Suchergebnisse

为什么中国地方人大的发展会存在一定程度的地方差异?本文以市级人大为例,分析了经济现代化与人大发展之间的关系。通过对全国性数据的定量分析,本文发现:首先,一个地方的经济发展水平越高,当地市级人大的立法权、监督权和代表功能的发展水平越高。第二,一个地方的第二、第三产业生产总值所占的比重越高,当地的市级人大越有可能在立法和代表方面发挥重要的作用。 ; 本文还利用丰富的定性资料和统计数据分析了其中的因果机制,发现随着经济现代化水平的不断提高,市级人大有更强的动力行使立法权、监督权和发挥代表功能,以应对经济现代化所带来的各种挑战;此外,经济现代化给市级人大的发展带来了更多的财政资源和人力资源,因此也就提升了市级人大的能力。因而经济现代化能够对人大的发展起到促进的作用。 ; 可以说,中国市级人大的发展是政治制度调适的一种表现形式,一方面,尽管市级人大已经逐渐摆"橡皮图章"的尴尬地位,但党对人大的领导仍然得到有效的维持;另一方面,人大的发展调整了人大与"一府两院"、人大与民众之间的关系,加强了制度化的横向分权和自下而上的问责:这可以在一定程度上减少官员违法滥权的现象,改善政府的施政绩效,提高政府的回应性,缓和社会矛盾,也就促进了社会的稳定,提高了政权的政绩合法性,因而有助于中共政权更好地适应经济现代化所带来的外部环境的变化。 ; 本文的发现表明,一方面,正如许多研究所揭示的,经济现代化的过程可能会造成社会的不稳定,并且给威权政体的生存带来威胁;然而另一方面,经济现代化又会促进威权政体中的政治制度进行调适,从而在一定程度上有利于促进社会的稳定和威权统治的延续。 ; 然而,需要指出的是,这种政治制度的调适具有一些难以克服的局限性,随着经济现代化水平的继续提高,政治制度调适的需求可能会进一步增加,但调适的空间可能会逐渐缩小,在这种情况下,威权统治者能否继续通过政治制度的调适来保持威权体制的生命力,则仍然是未知之数。 ; Why does regional variation exist in the development of Local People's Congresses in China? Taking Municipal People's Congresses (MPC) as cases, this research explores the relationship between economic modernization and the development of People's Congresses (PC). Based on quantitative analysis on national data, it reveals that, firstly, the higher the level of economic development, the higher the levels of MPCs' development in legislation, supervision and representation; secondly, the larger the proportion of the gross product of secondary and tertiary industries in GDP, the higher the development levels of MPCs' legislation and representation. ; This research also analyzes abundant qualitative and quantitative data to reveal the causal mechanism and finds that, firstly, as the modernization of economics, MPCs have stronger motivations to promote their legislation, supervision and representation for dealing with the challenges brought by economic modernization; secondly, economic modernization also increases the finanicial and human resources owned by MPCs, which is beneficial to the development of their capacities. Thus economic modernization can make contributions to PCs' development. ; The dissertation argues ...

