A short review of political parties and party systems lets us state that political parties are undoubtedly one of the most important political institutions of a modern state, however the very definition of a political party varies with scholars of different countries. Their functions are also variously defined. Political parties are classified into types on the basis of different criteria. Therefore it is possible to have a big variety of these types. Political systems are also treated in various ways. That depends on the concrete circumstances and the general level of political culture.
A short review of political parties and party systems lets us state that political parties are undoubtedly one of the most important political institutions of a modern state, however the very definition of a political party varies with scholars of different countries. Their functions are also variously defined. Political parties are classified into types on the basis of different criteria. Therefore it is possible to have a big variety of these types. Political systems are also treated in various ways. That depends on the concrete circumstances and the general level of political culture.
This article raises the question of whether the political scandals that take place in Lithuania have an effect on public trust in Lithuania's state institutions and, if so, what kind of an effect can be perceived. The following institutions of the Republic of Lithuania were selected for analysis: the Government, the Parliament, the Institution of the President, the Special Investigation Service, and the State Security Department. The analysis covers the 2004–2016 years (inclusive) period. The links between political scandals and trust in state institutions are analyzed based on an institutional approach to changes in governmental trust, as well as a non-functional approach to political scandals and the results of empirical studies analyzing political scandals and their relation to governmental trust. In order to determine links between political scandals and trust in state institutions, a dynamic linear regression with time series data was performed. The analysis suggests that political scandals that took place in Lithuania during the period of 2004–2016 had a substantial impact on changes in public trust in state institutions. In the case of all institutions, a negative short-term impact of political scandals on trust in these institutions has been identified. The results of the analysis also reveal that the extent of the negative impact of political scandals may depend on the level of intensity of the escalation of political scandals in the media and the type of political scandal.
This article raises the question of whether the political scandals that take place in Lithuania have an effect on public trust in Lithuania's state institutions and, if so, what kind of an effect can be perceived. The following institutions of the Republic of Lithuania were selected for analysis: the Government, the Parliament, the Institution of the President, the Special Investigation Service, and the State Security Department. The analysis covers the 2004–2016 years (inclusive) period. The links between political scandals and trust in state institutions are analyzed based on an institutional approach to changes in governmental trust, as well as a non-functional approach to political scandals and the results of empirical studies analyzing political scandals and their relation to governmental trust. In order to determine links between political scandals and trust in state institutions, a dynamic linear regression with time series data was performed. The analysis suggests that political scandals that took place in Lithuania during the period of 2004–2016 had a substantial impact on changes in public trust in state institutions. In the case of all institutions, a negative short-term impact of political scandals on trust in these institutions has been identified. The results of the analysis also reveal that the extent of the negative impact of political scandals may depend on the level of intensity of the escalation of political scandals in the media and the type of political scandal.
This article raises the question of whether the political scandals that take place in Lithuania have an effect on public trust in Lithuania's state institutions and, if so, what kind of an effect can be perceived. The following institutions of the Republic of Lithuania were selected for analysis: the Government, the Parliament, the Institution of the President, the Special Investigation Service, and the State Security Department. The analysis covers the 2004–2016 years (inclusive) period. The links between political scandals and trust in state institutions are analyzed based on an institutional approach to changes in governmental trust, as well as a non-functional approach to political scandals and the results of empirical studies analyzing political scandals and their relation to governmental trust. In order to determine links between political scandals and trust in state institutions, a dynamic linear regression with time series data was performed. The analysis suggests that political scandals that took place in Lithuania during the period of 2004–2016 had a substantial impact on changes in public trust in state institutions. In the case of all institutions, a negative short-term impact of political scandals on trust in these institutions has been identified. The results of the analysis also reveal that the extent of the negative impact of political scandals may depend on the level of intensity of the escalation of political scandals in the media and the type of political scandal.
