Suchergebnisse

Politička stabilnost u velikoj mjeri djeluje na ekonomske performanse određene zemlje. U ovom će se radu primjenom panel-modela sa slučajnim efektom pokazati da politička stabilnost ima znatan utjecaj na produktivnost rada mjerenu BDP-om po zaposlenom. Pritom će se politička stabilnost određene zemlje procjenjivati s pomoću indikatora političke stabilnosti i izostanka nasilja/terorizma, rizika državnog udara i indikatora državne legitimnosti. U uzorak je odabrano 11 postsocijalističkih zemlja Europske unije od 2000. do 2017. godine. Provedena analiza pokazuje da politička stabilnost ima bitan utjecaj na produktivnost rada u postsocijalističkim europskim zemljama te je robusnost rezultata dodatno potvrđena provođenjem analize pri alternativnim specifikacijama. S obzirom na to da se u postojećim radovima većinom nastojalo otkriti uzroke političke nestabilnosti i kako ih spriječiti, ovaj rad stavlja naglasak na posljedice političke nestabilnosti na produktivnost i gospodarstvo u cjelini. ; Economic performance of a specific country is, to a large extent, affected by political stability. The aim of this paper is to show that political stability has a significant impact on labour productivity measured by GDP per person employed. An analysis has been made using the random-effects model on three different measures for estimating political stability of a specific country: political stability and absence of violence/terrorism, risk of coup, and state legitimacy. The sample consists of 11 post-socialist EU countries for the period between 2000 and 2017. The results indicate that political stability has a significant impact on labour productivity in post-socialist European countries. The robustness of results has been further conferment by alternative model specification. Given the fact that the majority of existing literature focuses on the causes of political instability and the measures of preventing them, this paper primarily points out the consequences of political instability on labour productivity and the economy.

The European entrepreneurial undertaking, in the form of an equipped & armed merchant ship ready to circumnavigate & conquer the globe, created the modern world with one side only: the globalized West. Contemporary global liberal interventionism & governmental entrepreneurship are segmented today into a dangerously simplified multitask global pyramid of governance through unidirectional cascades. For real globalization, this process has to be bidirectional at least: from the center to the periphery, but also from the periphery to the center. Otherwise, at the beginning of a new "centennial trend" & a "great cycle," there is the risk that the collapse of the liberal civilization of the 19th century could be repeated -- once again because of the weakness of the world-system peripheries. The question of how to strengthen the "anonymous" global economic, cultural, & political processes of the bidirectional kind is becoming the central global & strategic issue for today's politics & political science. It has turned out that this kind of state & its processes in the real global environment could be successfully analyzed & effectively made use of only with the complete unreduced methodical front of all the fields of political science together -- & more. As such, they could be practically surmounted only with a very complex political & economic action through a whole set of expertly managed public policies. From the historically based Croatian point of view, a possibility of integration into the world center was always in founding a world market "niche," & never in making even a mini-empire or in controlling a globalized or a mega-national net. Without a methodically global political science approach, also leaning on Central European & Mediterranean cultural & politological traditions, such Croatian interests will not be accomplished. 41 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author's starting point in this article is a presupposition that the laissez faire tradition in economy and politics is legitimate. Still, the globalization processes point out the weaknesses of that presupposition. The author shows that the politicians (and theorists) of the most powerful countries have joined the antiglobalization camp. They no longer hold to the spirit of unity and humanity, and they spread capitalism with unpopular means: political and military might. In that sense the author points out to evidence that leads to a conclusion that the chances for a liberal political and economic philosophy are very weak. In fact, it is only an ideal. That is the sad result of the globalization process to date after the promise of Fukuyama's 'End of History'. Still, the author believes that not everything is lost. Adapted from the source document.

The author's starting point in this article is a presupposition that the laissez faire tradition in economy and politics is legitimate. Still, the globalization processes point out the weaknesses of that presupposition. The author shows that the politicians (and theorists) of the most powerful countries have joined the antiglobalization camp. They no longer hold to the spirit of unity and humanity, and they spread capitalism with unpopular means: political and military might. In that sense the author points out to evidence that leads to a conclusion that the chances for a liberal political and economic philosophy are very weak. In fact, it is only an ideal. That is the sad result of the globalization process to date after the promise of Fukuyama's 'End of History'. Still, the author believes that not everything is lost. Adapted from the source document.

