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Preliminary Material -- Chapter One Introduction: Cultural Governance and Chinese TV Drama Series -- Chapter Two The State and Its Officials in TV Dramas -- Chapter Three Securing the State: Law Enforcement and Military Action -- Chapter Four Justifying the State: Political Legitimacy and Accountability -- Chapter Five Creating the Political Discourses of TV Dramas -- Chapter Six The Chinese Television Drama Audience -- Chapter Seven Government Regulations and Censorship Mechanisms -- Chapter Eight Chinese Perceptions of Television's Function and Influence -- Chapter Nine Conclusion: Chinese TV Discourses and the Factors of Their Production -- Glossary of Technical Terms -- Bibliography -- Appendix -- Index.

Preliminary Material -- Chapter One Introduction: Cultural Governance and Chinese TV Drama Series -- Chapter Two The State and Its Officials in TV Dramas -- Chapter Three Securing the State: Law Enforcement and Military Action -- Chapter Four Justifying the State: Political Legitimacy and Accountability -- Chapter Five Creating the Political Discourses of TV Dramas -- Chapter Six The Chinese Television Drama Audience -- Chapter Seven Government Regulations and Censorship Mechanisms -- Chapter Eight Chinese Perceptions of Television's Function and Influence -- Chapter Nine Conclusion: Chinese TV Discourses and the Factors of Their Production -- Glossary of Technical Terms -- Bibliography -- Appendix -- Index.

企業對他們所處的環境以致更大社會環境的影響越來越引人注目,然而這一問題在學術界的研究依然有限。本論文研究企業政治活動,並嘗試豐富對企業政治活動決策及其影響的理解。 ; 在第一個研究當中,應用制度理論,我提出企業的創新會對企業的政治活動有增強作用。制度不僅是降低不確定性的系統,同樣也是被行為人權力所決定的結構,反映著行為人的利益。創新改變了利益及權力:創新者的利益被改變而權力得到增強。過去的制度不一定能反映了現在的利益和權力,所以創新帶來的改變可能會刺激企業嘗試對制度實施影響(在本文的研究中即企業政治活動),從而創立新的制度來加強或鞏固企業自身的利益。在另一方面,向新制度的轉變意味著放棄在舊制度下的既得利益。所以,我也提出假設:企業在技術網路中的地位會負面調節創新和企業政治活動之間的關係。 ; 第二個研究考察外國企業的政治活動。企業政治活動可能降低"外國劣勢"和外企遇到的制度矛盾。而且企業處於不同國家商務網路連接的節點上。這樣的位置使他們擁有更多的關於制度的瞭解,更少地被約束於本地制度,使他們更有能力進行制度創新。我提出這兩方面的影響會刺激外企在企業政治活動方面比本地企業更積極。 ; 企業選擇進行政治活動,一個自然而然的問題就是:這樣的活動對企業有沒有作用?第三個研究關於這一話題。關於企業政治活動對企業績效的影響,已有文獻中有著不同的解讀和發現。本文將企業政治活動看作是一個在非市場環境中的戰略:它的影響目標是沒有市場交易不產生收益的非市場環境,所以它並不能直接帶來利潤。然而企業政治活動可能為企業的市場行為創造優良環境,使企業能從市場戰略中獲得更多的利潤。所以,本文從交互作用的方面考察企業政治活動對於企業績效的影響,提出企業政治活動將加強創新和合併對企業績效的正面影響。 ; The influence that firms exert on their environment is relatively under-researched. In this thesis, I study a typical and perhaps the most recognized effort of firms to influence the environment – corporate political activity (CPA), trying to provide insights on the knowledge of CPA choice and its effectiveness. ; In the first essay, applying institutional perspective, I suggest that a firm's innovation is positively related to its engagement in CPA. Institutions are not only the systems that prevent uncertainty, but also the structures decided by the bargaining power of actors and which reflect the interests of the actors. Innovation changes interest and power - the foundations behind institutions, therefore, may encourage institutional work for new institutions - in this study CPA for public policies. On the other hand, changing to new institutions would imply dropping the vested interest in old institutions. So, the greater the vested interest of a firm in old institutions, the less likely it is that it will engage in CPA after innovation. Thus, I also hypothesize that a firm's centrality in the technology network will negatively moderate the relationship between its innovation and involvement in political activities. ; The second essay investigates how being foreign may ...

