Suchergebnisse

The subject of this paper concerns selected experiences of citizens from the Visegrad Group countries (Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary) participating in the process of 'direct' (that is, exercised by means of the tools of direct democracy) decision making as regards the most important matters, ranging from those related to the process of political transformation to the decision on accession to the European Union. The present considerations dwell on the experiences of Central and East European countries. ; The subject of this paper concerns selected experiences of citizens from the Visegrad Group countries (Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary) participating in the process of 'direct' (that is, exercised by means of the tools of direct democracy) decision making as regards the most important matters, ranging from those related to the process of political transformation to the decision on accession to the European Union. The present considerations dwell on the experiences of Central and East European countries.

2022 marks the 30th anniversary of the Treaty of Good Neighbourhood, Friendly Relations, and Cooperation between Poland and Ukraine. In the presented article, by applying elements of decision analysis, an attempt was made to explain the decision to conclude the Treaty. First, the decision-making centres in Poland and Ukraine, and their awareness with respect to Polish-Ukrainian relations, were presented as three separate circles: public opinion, political parties, and groups of the most important decision-makers. The decision to sign the treaty was possible thanks to the political and intellectual elites who originated in the former communist-era opposition, both in Poland and Ukraine. Those elites convinced the governing circles to accept their conception of foreign policy. In Poland, this was all the easier because people originating directly from those elites formed part of the decision-making bodies. In Ukraine, however, the foreign policy conception of the dissident circles was internalised by the President. Secondly, using the game theory and assuming the rationality of decision-makers, the decision-making process was reconstructed, understood in the category of interactions between two decision-making centres. The two states aimed to conclude a treaty that would satisfy both parties. It can thus be concluded that they demonstrated a readiness to compromise during the negotiations. It can also be assumed that this readiness was slightly asymmetrical in Poland's favour. Ukraine was willing to sacrifice much more in order for the treaty to be negotiated.

Due to amalgamation of Polish and EU systems, the shape of many public policies in the country is the consequence of decisions taken within the EU – but what is more important – with participation of Poles. Complexity of the challenges ahead demands making decisions that the society shall feel are acceptable, or even proceeded with their co-authorship. Relevantly high degree of cooperation, co-decision making and shared responsibility – between executive and legislative power and non-public entities, within political decision making, is important in order to get as properly stable as possible standpoint of Poland, and for efficient implementation. Because of that, the aim of this analysis is the search for the answer to the question whether within challenges that await the EU, we may find those, that will lay especially in the field of interest of Polish non-public entities. In addition – is it justified (and to what extend) to include in such cases those entities into processes of working out standpoints of Polish officials. With such a research objective a thesis is being advanced, that in Poland awareness of EU functioning mechanisms, but also the level of inclusion of non-public entities into political decision making, is little and in face of challenges awaiting the union it is necessary to raise it.

Due to amalgamation of Polish and EU systems, the shape of many public policies in the country is the consequence of decisions taken within the EU – but what is more important – with participation of Poles. Complexity of the challenges ahead demands making decisions that the society shall feel are acceptable, or even proceeded with their co-authorship. Relevantly high degree of cooperation, co-decision making and shared responsibility – between executive and legislative power and non-public entities, within political decision making, is important in order to get as properly stable as possible standpoint of Poland, and for efficient implementation. Because of that, the aim of this analysis is the search for the answer to the question whether within challenges that await the EU, we may find those, that will lay especially in the field of interest of Polish non-public entities. In addition – is it justified (and to what extend) to include in such cases those entities into processes of working out standpoints of Polish officials. With such a research objective a thesis is being advanced, that in Poland awareness of EU functioning mechanisms, but also the level of inclusion of non-public entities into political decision making, is little and in face of challenges awaiting the union it is necessary to raise it.

