Suchergebnisse

The article reveals the main directions of using remote technologies in the political process. The main advantages and contradictions of the formation of electronic democracy in Russia have been identified. The main prospects for the formation of the institution of electronic democracy in Russia are analyzed. The authors argue that the institution of electronic democracy allows to quickly discuss socially significant state decisions, enhances the integration of citizens into the political sphere and, in general, increases the level of trust in state institutions.

The article is devoted to analysis of new Marxism as a key methodological
trends of political science research. Historical events of the last century and the
ensuing updated the creative legacy of Marx and contributed to its reconsideration,
which was the enrichment of political science, development of methodology in its area
schools and trends, developing ideas known German scientist.

The article is devoted to a very interesting methodological paradigm, which has
its own history and the high importance in a number of Social Sciences - Institutional,
which is influenced by social changes and needs in their understanding was further
developed in the form of appearance of new institutional paradigm, actively used in
modern political science knowledge.

The constitutional reforms in Russia are amongst the most significant news for Russia's partners in international relations. The configuration of international law and Russian domestic legal order falls within the scope of the constitutional changes of 2020, and there is no chance that this change will be abandoned by the legislator. This particular amendment was not actively commented on during the nationwide discussion on the constitutional reform; it drew mostly experts' attention. The article alleges that the constitutional amendment restricting the applicability of international case law in Russia is both a transient response to the instant political tension around Russia, and a formalization of the positivistic trend well established in domestic judicial practice. The positivistic trend is part of the process shaping Russia's own approach to international law. The prospective amendment concerning international case law in the Constitution of the Russian Federation will not hinder the rules expressly stated in the treaties of the EAEU. However, the resolutions of the EAEU's structures and institutions, including the case law of the Court of the EAEU, are likely to be scrutinized in a defensive way by Russian Constitutional court in situations extraordinary for the Russian State, ensuring their conformity with the unquestionable and unconditional supremacy of the Russian Constitution.

The problem of trust in political institutions is currently relevant and is becoming the object of research in many scientific fields, including political science. The interest of foreign and Russian researchers is not only the understanding of this phenomenon at the theoretical level, but also its empirical analysis for solving practical problems. In addition to the problem of a conceptual explanation of the concept of "institutional trust", which has developed due to the theoretical diversity of interpretations of this phenomenon, scientists are faced with the need to choose the best way to collect and measure data (depending on the purpose of a particular study). In this paper, the author focuses on the problem of measuring institutional trust, highlights the key areas of institutional trust analysis, considers their advantages and disadvantages.

This article analyzes the population's self-preservation behavior based on the example of residents of Russia's Central Federal District. It is shown that self-preservation is a critical component when it comes to defining a country's demographical configuration and social development forecast model. Self-preservation and its effects turn out to be a response to consequences of social policy and the overall dynamics of life quality indexes, while shaping generational varieties of chronotopes. Self-preservation trajectories and strategies evolve as a result of socialization assisted by primary social institutions. This article presents the results of studying the population's self-preservation behavior models and the institutional factors which affect their development, while emphasizing the role of social institutions in shaping the people's attitudes in regards to their own health. The influence of primary social institutions such as family and marriage, economic and political institutions, external socialization and the healthcare system on a person's self-preservation attitudes is subject to analysis. Institutional influence is evaluated from a health condition and total life expectancy standpoint, while examining the effect institutions have on establishing self-preservation habitus and strategies, the significance of institutional barriers and the stressful impact that institutions have on the population. The empirical models used were based on studies conducted by the International Sociological Research Center at the Belgorod State National Research University in the Central Federal District in 2019. The results of those studies allowed for defining the role of social institutions within each index of the "importance model". It was found that institutional impact plays a minimal role in terms of the people's health status and solutions for modifying their attitudes towards the matter, while total life expectancy is determined primarily by economic institutions. Self-preservation behavior habitus is shaped through the institution of family and marriage. The study revealed a negative influence on self-preservation behavior through the institutional barriers of external socialization institutions. The healthcare system bore the greatest stress potential. The study can be concluded by saying that the population of the Central Federal District is prepared to assume personal responsibility for their health, and by pointing out a lack of any substantial dependence on institutions: when it comes to the people's evaluation of their own self-preservation strategies, the role of an individual not bound by institutions, together with the institution of family and marriage, dominates in terms of the intrinsic impact of the roles of all social subjects.