企業對他們所處的環境以致更大社會環境的影響越來越引人注目,然而這一問題在學術界的研究依然有限。本論文研究企業政治活動,並嘗試豐富對企業政治活動決策及其影響的理解。 ; 在第一個研究當中,應用制度理論,我提出企業的創新會對企業的政治活動有增強作用。制度不僅是降低不確定性的系統,同樣也是被行為人權力所決定的結構,反映著行為人的利益。創新改變了利益及權力:創新者的利益被改變而權力得到增強。過去的制度不一定能反映了現在的利益和權力,所以創新帶來的改變可能會刺激企業嘗試對制度實施影響(在本文的研究中即企業政治活動),從而創立新的制度來加強或鞏固企業自身的利益。在另一方面,向新制度的轉變意味著放棄在舊制度下的既得利益。所以,我也提出假設:企業在技術網路中的地位會負面調節創新和企業政治活動之間的關係。 ; 第二個研究考察外國企業的政治活動。企業政治活動可能降低"外國劣勢"和外企遇到的制度矛盾。而且企業處於不同國家商務網路連接的節點上。這樣的位置使他們擁有更多的關於制度的瞭解,更少地被約束於本地制度,使他們更有能力進行制度創新。我提出這兩方面的影響會刺激外企在企業政治活動方面比本地企業更積極。 ; 企業選擇進行政治活動,一個自然而然的問題就是:這樣的活動對企業有沒有作用?第三個研究關於這一話題。關於企業政治活動對企業績效的影響,已有文獻中有著不同的解讀和發現。本文將企業政治活動看作是一個在非市場環境中的戰略:它的影響目標是沒有市場交易不產生收益的非市場環境,所以它並不能直接帶來利潤。然而企業政治活動可能為企業的市場行為創造優良環境,使企業能從市場戰略中獲得更多的利潤。所以,本文從交互作用的方面考察企業政治活動對於企業績效的影響,提出企業政治活動將加強創新和合併對企業績效的正面影響。 ; The influence that firms exert on their environment is relatively under-researched. In this thesis, I study a typical and perhaps the most recognized effort of firms to influence the environment – corporate political activity (CPA), trying to provide insights on the knowledge of CPA choice and its effectiveness. ; In the first essay, applying institutional perspective, I suggest that a firm's innovation is positively related to its engagement in CPA. Institutions are not only the systems that prevent uncertainty, but also the structures decided by the bargaining power of actors and which reflect the interests of the actors. Innovation changes interest and power - the foundations behind institutions, therefore, may encourage institutional work for new institutions - in this study CPA for public policies. On the other hand, changing to new institutions would imply dropping the vested interest in old institutions. So, the greater the vested interest of a firm in old institutions, the less likely it is that it will engage in CPA after innovation. Thus, I also hypothesize that a firm's centrality in the technology network will negatively moderate the relationship between its innovation and involvement in political activities. ; The second essay investigates how being foreign may ...

作為一種新型扶貧手段,小額信貸產業在過去三十年中於發展中國家迅速興起。從業者常常聲稱小額信貸機構能夠為貧窮農民提供金融機會,而這些弱勢群體過去往往被排除在傳統金融機構之外;與此同時,不同於以往的扶貧手段,小額信貸機構被認為能夠在財務上達到平衡乃至盈利。這種雙重目標的前景吸引了許多發展中國家的興趣,因此,小額信貸產業作為解決貧困問題的一種嘗試而在國際舞台上獲得了迅猛的發展。 ; 由於中國獨特的社會和政治環境,小額信貸機構的發展有其特殊的軌跡。本研究以深入訪談和參與式觀察為主要研究方法,通過為期三個月的田野調查,對中國西部與北部的兩個非政府小額信貸組織進行了深入考察。研究發現,小額信貸組織正面臨無法同時達成雙重目標的困境;基於觀察與資料分析,本文提出,中國農村社區信任結構的轉型是小額信貸組織面臨多重問題的主要原因。隨著市場經濟的發展與城市化的加速,在日漸瓦解的熟人社會中,小額信貸機構的社會目標被其財務目標所壓制,導致原有的扶貧、婦女賦權等目標難以達成,更形成了目標替代的組織現象。 ; 為深入探討小額信貸產業中目標替代的現象,本文從組織目標的合法性與可測量性兩個角度提出假設,指出當邊緣目標具有強烈的合法性和直觀的可測量性,便可能取代相對難以觀測的核心目標。最後,本文指出,為保證小額信貸組織不偏離原有的社會目標,需要設計一種新型的、獨立的測量工具,用以跟踪記錄小額信貸組織的社會影響,並將其作為判斷組織表現的核心因素。 ; Known as an innovative tool for poverty alleviation, microfinance has been widely spread in developing countries in the past few decades. It is commonly claimed that microfinance institutions (MFIs) can provide financial opportunities to those who are unable to obtain loans from the formal system, while at the same time maintain their institutional sustainability. This promise has attracted the interest of developing countries with large population in poverty, leading to a remarkable emergence of microfinance industry on the global stage. ; Because of the special social and political environment, the development of MFIs in China has its unique trajectory. Based on interviews and participant observation, this three-month research focuses on two non-governmental MFIs in Western China and Northern China, revealing a plight of infeasible dual objectives and proposing an explanation from the angle of transformed trust structure. In a collapsing acquaintance community, the social objectives are suppressed by the demands of self-sustainability, thus violating the original intention of poverty alleviation and women empowerment, and leading to a phenomenon of goal displacement. ; To further discuss the logic behind the goal displacement phenomenon in microfinance industry, two propositions are suggested from the angles of legitimacy and measurability of organizational goals. The findings indicate that to ensure the ...