The aim of the study is to draw attention to new forms of democracy that are decomposing modern parliamentarism. They break the link between the election of representative bodies (parliaments) and general elections. The introduced forms of citizen representation are based on the sampling method. It is a return to the roots of Athenian democracy and the political practice of national sovereignty. These innovative forms include deliberative democracy and participatory democracy. The most famous form of deliberative democracy are citizens' assemblies. The aim of citizens' assemblies is to develop a consensus and restore confidence in the non-party way of making political decisions. They try to solve important social and political problems. In Ireland, they led to a constitutional amendment. It was not only the media success of this new form of citizen representation. The use of the latest information and communication technologies is also reflected in contemporary parliamentarism. They contribute to the accumulation of information in the hands of the government. This increases its informal position. Against this background, the concepts of media democracy and smartphone democracy appear. These new phenomena also contribute to the decomposition of the parliamentarism of our time. ; Celem opracowania jest zwrócenie uwagi na nowe formy demokracji, które dekomponują współczesny parlamentaryzm. Rozrywają one związek pomiędzy wyłanianiem ciał przedstawicielskich (parlamentów) z wyborami powszechnymi. Wprowadzane formy reprezentacji obywateli opierają się na metodzie losowania. Jest to powrót do korzeni demokracji ateńskiej i politycznej praktyki suwerenności narodu. Do tych nowatorskich form należy zaliczyć demokrację deliberatywną i demokrację uczestniczącą. Najbardziej znaną formą demokracji deliberatywnej są panele obywatelskie. Celem paneli obywatelskich jest wypracowanie konsensusu oraz przywrócenie zaufania do pozapartyjnego sposobu podejmowania decyzji politycznych. Starają się one rozwiązywać ważne problemy społeczne i polityczne. W Irlandii doprowadziły do zmiany konstytucji. Był to, nie tylko medialny, sukces tej nowej formy reprezentacji obywateli. Stosowanie najnowszych technologii informatycznych i komunikacyjnych znajduje swoje odzwierciedlenie także we współczesnym parlamentaryzmie. Przyczyniają się one do kumulowania informacji w rękach rządu, co zwiększa jego nieformalną pozycję. Pojawiają się tu pojęcia demokracji medialnej i demokracji smartfonowej. Te nowe zjawiska przyczyniają się także do dekompozycji parlamentaryzmu naszych czasów.

The article aims at presenting basic problems of decision-making independence of an enterprise arising in connection with the present (instituted in 1982) economic reform which opened new and hitherto unknown possibilities for an enterprise to shape independently its own activity at short and long range. The considerations are laid in a historical background, helping to accentuate innovatory and progressive conceptions of the reform and to expose the facts of retaining or rejecting some solutions introduced by previous reforms. The starting point has been provided by the thesis about limied decision-making independence of an enterprise as long as the national economy functions under the conditions of socialized basic means of production and the active role of the central plan. However, the above does not settle explicitly the question of the range and types of independence; the latter may be shapd in various ways. Accepting fully an extensive, and as broad as possible, independence of an enterprise in current and developmental matters, the author carried out the detailed analysis of three main decision-making spheres: 1) the decisions concerning production and exploitation, 2) the decisions concerning supplies and sales, 3) the decisions concerning property and income. The results of the analysis are to inform the management of new opportunities and prerogatives of its decision-making activity and of the problems to be autonomically overcome and solved by means of decision-making measures. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The purpose of this article is the identification of main problems of current European debate on EU institutional reform, the extraction of basic elements of Polish concept of "intergovernmental democracy" as well as the critical analysis of two operationalized components of this concept. The main thought is based on the view that the current European debate on EU reform is not reflected in the "intergovernmental democracy" concept based on misperception and ideological approach. Theoretical background of the article is intergovernmentalism that evaluates integration processes from the perspective of member state. Requests of the state as abstractly understood should be reflected in the construction of EU institutional system, while the precondition of the existence of the appropriate system is state's carrying out activities adapted to political reality. ; Celem niniejszego artykułu jest zidentyfikowanie głównych problemów aktualnej ogólnoeuropejskiej debaty o reformie instytucjonalnej UE, wyodrębnienie podstawowych elementów polskiej koncepcji "demokracji międzyrządowej", a także dokonanie wstępnej krytycznej analizy dwóch zoperacjonalizowanych składników tej koncepcji. Główną myślą jest stwierdzenie, że prowadzona w Europie debata o reformie UE nie znajduje odzwierciedlenia w koncepcji "demokracji międzyrządowej" bazującej na mispercepcji i podejściu ideologicznym. Teoretycznym tłem artykułu jest międzyrządowość, w którym procesy integracyjne ocenia się z perspektywy państwa członkowskiego. Potrzeby abstrakcyjnie rozumianego państwa powinny znaleźć swoje odzwierciedlenie w konstrukcji systemu instytucjonalnego UE, ale warunkiem istnienia właściwego systemu jest prowadzenie przez państwa działań dostosowanych do rzeczywistości politycznej.

