The author's thesis is that in the 19th century, Croatia was going through a process of liberalization parallel & similar to that in the rest of Europe. The liberal idea in its political & economic forms played a major role in the platforms of the leading Croatian politicians of the time. The staunchest adversaries of liberalism were the top ecclesiastical echelons. Political liberalism received a mortal blow in 1918, while economic liberalism was smothered by the planned economy after 1945. 30 References. Adapted from the source document.
The drama of Yugoslav socialism had begun long before its final collapse, only a few years after its coming to power. It had been announced by social events which the ruling politics neither expected nor could explain; events which at first were manifested in various forms of self-willed conduct of those employed in economy, and later in increasingly pervasive and complex disturbances in the system of material reproduction and other spheres of social life. Those events faced the ruling politics with the enigma of society that posed a serious challenge to the existing model of etatist economy and monopoly power of the Party. In this article, the author focuses precisely on the above-mentioned problem, i.e. on the relation of the ruling politics of socialism towards the social world of life (society): what did it do in order to regain mastery over the social events which gradually eluded its control, and what is the significance of the methods and procedure which it applied to that effect? All that the ruling politics of Yugoslav socialism was faced with and all it resorted to is observed by the author merely as a special case of socialism in general. Adapted from the source document.
The convergent cycles of the prevalence of interventionist or laissez-faire concepts have alternated in economics, politics, & political & economic theory. Hayek's theory of Western rationality & liberal & democratic order is based on two communicational arguments: the price-earnings ratio enables maximum mobilization of resources & the optimal use of information. The author's opinion is that the current cycle will bring about the integration of the liberal communicational argument with the new concepts of regulation, & not the universalization of the liberal order. 42 References. Adapted from the source document.
The ownership structure is one of the determining factors in the development of all agricultures; Croatia's is not an exception to this rule. In the long run, the ownership structure is undoubtedly going to determine the direction of the development of the market-oriented Croatian agriculture. The process of building the ownership structure appropriate to the market economy is neither simple not fast, let alone cheap. An overnight change in the ownership structure is neither possible nor prudent. The existing ownership structure of Croatian agriculture is the result of a century & a half long historical development. Socioeconomic & political factors exerted a strong influence on the process of the ownership structure's formation. Today Croatia has an "atomized" estate of only 2.9 hectares. A century ago the average size of estates was 8 hectares. This fragmentation is a direct result of the agrarian reform & colonization in the second Yugoslavia when the land maximum was reduced to 10 hectares. The existing -- very unfavorable structure -- should be in the transitional period gradually adapted to the family economy as the basis of future development, which will be market-oriented, cost-effective, & profitable. 3 Tables, 23 References. Adapted from the source document.
The author, who sees himself primarily as a "long-time practitioner," thinks that government policies in Croatia have failed to achieve national consensus & boost the economy. To find a way out of the present situation, an agreement among the major political & economic forces is essential. In the economy, the author -- in accordance with the HSLS program -- advocates liberalization of exports, fast denationalization & restitution, a ban on further capitalization & the free granting of company shares, & traditional budgeting & cutting down on government subsidies in the economy. Adapted from the source document.
The collapse of the communist systems has brought about the crisis of identity & political efficacy of the Left, not solely in Eastern Europe but in the West as well. Due to this situation, the author claims, all the elements of the traditional leftist identity have come under scrutiny. This applies both to the political ingredients common to all leftist parties (the primacy of the economy, rejection of private ownership & market, egalitarianism, collectivism, & the theory of progress) as well as the elements that instigated irreconcilable differentiations within the Left (internationalism vs nationalism, parliamentary democracy, attitudes toward violence, reform vs revolution). The author concludes that due to the complex structure of the problems facing leftist parties, & other political protagonists as well, there is little possibility for the emergence of an all-embracing leftist political program; instead, partial program variation should be expected. 6 References. Adapted from the source document.