Yao, Wang. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 38-39). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Acknowledgements --- p.ii ; Contents --- p.iii ; Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 2 --- A Case Study of the Land Market in Hong Kong --- p.7 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Background --- p.7 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Institutions related to the land market --- p.7 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- Land Disposals --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- Public Housing --- p.9 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Recent Land and Housing Market History --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Land Supply and Land Prices --- p.11 ; Chapter 3 --- A Theory of Political Economy of Land Supply --- p.16 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Model Setup --- p.16 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Definition of Equilibrium --- p.19 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Equilibrium Characterization --- p.20 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Comparative Statics --- p.28 ; Chapter 4 --- Conclusion --- p.31 ; Appendix --- p.33 ; Reference --- p.38

本研究运用地方政治经济特征来解释商业协会与威权国家关系的分化,以及商业协会之间的系统差异,主张在地方政治经济结构中理解商业协会的角色及其之于威权政体的意义。本研究说明了在转型中国商业协会政治角色的新经验进展,探讨了社会利益能够成功地以制度化的方式输入威权政体的条件。 ; 在国家一面,本项研究说明了支撑地方威权国家维持支配的制度基础。激励地方政府开拓财源的财政制度和刺激官僚追求政绩的晋升制度,促使地方政府及其组成部门利用商业协会来提供必要的财政补给、提供公共品和帮助政府执行治理职能。在社会一面,中国的地方政治经济发展模式并非消弭而是加深了私营企业主之间的利益分化,破坏了商业协会的同质性基础。大型私企、中小型私企、个体与地方政府的互动模式具有本质差别,形成了分化的利益诉求。但是当前的商业协会体系并不能处理这种分化了的社会利益诉求,试图将它们都聚集到同一个结社中,既破坏了结社的内部凝聚力,也阻碍了制度化利益传输的可能。 ; 商业协会与威权国家的关系取决于政府渗透与结社凝聚力两大条件的交互作用。本研究将当下商业协会与威权国家的关系概括为四种类型:"合作型,"对抗型,"支配型和"庇护型。不同类型协会表达利益诉求的能力不同,"合作型与"对抗型都可以曲折的方式实现利益中介,但它们都还不是制度化的利益中介过程。通过"去政治化的政治整合过程,当前中国的商业协会对威权政体的政治稳定起到了正面作用。基于上述分析,合理的推论是:若地方政治经济特征存在系统差异,则商业协会的整体状况也应存在系统差异。本研究所建立的关于商业协会政治影响力的Logistic回归模型说明,商业协会的层级越高,组织凝聚力越高,与政府的"合作型关系越强,其被政府咨询以及实际影响政策的可能性也越高。在中国,在更高的政府层级上商业协会具有更可见的政治影响力。 ; This research reveals how the differentiated relation between business associations and authoritarian state and the systematic organizational variations are configurated by local political economy, and argues the political significance of business associations in authoritarian state should be located in the specific political economic structure. This research displays recent development of business associations' political role in transitional China, and identify the conditions that facilitate organizational social interest pursuits to be successfully inputted into authoritarian state. ; On the one hand, this research discusses the institutional bases which motivate the local authoritarian state to maintain continuing domination over society. Both the fiscal institution driving local state to expand revenue incomes and the bureaucratic promotion institution driving officials to accumulate political achievements motivate the local government to achieve following benefits from penetrating and dominating business associations: extract money from society, provide public goods, and facilitate the governance functions. On the other hand, the specific developmental pattern of local market economy actually has deepened the fragmentations among emerging private ...

