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This is a conference paper. ; The UK along with the EU has witnessed a recent proliferation of designs for potential active fire suppression systems for the mitigation of fire risks in buildings and equipment; from five in 1986 (BSI, 1986) to eleven in 2011 (BSI, 2011a). However, each technology remains limited to the protection of certain types of application only, rather than offering a solution to guard against all possible hazards. This trend occurs at the same time as a transition from prescriptive to performance based standards and against the backdrop of the current nonprescriptive regulatory frameworks including the Building Regulations (HMSO, 2010), The Regulatory (fire) Reform Order (HMSO, 2005) and associated guidance (Approved Documents, standards, codes of practice and guides). Hazards can be difficult to assess and describe and the inequality or absence of satisfactory methods is notable in many recently published guidance documents. Active fire protection systems are installed to meet legislative requirements (to protect life), and / or when identified as appropriate by a cost-benefit analysis (e.g. to achieve risk reduction for business resilience purposes or to historic assets). There are many guidance documents available to assist users and designers in choosing and specifying appropriate active fire protection. These documents vary in age, relevance, scope, quality, impartiality and suitability. The Fire Protection Association (FPA) and several leading insurers who participate in its risk management work, have identified the requirement for assistance with the decision making process of analysing fire hazards and matching them to appropriate candidate systems, in order to make informed and impartial recommendations. This has led to the undertaking of a four year research project aimed at developing a decision problem structuring method and a software tool (Expert System), for the specification and selection of Active Fire Protection Systems. The research aim is to develop a tool that will assist users in making an informed selection of a system that is likely to best suit their needs and thereby contribute to overall improvements in fire safety and outcomes. This paper presents a summary of the work to date, focusing on the demand for the work, development of the methodology and practical application of the emerging Expert System.

"This book explores encounters and interactions between international students and local civil society organizations (CSOs) in Japan. Based on results of a cross-case analysis, this study reveals the possibilities for international students in Japan of creating social capital in the short term in culturally and socially diverse groups. While a conventional approach sees universities as the main support providers, this research shows the role of local CSOs as alternative actors offering international student support. Unlike the long-standing paradigm viewing Japanese civil society as top-down and closely following the government, this book uncovers many decentralized and bottom-up organizational types. Furthermore, it highlights an active part taken by foreign staff and volunteers in Japanese CSOs, which challenges the guest-host dichotomy of the previous literature. Presenting a reconsidered insight into the role of international students and their interaction with CSOs in community building this book will appeal to students and scholars of Asian studies, migration studies as well as organizers of CSOs and faculty of international higher education institutions"--

Texts designed to introduce political science students to the history of political thought or to past political theories have been commonplace in the discipline, as have disputes about their pedagogical utility or justifiability, and methodological debates concerning their adequacy or legitimacy. In an effort to address these disputes and some of these debates, I construct three models of historiographical inquiry. Each model represents a particular approach, and each is defined in terms of three common features. The methodological debates are joined both indirectly and directly: indirectly by identifying clearly the major features and purposes of these approaches, and directly by consideration of such issues as the nature of a historical tradition, the legitimacy of certain interpretive strategies and presuppositions, and the viability of certain conceptions of past political theory. I conclude that each approach can make significant contributions to the education of political science students.

Includes index. ; With many extra numbered pages. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This article examines how the postdefeat fate of leaders of different regimes affects their incentives to end or continue a losing war & how the outcome of war interacts with regime type to affect the leaders' postwar fate. Three regime types -- democracies, dictatorships, & mixed regimes -- & three fates -- staying in power; losing power; & losing power with additional punishment in the form of exile, imprisonment, or death -- are distinguished. Only leaders of mixed regimes are likely to lose power & suffer additional punishment whether they lose a war moderately or disastrously. Therefore, leaders of such losing mixed regimes have a disincentive to settle on moderately losing terms; they prefer to continue war in a gamble for resurrection. As a result, wars with losing mixed regimes last longer & produce higher numbers of battle deaths for both sides than other wars. 9 Tables, 51 References. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractThis article assesses the aggregate effect of information shortfall on the outcome of the last six Canadian elections. Building on Bartels' analysis, the authors find an information effect in three of the six elections examined, and in each case the information gap benefits the Liberal Party. That finding raises the question: why does information matter in some contexts but not in others? It is argued in this article that the information gap is related to lack of visibility. When and where all political parties have some degree of visibility, the less informed vote like the better informed, but when and where a party is hardly visible, the less informed are less likely to support that party. The less informed appear to consider a smaller set of options when they decide how to vote.

The emergence of international human rights law and the end of the White Australia immigration policy were events of great historical moment. Yet, they were not harbingers of a new dawn in migration law. This book argues that this is because migration law in Australia is best understood as part of a longer jurisprudential tradition in which certain political-economic interests have shaped the relationship between the foreigner and the sovereign. Eve Lester explores how this relationship has been wrought by a political-economic desire to regulate race and labour; a desire that has produced the claim that there exists an absolute sovereign right to exclude or condition the entry and stay of foreigners. Lester calls this putative right a discourse of 'absolute sovereignty'. She argues that 'absolute sovereignty' talk continues to be a driver of migration lawmaking, shaping the foreigner-sovereign relation and making thinkable some of the world's harshest asylum policies

(In)visibility is a central concept in debates on mobility and migration. It has been perceived as both resource and obstacle to transformative political practices. The aim of this article is to unpack how events tied to migration have been labelled simultaneously visible and invisible. This is not merely a contradiction but a sign of how knowledge about migration is produced in complex, multiple and contrasting ways. To assess these processes, however, scholars cannot rely on the language of (in)visibility as it comes short in articulating both the situatedness of processes of knowledge production and their multiplicity. This article proposes the language of 'making present' as an alternative, which enables us to track how different (in)visibilities have diverse political consequences. The conceptual contribution of the article is fleshed out by analysing two empirical cases: the construction of the Gateway to Europe and instances of migrant self-narration on the same site.

This paper examines the recent political economy of trade policy in Indonesia against the backdrop of two major events: the deep economic crisis of 1997-98, and the transition from three decades of rapid growth under an authoritarian regime to a weaker but democratic state. We investigate both international and domestic trade policy. The international trade policy regime has remained largely open, perhaps surprisingly in view of the unpopularity of liberal economic policies in the wake of the crisis and the forces advocating more protectionist policies. However, this openness is precarious, and lacks both institutional and community opinion support. In contrast, while remaining largely open at the international border, domestic barriers to trade have increased. This conjunction of economic crisis and weak, democratic states is a common phenomenon in the developing world, and the lessons for trade policy from the Indonesian experience over this decade are therefore relevant to many other countries.

This paper examines the recent political economy of trade policy in Indonesia against the backdrop of two major events: the deep economic crisis of 1997-98, and the transition from three decades of rapid growth under an authoritarian regime to a weaker but democratic state. We investigate both international and domestic trade policy. The international trade policy regime has remained largely open, perhaps surprisingly in view of the unpopularity of liberal economic policies in the wake of the crisis and the forces advocating more protectionist policies. However, this openness is precarious, and lacks both institutional and community opinion support. In contrast, while remaining largely open at the international border, domestic barriers to trade have increased. This conjunction of economic crisis and weak, democratic states is a common phenomenon in the developing world, and the lessons for trade policy from the Indonesian experience over this decade are therefore relevant to many other countries.