This article raises the question of whether the political scandals that take place in Lithuania have an effect on public trust in Lithuania's state institutions and, if so, what kind of an effect can be perceived. The following institutions of the Republic of Lithuania were selected for analysis: the Government, the Parliament, the Institution of the President, the Special Investigation Service, and the State Security Department. The analysis covers the 2004–2016 years (inclusive) period. The links between political scandals and trust in state institutions are analyzed based on an institutional approach to changes in governmental trust, as well as a non-functional approach to political scandals and the results of empirical studies analyzing political scandals and their relation to governmental trust. In order to determine links between political scandals and trust in state institutions, a dynamic linear regression with time series data was performed. The analysis suggests that political scandals that took place in Lithuania during the period of 2004–2016 had a substantial impact on changes in public trust in state institutions. In the case of all institutions, a negative short-term impact of political scandals on trust in these institutions has been identified. The results of the analysis also reveal that the extent of the negative impact of political scandals may depend on the level of intensity of the escalation of political scandals in the media and the type of political scandal.
This article is focused on the relation between the political institutional conditions (regime properties) and collective violence. Relying on works of Charles Tilly, two most important properties of regimes (political institutional conditions) that could affect the occurrence and intensity of collective violence are discerned: regime (governmental) capacity and democracy level. Empirical-graphical analysis finds no relation between the democracy level and degree/occurrence of collective violence. However, statistically significant relationship between the governmental capacity (measured as polity fragmentation index) and degree of collective violence is found. Moreover, higher levels of collective violence are observed in the low capacity- undemocratic regimes, but the most successful in terms of containment of collective violence are high-capacity undemocratic regimes (not high capacity-democratic, as formulated in the hypothesis). Adapted from the source document.
Political communication is an interactive process concerning the transmission of information among politicians, the news media, and the public. We can identify three distinct stages in the evolution of political communications – premodern, modern and pastmodern, which simultaneously transformed political organizations, the news media and the electorate. In the premodern stage, much political communication was subordinate to relatively strong and stable political institutions and beliefs. In the modern, faced with a more mobile electorate, the parties increasingly professionalized and adapted their communications to the news values and formats of limited-channel television. Postmodern – still emerging stage of political manipulation with media abundance. Political manipulation is a type of message aimed at influencing the opinions or behavior of people. Often, instead of impartially providing information, political manipulation can be deliberately misleading, or use fallacies, which, while sometimes convincing, are not necessarily valid. The object of this master job is manipulation in political communication. The main goal of this master job: to analyse the process of manipulation in political communication and explore specific tools of manipulation. The main problem of political communication is that politicians no longer formulate their policies on grounds of principle and rational argument, but do so in consideration of the perceived need to "play well" in the media, and to please of public opinion. In other words we can say that politicians trying to manipulate on the political communication stage. The main conclusion of this job: how often people come to know about manipulation of politicians and news media, how often they are exposed and themselves become part of the evidence and information on which people make their political judgements.
Political communication is an interactive process concerning the transmission of information among politicians, the news media, and the public. We can identify three distinct stages in the evolution of political communications – premodern, modern and pastmodern, which simultaneously transformed political organizations, the news media and the electorate. In the premodern stage, much political communication was subordinate to relatively strong and stable political institutions and beliefs. In the modern, faced with a more mobile electorate, the parties increasingly professionalized and adapted their communications to the news values and formats of limited-channel television. Postmodern – still emerging stage of political manipulation with media abundance. Political manipulation is a type of message aimed at influencing the opinions or behavior of people. Often, instead of impartially providing information, political manipulation can be deliberately misleading, or use fallacies, which, while sometimes convincing, are not necessarily valid. The object of this master job is manipulation in political communication. The main goal of this master job: to analyse the process of manipulation in political communication and explore specific tools of manipulation. The main problem of political communication is that politicians no longer formulate their policies on grounds of principle and rational argument, but do so in consideration of the perceived need to "play well" in the media, and to please of public opinion. In other words we can say that politicians trying to manipulate on the political communication stage. The main conclusion of this job: how often people come to know about manipulation of politicians and news media, how often they are exposed and themselves become part of the evidence and information on which people make their political judgements.
Research on the phenomenon of leadership in recent years has revealed that attitudes in society towards who can be a leader in education are changing. This is actualized both by the research conducted by researchers and by the Lithuanian strategic educational documents, which emphasize that anyone who ignites their ideas, is committed to change and leads others can be a leader in the organization. As a result, leadership is no longer confined to school managers. The expression of leadership becomes no less important for every participant in the educational process: teachers, parents, children and other members of the school community. Today, the school that prepares its students for the future and the entire education system can no longer function according to traditional organizational governance models that recognize one-person management and leadership. Transforming the education system to meet the demands of an ever-changing society on its future members requires not only political will but also education leaders committed to change. Promoting the leadership of pre-school teachers should be one of the strategic goals of the institution and the pursuit of educational goals and change at both the institutional and national levels. The opportunity for teachers to become involved and participate in the management and change processes of the educational institution, to develop the traits and qualities of a leader allows them to grow both as educational professionals and as personalities.