Taking into consideration all the benefits & pitfalls of its political, economic, military, & cultural legacies, the People's Republic of China has adopted a policy of reliance on rapid economic growth & improvement of the standard of living conducive to political & social stability of Chinese society & state. This goal has been accomplished only temporarily & partially, while the final result depends primarily on the ability of the Chinese leadership to find the golden mean between the two opposites: the closed political system & the need to maintain an open economy. In its search for a place in today's world, China is faced with the central choice of equitable participation in the global community: full acceptance of its mechanisms & principles (beginning with the UN) & international trade norms, the protection of human rights, armament control, environmental protection, etc. However, the Chinese see in this a threat of the erosion of Chinese independence & the possibility of choice & political independence of the Chinese state. Adapted from the source document.
In studying the ways in which parties presented their programs prior to the 1992 elections for the House of Representatives in the Croatian parliament, one must start with a study of the parties' definitions of the social reality. The prominent political problems seen as priorities in the definition of the social reality can be divided into four large groups of problems: economy, internal policy, foreign policy, & war. An analysis of these will reveal differences in the parties' priorities of interests. The parties' definitions of the political reality make it possible to distinguish one party from the others & at the same time indicate various types of cooperation that would enable them to establish some "thematic alliances," which are deceptive because they are determined by party interests, values, & starting points. 6 Tables, 1 Figure, 9 References. Adapted from the source document.
Venezuela je od svog osamostaljenja gospodarstvo temeljila na proizvodnji i izvozu jednog proizvoda. U 19. stoljeću to su bili kava i kakaovac koje je u 20. stoljeću zamijenila nafta. Navedeno je dovelo do nizozemske bolesti koja je gušila ostale gospodarske grane, pa su često korumpirane vlasti kupovale socijalni mir socijalističkim politikama i državnom potrošnjom. 1980-ih došlo je do prvog značajnijeg pada cijene nafte u 20. stoljeću te je Venezuela morala provesti liberalne reforme kako bi dobila pomoć Međunarodnog monetarnog fonda. Uslijedio je veliki pad standarda i BDP-a te masovni prosvjedi. Na valu tog nezadovoljstva na izborima 1998. godine pobjeđuje bivši vojni časnik i neuspjeli pučist Hugo Chavez kojemu oporavak cijene nafte omogućuje pokretanje socijalističkih reformi i gospodarski oporavak zemlje. Eksproprijacije vlasništva privatnih poduzeća i uvođenje cjenovnih ograničenja oslabili su domaće gospodarstvo i uzrokovali inflaciju, dok je rast državne potrošnje opteretio javne financije. Veliki pad cijene nafte 2014. uzrokovao je kolaps venezuelanskog gospodarstva kao i socijalnu i političku krizu. Prilikom izrade rada korišteni su službeni podatci venezuelanske vlade, ministarstava i instituta, te podaci Ujedinjenih Naroda, Svjetske Banke i ostalih organizacija kao i informacije iz venezuelanskih i inozemnih tiskovina i novinskih portala. ; Ever since its independence, Venezuela has based its economy on the manufacturing and export of a single product. In the 19th century, those products were cocoa and coffee beans, which were replaced by oil in the 20th century. This led to the Dutch disease which harmed other sectors of the economy, so the often corrupt governments bought social peace with socialist policies and government spending. During the 1980s, the first significant plunge in oil prices in the 20th century forced the Venezuelan government to conduct liberal reforms in order to receive assistance from the International Monetary Fund. These led to a significant decline in the standard of living and GDP, as well as, mass protests. Due to the popular discontent, the 1998 presidential elections were won by Hugo Chavez, a former military officer and the leader of the failed coup, who used the rebound in oil prices to start socialist reforms and economic recovery. Expropriations of privately owned assets and price controls weakened the domestic economy and led to inflation, while the rise in government spending strained the public finances. The big drop in oil price in 2014 caused the collapse of Venezuelan economy as well as social and political crisis. The data used in making this paper is from the Venezuelan government and its departments and institutes, as well as from the United Nations, the World Bank, other organisations and Venezuelan and foreign newspapers and web portals.
