Suchergebnisse

THE ROLE OF SECURITY SERVICES IN ENSURING NATIONAL SECURITY Throughout historical developments, ensuring national security is a priority for the states of the world. In the mechanism of ensuring the security of the state, the intelligence and security services, through the connotation of its meaning and attributions, have always played a primary role. This is explained by the fact that the role of intelligence and security services is not only to identify security risks, opportunities and vulnerabilities, but also to argue with the representatives of the political power the consequences of decisions they take based on the information presented by the intelligence. The information covered by these institutions is relevant in making the decisions necessary to prevent internal and external threats, as well as to promote national security interests. The Security and Intelligence Service of the Republic of Moldova has an important role in the state security bodies, representing a component of the national security system. Keywords: national security, intelligence and security services, state, national interest.

In the conservative imaginary, at least in the cases of Constantin N. Brăiloiu and Alexandru N. Lahovary, France was not deemed a functioning political model (i.e., a political or constitutional regime) that Romania should have followed. Compared with the English political model (or rather with the Anglo-Saxon one, since the reference sometimes included the United States of America) and with the Belgian regime, France was certainly a less favoured option. However, without exception and despite all discursive artifice, in the perspective of these two politicians, who were evidently Francophile, both by education and by cultural affinities, France undeniably remained a landmark of civilization or administrative and economic efficiency, and sometimes a beacon of legal inspiration. It must be said that the latter perception was in no way related to Constantin N. Brăiloiu and Alexandru N. Lahovary's conservative convictions. It was commonplace in the local cultural imaginary, which, regardless of one's political, social or cultural affiliation, repeated the encomiastic mantra dedicated to imperial France, to whom the Romanians were convinced that they owed the existence of their nation. In fact, one should not overlook another typical belief of this political imaginary, which is illustrated in our case by Alexandru N. Lahovary: the Romanian politicians were persuaded that the ideals included in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen were exclusively due to the France of 1789.

The present article brings to the fore several details, which had been either unknown, or only partially familiar to the Romanian historiographers. The author refers to academic trajectories of the 14 young Romanians (almost half originating from Bucharest or Iaşi), who obtained their PhD in political and administrative sciences at the Free University of Brussels between 1885 and 1899. Over a third of them were also doctors in law. Of the 92 PhDs in political science awarded in Brussels between 1885-1899, the Romanians were on the second position in a formal hierarchy of the students who were not of Belgian descent. The foreigners counted 51 students, and the list was dominated by the Bulgarians, who had obtained 21 diplomas, while the Japanese held a distant third place with merely 4 PhD degrees.

The paper shows that Jewish memory and Israeli memory are two distinct and sometimes even opposite, intellectual constructs. In order to assess this statement, we chose one specific topic: the birth of the evenimential perception in Jewish eyes, a phenomenon linked to the Zionist thought. A real intellectual revolution were achieved in the 19th and 20th centuries, which returns up side down the antique, medieval, and even early modern paradigms of Jewish time perception. It is precisely this reversal that led to the political activism and the foundation of state of Israel.

Cultural heritage represents an essential component of human identity, and as a part of of the contemporary world, it has both symbolic and economic value. Cultural heritage is finite and non-renewable though, being endangered due to recent conflicts and due to the way it is perceived. This article analyses how different political regimes have influenced the way Iraqi and Syrian cultural heritage has been perceived, preserved, protected and even destroyed, starting with internal laws, institutions responsible of heritage administration and the people who led them, in the attempt of demonstrating that continuous attempt to impose a cultural unity can have unwanted consequences.

