict parties. This paper explores the literature on media and conflict by focusing on the ways in which media frame inter-state and civil wars, institutionalised conflicts and social movements in western democracies, and conflicts in nondemocratic and democratising states. Much of the literature discusses the ways in which western media frame foreign conflicts and domestic election campaigns and policy debates, while there is considerably less focus on domestic conflicts in nonwestern settings, such as those that arise during and after transitions from nondemocratic rule. There are only limited attempts to draw parallels between the media coverage of disparate conflicts. In contrast, this study builds upon research findings in these related areas to draw lessons for empirical research of media framing of the contentious dimension of contemporary democratisation. This study concludes that the political context is the main factor that shapes the media framing of various forms of political conflict. Several dimensions of the political context matter in this respect, such as regime type, international (foreign) or domestic perspective, elite consensus or conflict, policy consensus or uncertainty, policy area, more or less institutionalised nature of the political conflict at stake, and the stage of democratisation. Also, the literature suggests that media framing strongly influences political outcomes and thus fosters or undermines democratic institutions in new democracies. .