Students' trust in political institutions
In: Cultural Warfare and Trust, S. 97-115
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In: Cultural Warfare and Trust, S. 97-115
In: World Development Report 2002, S. 99-116
In: A New Handbook of Political Science, S. 191-204
In: International studies, Band 19, Heft 1, S. 59-69
ISSN: 0973-0702, 1939-9987
In: Asian survey, Band 16, Heft 9, S. 898-901
ISSN: 1533-838X
In: Journal of theoretical politics, Band 25, Heft 3, S. 301-308
ISSN: 1460-3667
In: Happiness, S. 177-198
In: Perspectives on politics, Band 3, Heft 2
ISSN: 1541-0986
In: https://dspace.library.uu.nl/handle/1874/306319
Political institutions determine the degree of freedom people enjoy and their capacity to influence their social and political environment. This chapter provides historical evidence on the evolution of political institutions drawing upon two major research projects: the PolityIV dataset and the Vanhanen dataset, which focuses on electoral participation and competition. Strengths and weaknesses of both databases are discussed. The chapter shows that global averages are tending to rise according to both datasets, but with significant differences in timing. Both datasets also show that the Western Offshoots and Western Europe took the lead in this process, while other parts of the globe often experienced a much less gradual evolution, with occasional violent swings in political rights. Yet in the long run, there has been an impressive improvement in the quality of political institutions worldwide.
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In: How Was Life?, S. 159-177
In: Fighting Poverty in the US and Europe, S. 77-94
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 73, Heft 1, S. 125-139
ISSN: 1468-2508
What are the linguistic effects of political institutions? Are consensus-building, power-sharing democracies more likely to recognize minority languages? In this article, I argue (1) power-sharing institutions -- proportional electoral rules, parliamentary systems, and federalism -- are less likely to recognize minority languages than their moderation-inducing, power-concentrating counterparts; but (2) if there is recognition, the level of recognition is actually greater in the former than in the latter. By testing this argument using a newly constructed language-in-education barometer, I find a significant and robust relationship between political institutions and minority language recognition. Adapted from the source document.
In: Journal of development economics, Band 89, Heft 1, S. 77-83
ISSN: 0304-3878
In: Pacific affairs: an international review of Asia and the Pacific, Band 48, Heft 1, S. 110
ISSN: 1715-3379