A review of opinion polls & studies investigates the Belgian citizen's political knowledge as a function of individual & personally relevant decision making. Categories of political information include political parties, power relations, special interest groups, competency of elected officials, institutions, corporations, & policy making. While knowledge of political figures with high public profiles is strong, it is found that knowledge of political issues & less important material is lacking in general, with many citizens ignorant of basic political information. 17 Tables, 2 Graphs. Adapted from the source document.
In: Acta politica: AP ; international journal of political science ; official journal of the Dutch Political Science Association (Nederlandse Kring voor Wetenschap der Politiek), Band 17, Heft 1, S. 3-39
Policy making in the Netherlands during three post-WWII periods is examined, focusing on limits imposed by the structure of society & the intellectual climate of the time. Intellectual & political constraints in economic policy, welfare policy, physical planning, & foreign affairs are discussed. Political constraints are shifting because of changes in market assessment, planning, & coordination. An increase in consultation among government, employers organizations, & trade unions is advocated, with the government establishing macroeconomic & social guidelines. Modified HA
In: Acta politica: AP ; international journal of political science ; official journal of the Dutch Political Science Association (Nederlandse Kring voor Wetenschap der Politiek), Band 10, Heft 3, S. 341-363
THE CONCEPT OF NONDECISIONS HAS BEEN CRITICIZED IN RECENT YEARS ON A NUMBER OF POINTS. SOME OF THESE EMANATED FROM MULTIPLE, THOUGH NOT TOTALLY, EQUIVALENT, DEFINITIONS, SOME FROM ASSUMPTIONS WHICH SEEM TO BE IMPLIED BY THE CONCEPT--SUCH AS THE ASSUMPTION OF A RULING ELITE, ETC. THE CONCEPT OF NONDECISION IS REDEFINED. THIS CONCEPTUALIZATION IS LINKED WITH A MODEL OF THE POLITICAL PROCESS IN WHICH NONDECISIONS ARE ASSOCIATED WITH THE PROCESS OF AGENDA-BUILDING. A BROAD DEFINITION OF POLITICS, INCLUDING VALUE ALLOCATION BY AUTHORITIES OTHER THAN GOVERNMENT, LEADS TO A NUMBER OF RESEARCH QUESTIONS CONCERNING THE POLITICAL AGENDA, WHICH HAVE BEEN LITTLE EXPLORED UP TO NOW. NONDECISIONS CAN BE CONSIDERED AS ONE OF MANY MANIFESTATIONS OF THE 'MOBILIZATION OF BIAS' PREVALENT IN A POLITICAL SYSTEM. TO AVOID THE FALLACY OF 'INPUTISM', NONDECISION RESEARCH HAS TO BE COMPLEMENTED WITH RESEARCH ABOUT NONIMPLEMENTATION, FEEDBACK TO WANT-GENERATION, FEEDBACK TO THE MOBILIZATION OF BIAS ITSELF, & THE DIRECT GENERATION OF AGENDA-ITEMS BY THE DECISION-MAKERS THEMSELVES. MODIFIED HA.
In: Acta politica: AP ; international journal of political science ; official journal of the Dutch Political Science Association (Nederlandse Kring voor Wetenschap der Politiek), Band 9, Heft 4, S. 365-378
NEXT TO THE PARTY ELITE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY, THERE ARE SEVERAL POLICY ELITES IN THE USSR. THEY CONSIST OF OFFICIALS IN EVERY FIELD OF POLICY & HAVE THEIR BASIS OF POWER IN THE RESOURCES THAT ARE ALLOCATED IN THE GOVERNMENT BUDGET. MOST RESOURCES FLOW TO THE ECONOMY, THE SCIENTIFIC & CULTURAL SECTOR, THE MILITARY, & THE ADMINISTRATIVE APPARATUS. ELITES IN THESE SECTORS CAN BE MOST INFLUENTIAL IN THE POLICY-MAKING PROCESS. THE PARTY ELITE MAKES ALL LONG-TERM POLICY DECISIONS, IT CAN REGULATE THE RECRUITMENT OF NEW MEMBERS INTO THESE POLICY ELITES & IT CAN CALL THE ELITES TO ACCOUNT BY PERMITTING PUBLIC DISCUSSION OF POLICY DECISIONS. POLICY ELITES HAVE MORE INFLUENCE IN POLICY-MAKING WHEN THEY HAVE MORE REPRESENTATIVES IN THE POLITBURO & THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE. THEIR REPRESENTATION HAS GROWN SINCE 1953--IRREGULARLY--BUT THE PARTY ELITE STILL HAS THE MAJORITY IN THESE PARTY ORGANS. POLICY ELITES HAVE INFLUENCE AS THERE IS A CONSTANT FLOW OF THEIR MEMBERS INTO THE PARTY ELITE. THIS MAKES THE PARTY ELITE LESS COHERENT & CAUSES MORE INTERNAL DISPUTES. YET THE POLICY ELITES ARE NOT CONTENT WITH POSSIBILITIES TO INFLUENCE POLICY MAKING; THEY ARE IN OPPOSITION TO THE PARTY ELITE THAT DOES NOT WANT TO GIVE THEM MORE INFLUENCE, ESPECIALLY IN LONG-TERM POLICY DECISIONS. HA.