The aim of our discussion is to look at the socio-economic analysis. It should be assumed that this is the basic resource of various types of knowledge (policy knowledge), which - in principle - is to provide the basis for making public decisions. As a result, these decisions are to be optimal or better than those decisions that are based only on intuition, belief, etc. This is, therefore, an analysis that is to be a resource of rationalized, verifiable knowledge from reliable sources.

The aim of the publication is to present selected forecasting problems in social sciences. The article focused on the method of decision-making/simulation games that, especially with the development of game theory and computers, have increasingly been used in many fields. Using examples of decision/simulation games - Poznań International Model United Nations 2013/POZiMUN; S.E.N.S.E - and the online game EVE Online, the author recognised the importance of such exercises in an accurate prediction of the future. He drew special attention to the element of chance and confounding factors that may destabilise the process of prediction. He also raised the problem of decision-making in the context of classical and quantum logic. ; Treścią publikacji jest przedstawienie wybranych problemów prognozowania w naukach społecznych. W artykule skoncentrowano się na metodzie gier decyzyjnych/symulacyjnych, które – zwłaszcza wraz z rozwojem teorii gier oraz komputerów – są coraz częściej wykorzystywane w wielu dziedzinach. Na wybranych przykładach gier decyzyjnych/symulacyjnych – Poznań International Model United Nations 2013/POZiMUN; S.E.N.S.E. a także gry sieciowej EVE Online – wskazano jak ważne są takie ćwiczenia, by móc precyzyjniej przewidywać przyszłość. Zwrócono także szczególną uwagę na kwestię przypadku oraz czynników zakłócających, które mogą destabilizować proces przewidywania. Poruszono ponadto problem podejmowania decyzji w aspekcie klasycznej oraz kwantowej logiki.

The transformation of the political communication models in Venezuela and other Latin American states is related to the evolving political culture in this region, together with a bold use of media communication approached both as a means and a goal. Video-politics, defined as a process of the mediatization of the constructs of political reality, is becoming a key notion for the citizens and voters there. Using the public means of social communication Hugo Chávez has made the Aló, Presidente show an arena of political decision-making and a space focused on political personalism. An analysis of selected elements of the show provides detailed information on the rhetorical tools and other mechanisms of exerting influence applied by Hugo Chávez. On a macro-scale the media strategies applied in the show turn out to be instruments of consolidating the image of executive power in Venezuela. ; The transformation of the political communication models in Venezuela and other Latin American states is related to the evolving political culture in this region, together with a bold use of media communication approached both as a means and a goal. Video-politics, defined as a process of the mediatization of the constructs of political reality, is becoming a key notion for the citizens and voters there. Using the public means of social communication Hugo Chávez has made the Aló, Presidente show an arena of political decision-making and a space focused on political personalism. An analysis of selected elements of the show provides detailed information on the rhetorical tools and other mechanisms of exerting influence applied by Hugo Chávez. On a macro-scale the media strategies applied in the show turn out to be instruments of consolidating the image of executive power in Venezuela.

Współcześnie wyczerpała się statyczna formuła prowadzenia polityki lokalnej. Wydaje się, że należy coraz intensywniej włączać inne – zewnętrzne podmioty do struktur zarządczych po to, aby usprawnić i zracjonalizować proces podejmowania decyzji publicznych, co bezpośrednio przekłada się na rozwój gospodarczy danego regionu. Odpowiedzią na takie zapotrzebowanie jest koncepcja zarządzania publicznego. Grupą, która w przekonaniu autorów powinna mieć wpływ na podejmowanie decyzji publicznych w sferze gospodarczej, są niewątpliwie przedsiębiorcy. Niestety w ocenie autorów nie mają oni realnego wpływu na bieg wydarzeń na poziomie lokalnym. Powodem takiego stanu rzeczy jest m.in. brak jednolitej reprezentacji – powszechnego samorządu gospodarczego. ; Nowadays, outdated local policy-making is exhausted. It seems that we should increasingly incorporate other – external entities into the management structure in order to streamline and rationalize the process of public decision-making, which directly affects the economic development of the region. The answer to this need is the concept of public management. The group which in the opinion of the authors should have an impact on public decision-making in the economic sphere, are undoubtedly the entrepreneurs. Unfortunately, in the authors' opinion they have no real influence on the course of events at the local level. The reason for this is, among other things, the lack of (a) unified representation – common economic self-government.