Dr. Hu Shih (1891-1962) was one of China's top scholars and diplomats and served as the Republic of China's ambassador to the United States during World War II. As early as 1941, Hu Shih warned of the fundamental ideological conflict between dictatorial totalitarianism and democratic systems, a view that later became the foundation of the Cold War narrative. In the 1950s, after Mao's authoritarian regime was established, Hu Shih started to analyze the development and nature of Communism, delivering a series of lectures and addresses to reveal what he called Stalin's "grand strategy" for facilitating the International Communist Movement. For decades--and today to a certain extent--Hu Shih's political writings were considered sensitive and even dangerous. As a strident critic of the Chinese Communist Party's oligarchical practices, he was targeted by the CCP in a concerted national campaign to smear his reputation, cast aspersions on his writings, and generally destroy any possible influence he might have in China. This volume brings together a collection of Hu Shih's most important, mostly unpublished, English-language speeches, interviews, and commentaries on international politics, China-U.S. relations, and the International Communist Movement. Taken together, these works provide an insider's perspective on Sino-American relations and the development of the International Communist Movement over the course of the 20th century

Chang Kwun-Hung. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2003. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 184-189). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter 1. --- Introduction ; Chapter 1.1 --- The approach of this thesis --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Criticisms on Rawls --- p.8 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Influences from Marx --- p.13 ; Chapter 1.4 --- "Socialism, market, and democracy" --- p.14 ; Chapter 1.5 --- Why should we need equality? --- p.18 ; Chapter 2. --- Complex Equality and Distributive Justice ; Chapter 2.1 --- Social goods and distributive spheres --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Problems on simple equality --- p.26 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Complex equality and reduction of dominance --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Blocked exchange and free exchanges --- p.37 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Natural endowments and desert --- p.40 ; Chapter 3. --- Criticisms on Walzer's theory of social goods ; Chapter 3.1 --- Loose link between social meanings and distributive principles --- p.47 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Moral considerations and principle of utility --- p.50 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Basic needs and communal provision --- p.56 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Unclear boundaries between social goods --- p.60 ; Chapter 4. --- Citizenship and shared understandings of social goods ; Chapter 4.1 --- Democratic citizenship and political power --- p.70 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Decentralized democratic socialism --- p.77 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Ruled by citizens or ruled by specialists? --- p.79 ; Chapter 4.4 --- Shared understandings of social welfare --- p.81 ; Chapter 4.41 --- Medical care ; Chapter 4.42 --- Education ; Chapter 4.5 --- Art of separation --- p.91 ; Chapter 5. --- Interpretation and social criticism ; Chapter 5.1 --- Interpretation thesis --- p.99 ; Chapter 5.2 --- Social criticism --- p.111 ; Chapter 5.3 --- Dworkin-Walzer debate --- p.118 ; Chapter 6. --- Problems with Walzer's interpretation thesis ; Chapter 6.1 --- The possibility of social criticisms made by another society --- p.132 ; Chapter 6.2 --- Refutation of interpretation thesis --- p.139 ...