In: Acta politica: AP ; international journal of political science ; official journal of the Dutch Political Science Association (Nederlandse Kring voor Wetenschap der Politiek), Band 12, Heft 3, S. 378-417
The aim here is to understand better the governing organizations of Us & high schools in a democratic environment. The Law for U Government Reform is studied & its model of government characterized in terms of ideal models. A small empirical research project was set up to investigate how the rules relative to departmental councils function to reach the objectives they are assigned. One must distinguish between the allotment of responsibility for making decisions on subjects that relate to the U's "output" (teaching, research, degrees) & matters that are related to the U "input." Three conceptions of authority & three models of U government must be noted: (1) the "professional" model (decisions rest with the best qualified scientific personnel), (2) the "corporate" model (every section of the U contributes to the government), & (3) the "council" model (all responsibilities are vested in the whole U). The Law for U Government Reform aims at working out the corporative model. Research must concentrate on the relationship between goals & implementation, & not on evaluating the goals set up by the Law. By & large, nonscientific personnel are represented in the councils. The student position on these councils is strong due to the absenteeism of other members. Propositions initiated by students or nonscientific personnel are a small minority of the adopted propositions. Propositions opposed by a majority of the scientific personnel present are always adopted. The main student input is found in the area of teaching goals. It is doubtful that the intended democratization of decision-making can be effectively accomplished in the framework of the departmental councils. 6 Tables, Appendix. HA Tr & Modified by A. Orianne.
Participation is more than having a voice in the decision-making process; it is having an effective influence on the decision itself. The loss of communal mandates as a consequence of the amalgamation of Belgian municipalities in 1976 has created a need to expand political participation by citizens. Comparisons between 1975 & 1982 show increased inforamtion activity in the communes, & an increase of participation councils. In comparison with other European countries, however, there is less direct citizen decision making. It is urged that communes organize participation activities & guarantee citizens the right to participate. 7 Tables. Modified HA.
The European Union affects the internal organization of national political parties. We found 'traces of Europe' in the party statutes of all Belgian parties that are represented in the European Parliament since 1999. Europe is, to a greater or lesser extent, present in party goals, rules on party membership, & party organs. Parties have elaborated rules for the organization of European elections, the selection of European executives, the formulation of party programs, & internal & external coordination of policy formulation. At first sight these rules seem to confirm the hypothesis that Europe is in the first place a concern of party leadership, & that it reinforces centralization of decision making. Yet the full confirmation of this hypothesis requires further comparative research on the Europeanization of political parties. 1 Appendix. Adapted from the source document.
In: Acta politica: AP ; international journal of political science ; official journal of the Dutch Political Science Association (Nederlandse Kring voor Wetenschap der Politiek), Band 13, Heft 1, S. 81-92
J. K. De Vree's "A Theory of Human Behaviour and of the Political Process" (see SA 26:2/78J2195) is criticized. The behavior model offered is faulted on the grounds that it is inconsistent & that it is difficult if not impossible to interpret. That the model is inconsistent is easy to see, thanks to its formal presentation. This criticism might not be very serious, due to the fact that it may be remedied through some small adjustments. The author's own interpretation of his model is not congruent with it. In particular, formulae containing variables that range over both cardinal & ordinal numbers seem impossible to interpret. It is concluded that the problems noted are due to too high a level of generality being sought. In Een reactie op De Vree's 'A Theory of Human Behaviour and of the Political Process' (A Reaction to De Vree's 'A Theory of Human Behavior and of the Political Process'), G. P. de Bruin argues that De Vree's theory is empty of empirical significance, & the theory's weakness can be traced to its mathematical axiomatic foundation. It is argued that the set theoretical concepts of ordinal & cardinal numbers have been misinterpreted, & that the whole problem of measurement in social sciences is merely 'axiomatized away'. In Een ordinale algebra en empirische theorie: een antwoord op Kritiek (An Ordinal Algebra and Empirical Theory: An Answer to Criticism), J. K. De Vree concedes that the theory is so far empty, & that the nature of its relationship to empirical data remains an unsolved problem. This is the case with all general theories & does not constitute a valid objection. It is further argued that the proposed axiomatization is nothing more than a systematization of the system of numbers & relations used in actual empirical research, & that far from axiomatizing away the measurement problem, a systematic account is given of the number system without which measurement would not be possible. A. Orianne.