Women's political participation is regarded as an essential element in all forms of development; however, the gender equality policies of India remain under scrutiny. After independence in 1947, there have been many initiatives to increase the political representation of women by the decentralization of power in various local self-government institutions of India. The act of Panchayati Raj Institutions has increased the engagement of marginalized segments of society, including women, into the decision-making role in political institutions. Therefore, this study attempts to explore the political leadership of women in Local Self Government institutions, through the use of qualitative methods, such as document analysis of the Panchayati Raj Institutions amendment act and expert interviews with elected women representatives in one district of the Kerala state. The paper seeks to identify the challenges of women in political leadership positions in India, the largest democratic nation. Findings from the study reveal that there is considerable progress in women's equality in the leadership role; however, there are certain crucial obstacles that still exist for women to be active in the political realm.
Women's political participation is regarded as an essential element in all forms of development; however, the gender equality policies of India remain under scrutiny. After independence in 1947, there have been many initiatives to increase the political representation of women by the decentralization of power in various local self-government institutions of India. The act of Panchayati Raj Institutions has increased the engagement of marginalized segments of society, including women, into the decision-making role in political institutions. Therefore, this study attempts to explore the political leadership of women in Local Self Government institutions, through the use of qualitative methods, such as document analysis of the Panchayati Raj Institutions amendment act and expert interviews with elected women representatives in one district of the Kerala state. The paper seeks to identify the challenges of women in political leadership positions in India, the largest democratic nation. Findings from the study reveal that there is considerable progress in women's equality in the leadership role; however, there are certain crucial obstacles that still exist for women to be active in the political realm.
Women's political participation is regarded as an essential element in all forms of development; however, the gender equality policies of India remain under scrutiny. After independence in 1947, there have been many initiatives to increase the political representation of women by the decentralization of power in various local self-government institutions of India. The act of Panchayati Raj Institutions has increased the engagement of marginalized segments of society, including women, into the decision-making role in political institutions. Therefore, this study attempts to explore the political leadership of women in Local Self Government institutions, through the use of qualitative methods, such as document analysis of the Panchayati Raj Institutions amendment act and expert interviews with elected women representatives in one district of the Kerala state. The paper seeks to identify the challenges of women in political leadership positions in India, the largest democratic nation. Findings from the study reveal that there is considerable progress in women's equality in the leadership role; however, there are certain crucial obstacles that still exist for women to be active in the political realm.
Women's political participation is regarded as an essential element in all forms of development; however, the gender equality policies of India remain under scrutiny. After independence in 1947, there have been many initiatives to increase the political representation of women by the decentralization of power in various local self-government institutions of India. The act of Panchayati Raj Institutions has increased the engagement of marginalized segments of society, including women, into the decision-making role in political institutions. Therefore, this study attempts to explore the political leadership of women in Local Self Government institutions, through the use of qualitative methods, such as document analysis of the Panchayati Raj Institutions amendment act and expert interviews with elected women representatives in one district of the Kerala state. The paper seeks to identify the challenges of women in political leadership positions in India, the largest democratic nation. Findings from the study reveal that there is considerable progress in women's equality in the leadership role; however, there are certain crucial obstacles that still exist for women to be active in the political realm.
The article discusses the crisis of the political, treating this phenomenon as an interactive constellation of political, over-political and apolitical factors. The aim is to reconstruct the assumptions of the crisis and highlight its main features in the context of ancient Greece. Under the influence of Dionysian religion, theater was established as a compelling and universally accessible authority to legitimize democracy. Therefore my analysis focuses on the social change after which democracy was no longer perceived as a form of governance but as a form of collective ownership. The article explains how the unbridled demonstration of power quickly erased the long-cherished principle of verbal argumentation and pushed Greeks to practice of power politics. It is shown how, with the establishment of autocracy, parallel interchange between political and anti-political institutions emerged in the Greek polis.