Chung, Lok Wai. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 254-271). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract / --- p.i ; Acknowledgments/ --- p.iii ; Table of Content / --- p.iv ; List of Tables / --- p.ix ; Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1. --- Theoretical background --- p.2 ; Chapter 2. --- Research questions --- p.6 ; Chapter 3. --- Explanatory Variables and Hypothesis: --- p.7 ; Chapter 4. --- Main Findings --- p.9 ; Chapter 5. --- Research methodology --- p.10 ; Chapter 6. --- Research significance --- p.11 ; Chapter 7. --- Structure of the thesis --- p.12 ; Chapter Chapter One: --- Literature Review --- p.15 ; Chapter 1. --- Debate between ideas and interests in International Relations --- p.16 ; Chapter 1.1. --- Conceptualization --- p.17 ; Chapter 1.2. --- How idea affects policy: three pathways? --- p.19 ; Chapter 1.3. --- Interest matter? --- p.20 ; Chapter 1.4. --- How is it formed? --- p.22 ; Chapter 1.5. --- End of idealism and rationalism debate? --- p.23 ; Chapter 2. --- Debate between epistemic community with other communities --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.1. --- How expert group works --- p.31 ; Chapter 2.1.1. --- Uncertainty --- p.31 ; Chapter 2.1.2. --- Cause and effect relationships --- p.32 ; Chapter 2.1.3. --- Define self-interests --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.1.4. --- Formulate policy --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.2. --- Difference between epistemic community with other groups --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.3. --- How to affect policy --- p.35 ; Chapter 2.4. --- Transnational Advocacy Network --- p.38 ; Chapter 2.4.1. --- What is network --- p.38 ; Chapter 2.4.2. --- What is transnationalism --- p.40 ; Chapter 2.4.3. --- What is transnational advocacy network? --- p.42 ; Chapter 2.4.4. --- How Transnational Advocacy Network works? --- p.44 ; Chapter 2.4.5. --- What conditions do advocacy networks have influence? --- p.46 ; Chapter 3. --- Application to the North Korea case --- p.47 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- North Korea Economy: General Review and Trend ...

在本論文中我們使用複雜系統研究方法,分析增長、分配和相關的基本社會經濟問題,經濟系統在本文中被視為包含巨大自由度的複雜系統。 ; 我們首先提出了一個無代表性經濟行為人的非同質的Poisson 創新增長模型以證明長期可持續的經濟增長的最終引擎來自於變異型的創新(非研發型),此機制是和持續增長的社會無序度一致的唯一機制。我們也討論了創新的異質特性。我們並且證明了各個部門的生產率分佈並非退化為單一的社會平均生產率,而是服從Maxwell‐Boltzmann 分佈,這一結果表明總需求對總產出存在真實的重要作用。我們隨後從複雜系統角度研究了經濟分配的問題。我們證明在封閉系統中,即使在很弱的假設前提下,收入或財富的分配不可避免得向兩極化的方向演化。隨後我們使用連續時間的Simon‐Yule 過程分析開放系統的經濟分配問題,此開放系統以新部門的不斷產生和遞減的代際影響力為特徵。我們證明了在此開放系統排除了分配兩極化的可能,代際類型穩定性必然在一定階段崩潰。 ; 隨後我們研究了路徑依賴、無限方差和雙參數Poisson‐Dirichlet 過程。我們發現主流的新古典宏觀經濟學的建模方法在此框架內無穩固的數學基礎。 ; 我們從更一般和更哲學的角度分析了一些涉及經濟學研究方法和範式的基本問題。我們主張複雜系統研究方法不僅在包括物理學和生物學的自然科學領域具有啟發性,在經濟、金融和其他社會科學領域裡同樣如此。我們認為,各式經濟系統儘管存在各自的特殊性,但總是沿著從低熵態向高熵態的方向演化,並在社會經濟生活各個領域出現不斷增長和發展的複雜的耗散結構。複雜系統方法的引入有助於對許多經濟謎題提供科學的解釋。除了傳統的經濟研究對象,在同一分析框架內,我們分析了現代企業制度、城市、政治和司法制度以及宗教等相關問題。 ; In the essays we employ the complex system perspective to analyze growth, distribution and related fundamental socioeconomic issues where the economy is viewed as a complex system with large degrees of freedom. ; We first propose a non-homogeneous Poisson innovation growth model with no representative agent to show that the ultimate engine of sustainable economic growth stems from mutation-style innovation (not R & D style), which is the only mechanism consistent with ever-increasing degree of social disorder. Heterogeneous innovation impacts are also investigated. And we show that sectoral productivity distribution in an economic system does not degenerate to the social average productivity level but follows the Maxwell- Boltzmann distribution instead, which in turn implies that aggregate demand has real impacts on total output. ; The economic distribution issue is then investigated from the complex system perspective. We show that in closed economic systems, under weak assumptions, distribution in income or wealth inevitably evolves into polarization. Then we employ the continuous-time Simon-Yule process to analyze distribution in an open economic system with innovation and decreasing intergenerational influence. We show distribution polarization is impossible ...