Cheung, Hin Wah. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 206-216). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese; appendix 2 in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Abstract in Chinese (摘要) --- p.ii ; List of Figures and Tables --- p.vii ; Abbreviations Glossary --- p.ix ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- "Research Background, Significance and Question" --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Research Structure --- p.10 ; Chapter 1.3.1 --- Research Subject and Time Period --- p.10 ; Chapter 1.3.2 --- Research Objectives --- p.11 ; Chapter 1.3.3 --- Hypotheses --- p.12 ; Chapter 1.3.4 --- Research Methodology --- p.14 ; Chapter 1.3.5 --- Limits of the Research --- p.16 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Thesis Structure --- p.17 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review: Theoretical Discussion --- p.24 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.24 ; Chapter 2.2 --- The Concept of Religion and Politics --- p.24 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Church-State Relations --- p.30 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Role of Church --- p.30 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- The Models of Church-State Relations --- p.32 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- Types of interaction between Church and State --- p.39 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Education: A Battlefield between Church and State --- p.42 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Political Bargaining & Decision --- p.44 ; Chapter 2.6 --- Conclusion --- p.46 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- "Church-State Relations in Hong Kong: Three governments, Four religions, Different relations" --- p.49 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Introduction --- p.49 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Church-State relations in the colonial age --- p.49 ; Chapter 3.2.1 --- Catholicism and Protestant Christianity --- p.51 ; Chapter 3.2.2 --- Buddhism and Taoism --- p.55 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Church-State Relations in the transition period and after the return of sovereignty --- p.59 ; Chapter 3.3.1 --- HKSAR Government & Four Religious Bodies --- p.60 ; Chapter 3.3.2 --- Chinese Government & Four Religious Bodies --- p.69 ...

In Managing Frontiers in Qing China , historians and anthropologists explore China's imperial expansion in Inner Asia, focusing on early Qing empire-building in Mongolia, Xinjiang, Tibet, and beyond - Central Asian perspectives and comparisons to Russia's Asian empire are included. Taking an institutional-historical and historical-anthropological approach, the essays engage with two Qing agencies well-known for their governance of non-Han groups: the Lifanyuan and Libu . This volume offers a comprehensive overview of the Lifanyuan and Libu , revising and assessing the state of affairs in the under-researched field of these two institutions. The contributors explore the imperial policies towards and the shifting classifications of minority groups in the Qing Empire, explicitly pairing and comparing the Lifanyuan and Libu as in some sense cognate agencies. This text offers insight into how China's past has continued to inform its modern policies, as well as the geopolitical make-up of East Asia and beyond. Contributors include: Uradyn E. Bulag, Chia Ning, Pamela Kyle Crossley, Nicola DiCosmo, Dorothea Heuschert-Laage, Laura Hostetler, Fabienne Jagou, Mei-hua Lan, Dittmar Schorkowitz, Song Tong, Michael Weiers,Ye Baichuan, Yuan Jian, Zhang Yongjiang

The Lancet Countdown is an international collaboration established to provide an independent, global monitoring system dedicated to tracking the emerging health profile of the changing climate. The 2020 report presents 43 indicators across five sections: climate change impacts, exposures, and vulnerabilities; adaptation, planning, and resilience for health; mitigation actions and health co-benefits; economics and finance; and public and political engagement. This report represents the findings and consensus of the 35 leading academic institutions and UN agencies that make up The Lancet Countdown, and draws on the expertise of climate scientists, geographers, engineers, experts in energy, food, and transport, economists, social, and political scientists, data scientists, public health professionals, and doctors.

The transition of the global financial governance system is a history of the rise and fall of the Western advanced countries in the post-war international political and economic system. Since the end of the Second World War, the International Monetary Foundation and the World Bank have always taken the dominant role in the field of global financial governance. However, after the beginning of the global financial crisis in 2008, many drawbacks have become apparent concerning these two significant institutions, such as the lack of representatives, the slow and ineffective response to the crisis, etc. Following a strong appeal from the developing countries (with the emerging powers as their representatives), the global financial governance system has experienced several rounds of reforms which have yet to yield acceptable results. Therefore, it is highly necessary to create a new institution which can play a complementary role in the existing financial governance system rather than overthrow it. Complying with the tide of history, the official establishment of the BRICS Bank can be of great significance to the reform of current global financial governance systems such as diversifying the global financial governance bodies, representing the interests of developing countries in a better way, enhancing the status and improving the importance of emerging economies in the international political and economic order. Admittedly, the BRICS Bank also faces great challenges and limits such as the lack of a core leadership and the absence of a unified currency, etc.