U svom djelu Zatvorena trgovačka država iz 1800. godine, njemački filozof Johann Gottlieb Fichte zagovara ekonomsku autarkiju kao radikalan oblik protekcionizma, dok 1840. njemačko-američki ekonomist Friedrich List izdaje »bibliju protekcionizma«, djelo Nacionalni sustav političke ekonomije u kojem se suprotstavlja učenju Adama Smitha o važnosti slobodne trgovine i međunarodne razmjene. Pitanje otvorene ili zatvorene privrede iznimno je aktualno s obzirom na to da su globalizacijski procesi rezultirali rastućim nejednakostima i drugim anomalijama te se, kao reakcija, ponovno javljaju, ako su ikad i nestale, snažne protekcionističke prakse. U radu će se pokušati odgovoriti na pitanje je li globalni kapitalizam nužno suprotstavljen ekonomskom nacionalizmu te koju poziciju u toj opreci danas zauzimaju lijeve i desne političke opcije. Naime, umjesto lijeva ili desna, sve češće može se čuti da je neka stranka sistemska ili prosvjedna, pri čemu se tzv. sistemskima predbacuje da žele zadržati status quo u provođenju neoliberalne agende, dok prosvjedne često klize u populizme i nacionalizme. ; Johann Gottlieb Fichte in his work The Closed Commercial State (1800) argued for economic autarky as the next reform of protectionism. German-American economist Friedrich List published The National System of Political Economy (1840) which is considered to be the "Bible of protectionism". List was the opponent of Adam Smith's theses on the importance of free trade and international market. The advocate in a shift from open to closed economy is actual in the globalized world, which is determined by growing inequality and other social and political anomalies. Protectionism is imposed as a possible response to the discontents of globalization. The paper attempts to answer if there is a link between global capitalism and economic nationalism, and how are left and right political parties related to that possible link. Recently, in the days of political dissatisfaction, the alternative between left and right positions is replaced by the opposition between system and anti-system or protest parties. While system parties are criticized for keeping a status quo of neoliberal agenda, protest parties slide into nationalism and populism.

This contribution to the discussion about Dag Strpic's book Karl Marx and the Political Economy of Modernity focuses on the author's assessment that the weakening of US economic hegemony is questionable, especially with regard to the future prospects of capitalism (and its development), and prefers to speak of a "redesign" thereof. Accordingly, this article analyses in detail three aspects of capitalism redesign: the causal, the contingent and the functional aspects. Regarding causality, the partial redistribution of leading roles in world economy is caused by the introduction of new methods, from industrial and media technology to financial speculations and new wars -- which make profit-making possible. Regarding contingency, the shift in the centre provides opportunity for a small number of countries, such as China, India and Brazil, which are endowed with capitalist "talent" (in the sense of combining the policy of resource mobilization with elements of positive evaluation of labour in the local culture), to climb the ladder of successful development. The functional aspects indicate the favourable effects of the shift in the centre not only for newcomers to the club of the most developed, but also to the USA. The financialization of (primarily American) economy, along with giving over leadership to other industrial powers in many branches of industrial production, and in the rate of economic growth -- i.e. with a "new division of labour" in the centre -- gives to the US some sort of "aristocratic" status in the world of capitalism. Such a status is not incompatible with the cyclic process of capitalism development. Instead of a dialectical leap toward socialism, it rather aspires to a partial restoration of feudalism, as a global order of strong states in the centre and weak or apparent states on the margins. This, however, is not the worst possible ending of modern history. If a much more pronounced decline of US economic power in favour of the newcomers were to occur, this would probably strengthen the brutality of capitalism rather than weaken it. Provided that, in the EU, the trend of further decomposition of the welfare state is stopped, and the indispensable balance between the requirements of economic growth and of social solidarity and general well-being is restored, only a genuine and comprehensive "Europeanization" of the capitalist system could make possible the emergence of a global capitalism with a human face, and probably also of a world state which would provide for a balanced development of all parts of the world. Adapted from the source document.