研究以湖南省松糖事件为例,分析中国农民的抗征地对中央政府信任的影响。研究认为,征地形式、上访过程获取的信息及其上访结果都会影响对中央的信任水平。具体来说,研究有三个主要观点:第一,相比公共项目征地、参与式征地和不威胁生存安全的征地,商业项目征地、命令式征地以及威胁生存安全的征地形式会更容易导致上访。在这些征地中,抗争者提出的诉求由于超越了相关的政策法律因此很难得到地方政府的满足。第二,上访过程中农民对中央信任的变化分为三个阶段:首先,抗争者将中央与其以下政府区别开来,并对中央保持着高水平的信任;接着,多次的进京上访使抗争者获取了有关中央的信息,包括中央已经了解了他们的问题并且这些问题值得重视;最后,失败的抗争结果导致对中央能力和意图的信任同时下降。第三,对中央信任的下降并不一定会导致公民选举要求的提出,这是因为传统的政治文化和无效的村庄选举使农民的政治效能感维持在低水平。 ; Drawing on the data from the Song-tang incident in Hunan province, the research examines the influences of resistance to land expropriation in rural China on political trust in the central government. The study argues that forms of land expropriation, information gained through petitioning and outcomes of petitioning have influences on trust in the center. Specifically, there are three main arguments. Firstly, compared with land expropriation for public use, in participatory manners, and without negative influences on living security, land expropriation for commercial use, in imperative manners, and with negative influences on living security is more likely to cause petitioning. In the three forms of land expropriation, claims are hardly satisfied by local governments since they have surpassed the state rules. Secondly, during petitioning trust in the center changes in three phases: at the beginning, resisters distinguish the center from lower-level governments and retain high-level trust in the center. Secondly, activists gain increasing information about the center during times of petitioning to Beijing. They realize that the center has known their grievances, which are also worth its attention. Finally, failure of resistances results in decline of trust in the center's capacity as well as trust in its commitment. Thirdly, the declined trust in the center does not necessarily imply the demand for popular elections. Due to traditional political culture and ineffective village elections, political efficacy of the farmers remains at a low level. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; 劉靜平. ; Parallel title from English ...