本文主要針對清代杭州城一棟性質在天后宮與天主堂之間多次轉化的宗教建築,探討其對清代杭州城社會生活與公共空間的影響。 ; 除緒論、結論外,全文共包括四章。緒論介紹論文結構,並簡單梳理近來中國城市史研究的進展和相關議題。另外,在緒論中特別提到了韓書瑞(SusanNaquin)關於廟宇與明清北京城市歷史與生活的專著。此書透過宗教建築的變遷和作為城市公共場所的功能來看其對城市歷史的反映以及對城市生活的影響,對本文的研究視角和取徑產生了重要的指導作用。 ; 第一章介紹清代杭州城內政治、經濟與宗教文化等不同區位的形成以及城市管理概況,以說明數座天后宮在杭州城內原本坐落的不同位置以及其後的主要變化。第二章以明末清初到雍正八年之間天主教在杭州的發展歷史為線索,介紹杭州天主堂的建立以及之後因為禁教而改做武林門天后宮的背景,藉以分梳政府宗教政策以及地方宗教管理實務之間的複雜互動。第三章探究武林門天后宮在雍正八年以後的發展,並特別著重討論官員、文人與紳商家族的各種互動關係。第四章討論由鴉片戰爭到太平天國軍隊撤離杭州的道光、咸豐、同治期間,武林門天后宮如何又在戰爭與外交局勢變動過程中而再回天后宮改為天主堂的歷史。結論強調:基於宗教建築不斷變化其性質、功能、以及在城市公共生活中扮演的不同角色,人們可以從中了解國家的對內與對外政策以及地方行政管理如何實際影響著城市的面貌,而變化的城市面貌,又將影響城市的歷史與公共生活。 ; This thesis examines the urban history of Qing dynasty Hangzhou by closely analyzing the religious architecture of one Tianhou temple and one Catholic Church. This examination summarizes the evolution of these features and offers some thoughts on the influence that those changes made to social life and public spaces in Hangzhou. ; Apart from the introduction and conclusion, this thesis consists of four chapters. The introduction briefly reviews works Chinese urban history by scholars from Hong Kong, Taiwan, Mainland China and abroad. It then surveys the types of historical material used in the project. In particular, it reviews the contributions in Susan Naquin's work on Beijing'stemples in Ming and Qing China as a major source of inspiration for the perspective taken in this work, as it draws upon Naquin's perspective on religious architecture as a part of a city's public space in order to combine an analysis on social life and urban history. ; The first chapter discusses the history of Hangzhou's administration and its political, economic, cultural and religious development in the Qing Dynasty. It then outlines the history of the locations and major changes to the Tianhou temples dedicated to the goddess Mazu throughout the city. ; The second chapter begins at the end of Ming Dynasty and ends in 1730. Over this period of time, Catholicism became more popular in Hangzhou, and people built a glamorous Catholic ...

Zhang Yong. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2000. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 121-130). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Acknowledgements --- p.iii ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction: The Problem of Ideational Change --- p.1 ; The Articulation of Ideas and Practices --- p.2 ; Thesis Organization --- p.9 ; Methodology --- p.10 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Audience and Masses: Articulating with Different Media Institutions and Practices --- p.13 ; Social Construction of Audience --- p.14 ; The Reification of Masses and the Birth of Media Ideology --- p.22 ; The Institutionalization of Masses --- p.30 ; Legitimacy Crisis --- p.40 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- "The Introduction of ""Audience"": Localization and Transformation.……" --- p.42 ; Localization --- p.43 ; Transformation --- p.57 ; Hybridization: Mixing of Masses and Audience --- p.65 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Audience Survey: The Legitimation of Audience --- p.69 ; Capitalist Democracy: Three Types of Surveys in the US --- p.71 ; Rescuing the Political Authority: Three Types of Surveys in China --- p.76 ; Appropriation --- p.80 ; Incorporation --- p.88 ; Institutionalization --- p.98 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Conclusion and Discussion --- p.109 ; Appendix --- p.117 ; References --- p.121