Ruralni prostor, nakon desetljećâ urbanocentričnog pogleda na svijet, ponovo postaje predmetom teorijskih rasprava i konceptualizacija. Posljedica je to (r)evolucije socijalne misli s jedne te općega društvenog razvoja s druge strane, zahvaljujući čemu u gospodarski razvijenim državama ruralna područja postaju sve važniji alternativni životni i radni izbor u odnosu na gradove. Teorijska razmatranja prostora, dosada pretežito usmjerena na velike gradove i urbane sustave (globalni grad, umreženo društvo, postmoderni grad), sve češće propituju refleksije postmodernih perspektiva razumijevanja prostora u ruralnom kontekstu, oživljujući time neminovno i interese za tradicionalnije shvaćanje ruralnosti. U članku se, slijedeći funkcionalni, političko-ekonomski, socijalno-geografski koncept münchenske škole te koncept socijalne konstrukcije ruralnosti, iznose, uspoređuju i komentiraju načini razumijevanja ruralnog prostora i njihove implikacije za definiranje tog pojma. Analizom primjerâ iz inozemstva i Hrvatske transformira se i oblikuje autorov stav o pojmu ruralnog prostora. ; Rural areas are becoming an important part of theorizing about space and place. Both the (r)evolution of social thought and the fact that rural areas are becoming an important alternative living and working environment in more developed countries have contributed to that fact. After being theoretically neglected due to the focus on urban areas (global city, network society, postmodern city), there is a growing interest now to study the reflections of the postmodern perspectives on the countryside. Eventually, this also leads towards the revival of interest in more traditional approaches and conceptualizing rurality in general. In order to compare and discuss different perspectives and theories of rurality, four different concepts have been used in the paper, namely: the functional concept, the socio-geographic concept of the German (Munich) school, the political economy approach in conceptualizing rurality and the concept of social construction of rurality. Using those concepts and examples from Croatia and abroad, the author transforms and creates his own position towards understanding rural space.
This article presents Milan Popovic's reflections on the two most recent & important books, General Theory of Modernity, written by French alter-Marxist theoretician, Jacques Bidet, & The States on Trial, written by Croatian political theoretician, Dragutin Lalovic. The two books have been published & discussed amid the most severe & multiple crisis of the so-called "neoliberal," ie., late & ultra-monopolistic capitalist economy 2008-2009, & this great social & historical fact has largely contributed to better understanding & reception of these two critical studies. Milan Popovic shares most of the main premises & findings of these two books with their authors. Some disagreements between him & them are of minor & technical importance. So, just to illustrate this kind of disagreements, while Jacques Bidet uses the term "alter-Marxism" to describe his own intellectual position, Milan Popovic prefers the term "post-Marxism" for the same purpose. Or, while Jacques Bidet uses the term "ultimate modernity" to specify our concrete historical time, Milan Popovic prefers the term "late modernity" for the same purpose. Or, finally, while Jacques Bidet uses the term "world state" to describe the emerging global polity, Milan Popovic is much more cautious, he reserves the term "state" exclusively for the modern form of polity, & leaves the final outcome & term of the emerging global polity for further development, observation, & nomination. Some disagreements between Milan Popovic & Dragutin Lalovic are of even lesser technical & conjectural importance. The three social & political theoreticians, however, strongly agree on the most important, substantive, & essential issues of our time. So, again, just to illustrate this kind of essential agreements, they strongly agree that our time desperately needs a new global polity & governance, which would deal with the rising ecological & other technological problems of late modernity. Despite some differences about the terms & emphases, they also agree that, in the meantime, at least in several coming decades, the late modern state remains one of the most important actors in the process. Especially two of three, namely Dragutin Lekovic & Milan Popovic, starting from the concrete political experience of Croatia & Montenegro during their wartime pandemonic 1990s, persistently insist on the complex, ambiguous, & contradictory process of simultaneous de-sovereignization & re-sovereignization of the state, as a part of the process in its late modern phase. Finally, the three theoreticians share a common vision on the substance & essence of the coming global polity. They agree that the polity should be a kind of "Universal Republic.". Adapted from the source document.
The author analyzes the latest developments in liberal democracy & the capitalist economy based on the examples of the works of Erich Weede & Klaus von Beyme. The tendency of alleviating economic & political competition is corroborated by means of an analysis of the phenomenon of a multiparty state & today's capitalist economy, which has been increasingly relying on rent-generated income rather than market competition. The author highlights the new strategies for the legitimation of liberal democracy by means of justice, as developed by John Rawls. Adapted from the source document.