Chan, Pui Lun. ; "December 2010." ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 133-147). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract of thesis entitled: --- p.i ; Abstract (Chinese) --- p.iii ; Acknowledgements --- p.iv ; Table of Contents --- p.v ; List of Figures and Tables --- p.viii ; Romanization and Translation --- p.ix ; Chapter Chapter One - --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- "Motivations, Arguements and Methodology" --- p.2 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Ethnomusicological Studies on Chinese Operas --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Studying Peking opera in Hong Kong --- p.5 ; Biographies of Mainland Peking Opera Performers --- p.5 ; Newspapers Reports and Columns --- p.6 ; Interview Transcripts of Peking Opera Artists in Hong Kong --- p.7 ; Government Documents and Archival Data --- p.8 ; Fieldwork --- p.8 ; Challenges and Limitations --- p.9 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Thesis Outline --- p.10 ; Chapter Chapter Two - --- The History of Peking Opera in Hong Kong --- p.14 ; Chapter 2.1 --- The Dual Forces of Cultural Policies --- p.15 ; Tour Performances as Diplomacy --- p.15 ; The First Encounter: Mei Lan-fang's Tour in 1922 --- p.17 ; Cultural Competition between the Two Chinese Regimes --- p.21 ; Cultural Policy of the Colonial Government before 1980 --- p.24 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Early Peking Opera Activities in Hong Kong --- p.26 ; Peking Opera in Recordings and Radio Broadcasting --- p.26 ; Peking Opera Films in the 1940s and 50s --- p.33 ; Integrating Peking Opera with Local Martial Arts Films in the 1960s and 70s --- p.35 ; Local Peking Opera Academies --- p.38 ; Amateur Peking Opera Groups --- p.42 ; Hybridization Between Peking Opera and Cantonese Opera --- p.43 ; Chapter 2.3 --- An Entertainment for Mainland Emigrants --- p.48 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Summary --- p.51 ; Chapter Chapter Three - --- Contemporary Peking Opera Activities --- p.54 ; Chapter 3.1 --- The Continuing Political Influence --- p.55 ; The Shifting Dynamics of Political Influences in the ...

胡錦濤在二○一一年訪問美國是極其重要的中美外交事件,作為世界上兩個最大的經濟體,尤其在國際社會的共同命運和國家和國際經濟動盪的時刻,中美關係發揮顯著作用。 ; 本論文特別側重說明美國政府和新聞媒介如何建構胡錦濤訪問美國,並塑造為一個慶祝國際政治媒介事件,說明政府在建構新聞語霸權,且取得美國新聞媒體的合作。它最終引發了媒體社會學的問題,媒體民主問題和人文與經濟價值之間的鬥爭。 ; 這兩個國家之間日益增長的戰略和務實的關係,是突顯社會的政治背景,導致胡錦濤訪問美國作為一個媒介事件,形成一個變贏的和平競賽,以及慶祝和友好熱惰的表現。 ; 胡錦濤訪問美國以及美國電視新聞作為本研究的主要焦點,說明媒體往往採取在媒介事件中互相尊重,雙羸 ,和平和樂觀的態度。美國的電視新聞媒體會在臨鍵的時刻偏向政府。 ; Hu Jin Tao's U.S. visit in 2011 is an extremely important diplomatic event in U.S.-China relations in the past thirty years or so, which calls for bilateral and international attention, as the relations between the world's two biggest economies play a significant role in the common fate of the global community, at a time of national and international economic turmoil. ; This thesis specifically focusing on explicating the journalistic construction of Hu's U.S. visit as a historical and celebrative international political media event, a news discourse constructed out of hegemonic governmental influences and the cooperation of U.S. news media. It eventually raised media sociological questions upon the professionalism of U.S. news media in relations to U.S. foreign policy, media democracy and humanistic question over the struggle between economic pragmatism and individual freedom, especially in international integration. ; The growing strategic and pragmatic relationship between the two nations is the foregrounding social-political context that leads to the journalistic framing of the visit as a media event, a win-win peaceful contest, and an celebrative and friendly welcoming performance. And that the American TV news media tend to pay more reverence towards the government during critical historic political moment, in this case the U.S. visit by Hu. The U.S news media, with TV news as the main focus in this study, tend to adopt the ritualistic media event script in framing the visit in an respectful, peaceful and optimistic manner. There is a discursive news storyline of Hu's state visit as a win-win media event starts from the tension between the two states and then a ...

Qingwang and Junxue present the findings of the ""Study of the Optimal Size and Structure of China's Regional Governments"" conducted by the National Natural Science Foundation of China. In an innovative theoretical analysis, it builds a framework upon the theories of intergovernmental fiscal relations and government administration to examine the endogenous determinants of the size, structure, and evolution of regional governments and the influence they have on China's socio-economic development. It also takes a more microscopic perspective, looking at county-level governments to examine the e