Vladimir Putin: politička institucija sui generis
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 9, Heft 4, S. 18-38
ISSN: 1332-4756
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In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 9, Heft 4, S. 18-38
ISSN: 1332-4756
World Affairs Online
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 9, Heft 2, S. 5-18
ISSN: 1332-4756
In: Politicka misao, Band 35, Heft 2, S. 189-195
The author describes James Buchanan's theory of political constitution & his individualist understanding of political science. On the basis of homo economicus, Buchanan deduced the normative elements of political science, ie, the proposals for the choice of political institutions. In his opinion, the choice of political institutions always contains the ethical dimension. The positive elements of political science are illustrated by means of the analyses of the behavior of political actors within the designated framework. The author shows how this type of radical individualism does not satisfy the standards of political science since, de facto, it does away with the political sphere. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 36, Heft 3, S. 121-150
Democratic consolidation of postauthoritarian & posttotalitarian societies is looked into at the levels of (1) basic political institutions; (2) chief proponents of representative democracy (political parties & interest associations); (3) behavior of powerful informal political actors (army, church, entrepreneurs, etc); & (4) civic culture. Democracy is stable only after it has been consolidated on all four levels. This "maximalist concept" of democratic consolidation excludes the explanation of a breakdown of democratic systems by voluntaristic & nonconceptualized descriptions of "deconsolidation.". 1 Table, 1 Figure, 123 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 41, Heft 1, S. 102-114
The author gives an account of the evolution of the theories of institutional design or constitutional engineering in political science in the last twenty years. This is a special branch of political science that looks into how political institutions may serve as the means of conflict management in divided societies & whether they may be constructed in such a way as to contribute to the conflict resolution, democratization & the democratic stability of societies in general. Their rise was theoretically enabled by new institutionalism & historically by the third wave of democratization of autocratic political regimes since the 1970s & particularly since the 1990s. Using several seminal works to illustrate her point, the author shows how the theories of institutional design overlap with the theories of democratic transformation, consociational democracy, liberal democracy, & others. 42 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 31, Heft 3, S. 143-152
The author's starting point is Schmitt's definition of the political as the degree of association & dissociation of people. Such a definition of the political results in a dual process: on the one hand, political groupings can be stimulated from all quarters, while on the other, nothing is truly political. The political is a fact that cannot be determined. The author claims that Schmitt's thesis might be defended, provided the distinctiveness of the political is upheld without giving up the definition of the political as a degree of intensity. The author discusses whether the concept of the political can be defined independently of political institutions as well as the forms of control of the political. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 44, Heft 3, S. 23-43
The paper analyses the increasingly acute problem of low voter turnout for the elections for the European Parliament. The author identifies the key determinants of electoral participation, & focuses on how election campaigns affect the electorates' mobilization. By analyzing the results of various polls & by applying Sinnott's model of voter participation to the Slovenian institutional context, the author outlines the key circumstances leading to the disturbingly low voter turnout. The author points out the weaknesses of the institutional preconditions -- in the form of certain awkward electoral institutions, primarily regarding the institutional mobilization marked by half-baked electoral strategies of political parties & the unremarkable & dull campaigns -- that are supposed to increase voter participation. The low level of institutional mobilization has evidently affected the electorate's perceptions of power & trust in political institutions. This is why the institutional incentives for taking a vote have not been sufficient. By way of conclusion the author offers some recommendations concerning how to alter & improve the electoral institutions & the practice of the ED political parties, states & institutions. Tables, Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 38, Heft 1, S. 64-81
The origins, evolution, & present state of political economy as a field of scientific inquiry & academic course of study are discussed. The beginnings of political economy in the 17th century are outlined, & the discipline's development & branching during the next two centuries are noted. At the turn of the 20th century, political economy established itself as an autonomous economic science, but became marginalized in the research & teaching of economics for most of the century when it was appropriated by Stalinist ideology. Today, political economy is viewed as (1) one of the constitutive theories of political science; (2) a complex theory of development & change enabling the design of strategic scenarios of initiating, regulating, & implementing particular trends; (3) an economic analysis of politics & political institutions & processes; (4) a political analysis of economic institutions & processes; (5) a complex analysis of public policy as pertaining to economic activities; (6) an analysis of the relationships between the state & the economic sector; (7) an analysis of political-economic history; (8) a political-economic analysis of society; & (9) a political-economic analysis of the world economy (the political economy of globalization). The curriculum of a study course in political economy offered at the U of Ottawa & U of Zagreb is outlined. 124 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 31, Heft 2, S. 27-44
Political attitudes & activity of Thomas Jefferson, one of the founding fathers of American democracy, are described in this text. The author describes Jefferson's role in political activities of major importance for the creation of the US: compiling the Declaration of Independence, operating the Legislative Assembly of the state of Virginia, enacting of the separation of church & state, creating American foreign policy & the policy of Western colonization, introducing the first ten Constitutional amendments as a guarantee of human & civil rights, & elaborating on the principles of the organization of federal government. Jefferson fought against excessive legislation on powers of central political institutions. He established the tradition of Republicans versus Federalists led by Hamilton. That opposition gave birth to the modern American two-party system. Jefferson's presidency was also significant due to the elimination of centralist & oligarchic tendencies of previous Federalist governments. The author suggests that Jefferson's political theory & practice have left a permanent mark on the contemporary theory of democratic republicanism. 45 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 34, Heft 2, S. 61-82