This article explores a number of the themes that late researcher and professor Alexandru Duţu treated in his the articles, book reviews and interviews published in the Romanian cultural and opinion press between 1990 and 1998 (Arc. Litere. Arte & Meşteşuguri, Cotidianul. Litere Arte. Idei, Dilema, Secolul XX, Transilvania, Viaţa Românească etc.). As some of these themes are covered also in his scientific works, the study contributes thus to an inventory of the historical premises for Duţu's ideas on the formal and contradictory duality of the modern world, including the duality of "organic" and "organized solidarities", as well as the Janus-like nature of liberty or of liberties. Furthermore, it investigates his view on the reconstitution within the orthodox space of the Romanian cultural and political tradition, "ravaged" by the rationalism of the 19th century modernization efforts. This "aggression" led to the emergence of a new image of tradition, in folkloric tones, that has stubbornly endured also throughout the protochronism preached by the communist regime. Finally, the article approaches the sensitive theme of human condition during communism and the Duţu's self- professed "inner exile", as well as on his reactions as a citizen of the polis. All these stem from this long scholarly history of dual worlds, particularly the condition of the individual for more than three centuries: that of a relentless search for the lost harmony between the "world within" and the "world outside"), as well as from the internalization of his personal development.

One of the essential objectives of this work is to change the optical approach of the local power phenomenon, opting for the approach of the territorial organization of local power from the perspective of the realities of the contemporary world. Within the thematic framework of the paper, I have pursued that the territorial organization of local power to be treated from the perspective of political and administrative sciences, referring to the Moldovan realities, but also to the influences of the integration in the European space. In order to solve the theoretical and practical problems related to the efficient territorial organization of the public power, I have used the paradigm of the territorial organization of the public power as the basis of the phenomenon investigation. The key idea of the paradigm is that the phenomenon of public power in the contemporary democratic state must be tackled not only in relation to the state but more broadly in the aspect of the existence of both the public power of the people and the existence and functioning of the local collectivities' public power as a power that has the same social nature but is different as form and content from the state one. These communities have their own public power, based on two essential elements: the local population and the local electoral system through which its representative bodies (decision-making and executive) are elected. The chapters of the papers imply complex researches regarding the territorial organization of the local power, in the idea that they would allow to identify a model of territorial organization of the local power in terms of the interests and needs of local collectivities in the Republic of Moldova. The final objective of the paper was to develop a theoretical vision of the reform of the territorial organization system of local power in accordance with the new realities and that would meet the political, social and economic challenges facing the Republic of Moldova. Reforming the territorial organization of the local public power on the basis of the recommendations made in the paper will help to overcome the negative tendencies that occur in the processes taking place in the society. Searching solutions to solve or identifying possible ways to resolve a problem does not necessarily mean finding an undoubtedly mean to solve the problem or a definite answer to the existing issue. In many cases, scientific researches does not put the end point in a scientific dispute or in a contradictory approach of a phenomenon, they only develop it, broaden the knowledge space and update it, providing research space to other researchers concerned about that issues and opportunities of choice and documentation for political decision-makers.

The article argues that mediation, in its essence, is a mechanism for social development, and solving problems in the public administration system through mediation contributes to organizational change and personal development of civil servants. The problem under investigation is to identify the factors that determine the final states of the social costs and benefits of the parties involved in the conflict and the methods of effective conflict management. According to the specified research problem, the conceptions about conflict are reviewed, which serve as a support for the steps taken in the analysis of the phenomenon of conflict in the public administration. The paper describes the elements of the conflict phenomenon and conflict management styles and states that the constructive approach to conflict resolution, based on active action strategy and the application of the win/win principle, is a mechanism that offers the possibility to change the current conflict situation and improve the decision-making process.

Corruption manifests at an international, regional and national level, it can be considered a phenomenon of society that has a negative impact on the political, juridical, and economic system and the public services of a state. As a response to this phenomenon, the state develops anti-corruption instruments, which are: laws, normative acts, standards, political commitments, mandates for the creation of institutions and mechanisms, measures and actions against corruption. In this article are investigated anti-corruption instruments at international, regional, national, and local levels and institutional anti-corruption instruments. Moreover, it is analyzed the efficiency of anti-corruption instruments used by the National Anticorruption Center, an anti-corruption specialized institute. In conclusion, it is emphasized the importance of the realization of anti-corruption measures in Moldova, making use of international experience and developing national instruments, that correspond to the local specifics and conditions.

The research conducted on a national sample of 1087 people measured the attitude of the Romanian population towards political leaders, voting intentions in parliamentary elections and positioning on several issues of public interest.