The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has maintained control over the Chinese political system since the establishment of the People's Republic in 1949. Although the Chinese economic system has experienced a drastic change, passing from socialist to more market-oriented economy, the CCP maintained the communist rhetoric that has been adapted to a new reality. Though the political system suffered significant modifications, it never made a U-turn towards liberal democracy. Yet, the most important reform is the transition from a country ruled by a strong leader, to what has been called a collective leadership. Accordingly, the leadership transition has been somehow institutionalized and became a complex process, which is happening in a peaceful way, avoiding major political turbulences. Deng Xiaoping, even though he could be indicated as the last absolute leader of China, promoted the reforms that eventually led to creation of collective leadership and a peaceful leadership transition. The most important aspects were the implementation of the pension system for administration and the top leadership positions, and the establishment of a maximum of two terms in office for all major positions in the country. The collective leadership prevents the possibility of a one-man show and the creation of a dictatorship. Although the system has its discrepancies, it makes PR China a predictable power in which the consensus-based decision-making process is intended to avoid struggles among various fractions and leaders in the Party. Adapted from the source document.
U radu se analiziraju 134 javne politike cjeloživotnog učenja (CU) u devet zemalja uključenih u projekt 'Javne politike koje podržavaju mlade u njihovom životnom putu - Komparativna analiza cjeloživotnog učenja i uključivanja u obrazovanje i rad u Europi' (YOUNG_ADULLLT) koji je razvijen u okviru EU okvirnog programa za istraživanje i inovacije HORIZON 2020. Analiza javnih politika cjeloživotnog učenja se temelji na tri teorijska koncepta – kulturna politička ekonomija, teorija životnog puta i upravljanje. Ciljevi analize se odnose na utvrđivanje procedura formuliranja i implementacije politika CU u pojedinim državama, analizu njihovih specifičnih ciljeva i stupanj koordinacije obrazovnih politika, politika socijalne zaštite i tržišta rada. Analiza pokazuje razlike među zemljama s obzirom na navedene ciljeve koje su posljedica različitih društvenih i ekonomskih okolnosti. Procedure formuliranja politika kreću se od centraliziranih do decentraliziranih. Ciljevi javnih politika cjeloživotnog učenja su trostruki – obrazovni, ekonomski i socijalni, pri čemu njihova zastupljenost varira od zemlje do zemlje. Razine i mehanizmi koordinacije cjeloživotnog učenja također nisu istovjetni te su prepoznate razlike među zemljama s obzirom na centralno upravljani lokalizam, laissez faire i demokratski lokalizam. ; The paper analyses 134 policies which address lifelong learning policies (LLL policies) in nine countries involved in the project Policies Supporting Young Adults in their Life Course: A Comparative Perspective of Lifelong Learning and Inclusion in Education and Work in Europe (YOUNG_ADULLLT, HORIZON 2020). The analysis is based on three theoretical concepts - cultural political economy, life course theory and governance. The objective of the analysis is to determine the ways in which the LLL policies for youth are formulated and implemented in educational, economic and social sectors. The analysis shows the differences between the countries with regard to the stated goals that are a result of different social and economic circumstances. Policy formulation policies range from centralized to decentralized. The objectives of policies are threefold - educational, economic and social, with their representation varying from country to country. The levels and mechanisms of lifelong learning coordination also show the differences between countries with regard to centrally managed localism, laissez faire and democratic localism.
This opening address at a scientific symposium on the future of the state, held in Zagreb, May 10-11, 2002, discusses the activities of the "Konrad Adenauer" Instit in promoting democratic states all over the world. The Instit has offices in over 60 countries & carries out projects in over 120 countries. Its three objectives are: (1) the support of the development & solidification of democratic regimes, (2) the promotion of socially fair market economies, & (3) the provision of regional assistance during transitions to democratic & free market states. The Instit's stand on issues of civil society, free market, & solidarity is clarified, explaining how it attempts to promote liberal, competition-based economy in welfare states. The formation of the European Union does not cancel the need for the state as a political unit, but rather, makes its functioning more effective & secure for its citizens. The similarities & differences between Croatia & Germany as national states are briefly considered from the perspective of the symposium's leading theme. Z. Dubiel