The relations between the civil & military sector in SFRY greatly affected its development & survival as well as its collapse. Within the political system of the former Yugoslavia, the military secured a certain degree of independence, which later evolved into power per se, in any moment ready to impose its own interest (when & if jeopardized) as the general public interest. Due to such status of the military, the political system of SFRY was deformed &, to a certain extent, continually endangered by such autonomous functioning of the military. This sense of imperilment was the more intensive the deeper the divisions among certain social groups & interests, the bitter the struggles & conflicts along economic, national, & ideological divide, the less prominent the role of the communist party. Such situations encouraged & facilitated the process of the transformation of the military (particularly its top echelon) into a "neutral force" & -- formally & factually into the key political institution on the federal level. Among the several basic models of the relations between the civil & the military sector, the one in SFRY meant that the military was a factor in political decision making & the factor in certain crises. This required a certain degree of political clout on the part of the military. This clout, required for its meddling into politics, was based on the military & political position of the country, the military communist party organization, the ownership, ie, financial resources, the existence of the external & "internal" enemies, the impotence of civil institutions in certain periods & the charisma of individual military officers. 2 Tables, 19 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 39, Heft 3, S. 3-19
In stable democracies, radical electoral changes necessitating the alteration of the type of electoral system are very rare. That is why the typological electoral reforms in New Zealand, Italy, & Japan in the 1990s generated huge scientific & public interest. In all three cases, the reforms were brought about by profound political crises, primarily by the electoral system crises. The reforms were carried out according to different patterns. The New Zealand electoral reform was an expression of a highly sophisticated intellectual design of political institutions legitimized by a referendum. The Italian reform was exacted through the initiatives & actions of the political & the civilian actors & was also confirmed by a referendum. The Japanese reform was a result of a contingently exacted party arrangement. In all three cases -- to the biggest extent in Italy, & to the smallest extent in Japan -- the reforms were implemented regardless of the will of the main political parties & most politicians. 3 Tables, 56 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Anali Hrvatskog Politološkog Društva: Annals of the Croatian Political Science Association, Band 6, S. 205-215
ISSN: 1845-6707
In: Politicka misao, Band 34, Heft 2, S. 216-240
The Ministry of Science of the Republic of Croatia decided on a new Rule Book of Definition of Scientific Areas. According to the book, Politology is a scientific field in the area of social science. It is divided into 3 branches: (1) Politology, (2) Theory and History of Politics, & (3) Political Philosophy. By using documents, the author of this article shows how political science is differently structured by IPSA & APSA. The author describes 120 years of dominantly American development of political science & of professions of political scientists, which brought out a recent new world standard with around 100 subdisciplines & areas of expertise that are structured in 8 fundamental disciplines: (1) Political Institutions, (2) Political Behavior, (3) Comparative Politics, (4) International Relations, (5) Political Theory, (6) Public Policy & Public Administration/Management, (7) Political Economy, & (8) Political Methodology. The author points out that a voluntaristic intervention in the definition of scientific areas could mean an attack on the development of science, research organization, renewal of teaching staff at the university, & academic education of political scientists, as well as internationally comparable competence of Croatian experts & Croatian democratic political thought & political culture in general. 133 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 36, Heft 1, S. 169-182
Finer investigated the phenomenon of politics in its spatial & temporal framework, trying to look into as many forms of government as possible & to find uniformity in their variety. He paid particular attention to a study of institutions of government, which he considered the core of politics. His investigations focused on the state. By condensing the consequences of the emergence of the state on the forms of government, Finer came up with two variables: the extent to which rulers establish a standardized central administration & the extent to which homogeneous culture, religion, & laws are achieved. The second important topic in Finer's research was military organization. He wanted to demonstrate how the survival of a state, international order, social distribution of power, governing, the degree of bureaucratization, & a regime's nature, are intertwined with the structure of the state's military institutions. His opinion was that the military organization is necessary for the establishment & preservation of political communities, regimes, & governments. According to Finer, the state's key functions are preparing for wars, waging wars, reconstructing the country after wars, & expecting the next war. Finer's third topic is the relationship between political & religious systems of belief. He stressed their dualistic nature, with two more or less independent hierarchies that have been a source of serious tensions. Furthermore, Finer links the existing system of beliefs, social stratification, & political institutions. Where these factors are balanced, the political community achieves permanent stability. 2 Figures. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 33, Heft 2-3, S. 84-99
Croatia is the only postcommunist country in which the process of democratic transition coincided with the process of creating the state by means of a war. These three processes are in a special interaction: the transition enabled the realization of the state-building program, which triggered off the war, which, in turn, jeopardized the completion of both projects. The author illustrates the dynamics of the political changes in Croatia since the 1980s, which started with the liberalization of political life & continued with two stages of democratic transition, before & after gaining independence. The Serbian insurgency &, later, open aggression have somewhat hampered the transition & brought about the "ethnification"of politics. In closing, the author analyzes the pattern of the creation of democratic institutions, which has been, in both stages (before & after the 1990 elections), under the control of the ruling political party. 27 References. Adapted from the source document.