What is the state of consciousness of modernity presently like? Is modernity as out of date as is claimed by neoconservatism in general & the postmodernists in particular? Neoconservatists accuse modern culture of undermining the ethical foundations of social life. The author shows that neoconservatism does not understand the relation between culture & society, & that it ascribes to cultural modernity the pathological syndromes (hedonism, narcissism, loss of identity) which are, in fact, the product of capitalist modernization of economy & society. Through money & power, the systemic imperatives of market economy & of the bureaucratic state gravely endanger the world of life & the process of cultural reproduction & social integration. Thus, it is solely through distinction between societal & cultural modernization that one can also understand the pathological effects resulting from the sphere of culture itself. While societal modernization is characterized by a growing autonomy of purposefully rational activity (in market economy & administration), which leads to colonization of the world of life, cultural modernization is marked by an increasing differentiation of cultural value spheres (science, morality, art) based on varied aspirations to validity (truth, rightness, authenticity) & by a differentiation of structures of rationality (cognitive-instrumental, moral-practical, aesthetic). Conservative critics of the aporiae of modern culture reject the entire project of modernity, advocating either a return to pre-modernism, or a step forward into postmodernity, or else mere anti-modernity (philosophers such as Nietzsche, Heidegger, Bataille, Foucault, Derrida). In contrast to them, the author sees the potentials of modernity in the protection & development of the sphere of communicational rationality against the systemic imperatives of economy & of the state, in the reestablishment of links between the spheres of science, morality & art, & in connecting the corresponding expert cultures with the communicational practice of the world of life. Thus perceived, modernity is still an unfinished project, which encompasses historical emancipatory potentials only as a differentiated reactive linkage of modern culture with everyday practice, only if societal modernization can also be steered down other non-capitalist paths, if the world of life can develop out of itself institutions limited by the dynamics of the economic & administrative system. Adapted from the source document.

The author reminds us that only after the Second Vatican Council did Catholicism change its reserved stance regarding contemporary politics & economy by starting to advocate a more positive political involvement of Catholic laity. However, it can be said that the political activism of Catholics confined to Christian-Democratic parties came to grief. This has been not solely the consequence of the ethical decadence of Christian Democratic politicians but also of increased secularization, which calls for a variety of forms of political activism on the part of Christians. Regarding the structuring of economy, the author goes along with the widespread belief in the superiority of capitalism over a totalitarian communist economy. At the same time, however, Christianity cannot accept "rampant capitalism" nor accept profit as the sole measure of good economic management, but must voice its views for social & humanistic correctives. Adapted from the source document.

U razdoblju od 1944 do 1947. KPJ je imala rukovodeću ulogu u novom državnom aparatu, ali je postojalo i višestranačje. Dilema da li ovakav stranački pluralizam ili jednostranački sistem brzo i relativno lako je riješena u korist KPJ. U tom razdoblju stranački sistem u Jugoslaviji se najviše približio boljševičkom. Sukob sa Staljinom prisilio je rukovodstvo da potraži novi identitet jugoslavenskog društva, različit od birokratskog sovjetskog sistema, ali uz zadržavanje diskontinuiteta sa zapadnim tipom građanskih demokratskih društava. Tražio se tzv. treći put društvenog razvoja na terenu samoupravnog socijalizma. KPJ je donjela odluku o vlastitoj preobrazbi u SKJ, ali se nije bitno izmijenila niti vlastitom ulogom niti organizacijskom strukturom. Polovicom 1950. lansirana je teza o odumiranju države, ali nerazvijenoj društvenoj praksi i dogmatskom teorijskom nasljeđu korespondirale su i nerazvijene teorijske rapsrave o bitnim problemima odumiranja države. Nakon kratkotrajnih inicijalnih rezultata smanjivanja uloge i funkcije države, nastupaju duga razdoblja jačanja države. Država je ostala sila iznad institucionalnih oblika samoupravljanja. Ustavom 1974. oktroiran je tzv. integralni sistem socijalističkog samoupravljanja. U takvom sistemu, ali i zbog njega, razgara se duboka i dugotrajna društvena kriza. Usprkos čestim promjenama politički sistem reproducirao je stare birokratske insitutcije koje su onemogućavale provođenje dubljih društvenih promjena. Dominacija politike nad ekonomijom nije dozvoljavala da se faktički radi na deetatizaciji i debirokratizaciji političkog sistema. Prelaz na razvijeni model parlamentarne demokracije bio je neophodan, ali je vrlo dramatičan. ; In the period from 1944 to 1947 the KPJ (Communist Party of Yugoslavia) played the leading role in the new government, but the multi-party system also existed The dilemma of choosing between such party pluralism and the one-party system was quickly and relatively easily resolved in favour of the KPJ. In this period the party system in Yugoslavia had come closest to the Bolshevist system. The conflict with Stalin compelled the leadership to search for a new identity of the Yugoslav society, different from the bureaucratic Soviet system, but retaining the discontinuity with the Western type civil democratic societies. What was sought after was the so-called third road of social development on the pounds of self-managing socialism. The KPJ decided to transform itself into the SKJ (League of Communists of Yugoslavia), but in essence it neither changed its role nor organizational structure. In the mid-fifties the withering away of the state concept was launched, but the undeveloped social practice and dogmatic theoretical legacy was also accompanied by undeveloped theoretical debates about the crucial problems concerning the dying away of the state. After short-lived initial results in reducing the role and function of the state, came long periods in which the state strengthened its power. The state remained a force above the institutional forms of self-management. With the 1974 Constitution the so-called integral system of socialist self-management was octroyed In such a system, but also due to it, a deep and long lasting social crisis had flamed up. In spite of frequent changes, the political system reproduced old bureaucratic institutions which prevented deeper social changes from taking place. The domination of politics over economy did not permit work to be done on the deetatization and debureaucratization of the political system The transition to the developed model of parliamentary democracy was indispensable but it has been very dramatic.

The author's thesis is that in the 19th century, Croatia was going through a process of liberalization parallel & similar to that in the rest of Europe. The liberal idea in its political & economic forms played a major role in the platforms of the leading Croatian politicians of the time. The staunchest adversaries of liberalism were the top ecclesiastical echelons. Political liberalism received a mortal blow in 1918, while economic liberalism was smothered by the planned economy after 1945. 30 References. Adapted from the source document.

The drama of Yugoslav socialism had begun long before its final collapse, only a few years after its coming to power. It had been announced by social events which the ruling politics neither expected nor could explain; events which at first were manifested in various forms of self-willed conduct of those employed in economy, and later in increasingly pervasive and complex disturbances in the system of material reproduction and other spheres of social life. Those events faced the ruling politics with the enigma of society that posed a serious challenge to the existing model of etatist economy and monopoly power of the Party. In this article, the author focuses precisely on the above-mentioned problem, i.e. on the relation of the ruling politics of socialism towards the social world of life (society): what did it do in order to regain mastery over the social events which gradually eluded its control, and what is the significance of the methods and procedure which it applied to that effect? All that the ruling politics of Yugoslav socialism was faced with and all it resorted to is observed by the author merely as a special case of socialism in general. Adapted from the source document.

The convergent cycles of the prevalence of interventionist or laissez-faire concepts have alternated in economics, politics, & political & economic theory. Hayek's theory of Western rationality & liberal & democratic order is based on two communicational arguments: the price-earnings ratio enables maximum mobilization of resources & the optimal use of information. The author's opinion is that the current cycle will bring about the integration of the liberal communicational argument with the new concepts of regulation, & not the universalization of the liberal order. 42 References. Adapted from the source document.

The ownership structure is one of the determining factors in the development of all agricultures; Croatia's is not an exception to this rule. In the long run, the ownership structure is undoubtedly going to determine the direction of the development of the market-oriented Croatian agriculture. The process of building the ownership structure appropriate to the market economy is neither simple not fast, let alone cheap. An overnight change in the ownership structure is neither possible nor prudent. The existing ownership structure of Croatian agriculture is the result of a century & a half long historical development. Socioeconomic & political factors exerted a strong influence on the process of the ownership structure's formation. Today Croatia has an "atomized" estate of only 2.9 hectares. A century ago the average size of estates was 8 hectares. This fragmentation is a direct result of the agrarian reform & colonization in the second Yugoslavia when the land maximum was reduced to 10 hectares. The existing -- very unfavorable structure -- should be in the transitional period gradually adapted to the family economy as the basis of future development, which will be market-oriented, cost-effective, & profitable. 3 Tables, 23 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author, who sees himself primarily as a "long-time practitioner," thinks that government policies in Croatia have failed to achieve national consensus & boost the economy. To find a way out of the present situation, an agreement among the major political & economic forces is essential. In the economy, the author -- in accordance with the HSLS program -- advocates liberalization of exports, fast denationalization & restitution, a ban on further capitalization & the free granting of company shares, & traditional budgeting & cutting down on government subsidies in the economy. Adapted from the source document.