The populism phenomenon has become a mainstraim political research topic at the beginning of the 21st century. Scholars have focused on different aspects of this phenomenon. In the peer-reviewed monograph "Populism in power. Strategies and Consequences of a Populist Stay" (Wiesbaden, 2021) the author analyzes the results of a populist government in a geographical area. It is argued that populism in power has the following characteristics: charismatic leadership, public political opposition, networking and shutdown of patronage institutions that stand between populist status and the so-called "true people", paving the way for the autocratization of assemblies. The author shows the peculiar position of populist governments: how they come to power and what they do as a political elite to create their own legitimacy. Most of them act as the leaders of a permanent election campaign. The first step towards their new legitimacy is always the delegitimization of any opposition and this naturally opens the way to anti-pluralism.

The authors analyze features of a political decision to reform the governance arrangements of public institutions; Institutionalizing norms and values of a political solution; epistemological ability of the subject to see the changes taking place and understand the usefulness of the object of these changes; problem of interpretation of freedom of political decisions and the focus of the authorities to solve public problems.

The notion of "political accommodation" applied to the theory and practice of managing cultural diversity could enrich the Russian academic dictionary. Liberal democratic states invented specific mechanisms for political accommodation of cultural differences. Thanks to these mechanisms, the part of the population of a democratic state that is not ready to dissolve into the ethnocultural majority is more or less protected. The law not only prohibits forced assimilation, but also contains a number of norms that allow ethnocultural minorities to maintain their distinctiveness by passing it on from generation to generation. However, this is the case in liberal democracies with a long history. In states that emerged as a result of the collapse of two multinational policies - Yugoslavia and the USSR - the situation sometimes looks quite specific. They take more active measures for cultural homogenization than in previous years. As for Russia, in recent years there have been symptomatic changes in the sphere of ethno-cultural policy, which, although with a number of reservations, can be described in terms of "nationalization".

The course of political science in higher education is often read, to a large extent, as a theoretical course and affects the study of issues and problems of the formation and development of political institutions, processes and technologies. The focus is usually on the history of politics, the state as the central institution of the political system, political parties, political consciousness, culture, political relations, etc. However, it is very important that, when studying a course in political science, listeners understand the current political processes taking place around them. Some of them are well established, democratic processes, such as the electoral process. Others are associated with the impact of modern innovation processes on the political sphere of society. And in this case, political science as a science once again demonstrates its value in an applied format. For a deep understanding of this kind of political processes, additional aggregated information is needed, knowledge that should differ in such characteristics as relevance, novelty, compliance with modern development. In the modern digital era, it is necessary to additionally acquire knowledge about the digital transformation of political institutions, processes and technologies, including types of state policy, the most important of which is social. And it's not just the digital economy. This, first of all, digitalization of public administration (State-web) — Big Date management, blockchain, etc., as well as digitalization of business — the emergence and development of digital enterprises, etc. It is obvious that the use of digital technologies will become possible for the development of predictive political science. This article is largely a translation of German publications by scientists dealing with the development of modern political science education in the countries of the European Union, in particular, in the Federal Republic of Germany. The focus is on the impact of digitalization on the teaching of theoretical and applied political science.

The article is devoted to analysis of formation processes of interaction between the state, civil society and business in Russia. As an empirical basis the authors use the results of sociological research conducted by Public Opinion Fund in 2015, scientists of the South-Russian Institute of Management – Branch of Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration in 2012 and 2016. 44 % of respondents in the regions expressed a preference for the social partnership of government, business and civil society. The authors believe that the implementation of the mission of the Social Contract-2030 is possible through the mechanism of public-private partnership (PPP), which is the most promising and effective institution in modern economicpolitical condition of Russia. The strategic goals of the state consist in providing transfer of the country to the path of innovative development, aimed at reducing the export-resource dependence of the country in the context of the mission of Social Contract-2030 and the national security strategy of the country is impossible without formation of a partnership between the state, companies and commercial structures. Each of the members of the partnership provides a contribution to the implementation of the project. The business structure for its part contributes investment funds, human resources, effective business technologies, flexibility and responsiveness in decision-making, innovation and other private initiatives and available resources. The state in turn provides a partnership through their powers with necessary legal and institutional resources that ensure protective measures for the formation of a competitive and low-risk business. The main task of civil society is to help citizens in solving social problems and the implementation of control over the power structures in the fulfillment of social obligations of the state. The question of increasing the efficiency of mechanisms of Social contract-2030 implementation between the state, society, and business implies transparency of activities of public authorities and effective management of results.

The article provides an overview of theoretical and methodological concepts presented by domestic and foreign researchers on the development of physical culture and sports social institution, in order to study its role in the formation of personality and the production of social changes. The emphasis placed on the prerequisites and conditions for the emergence of the sociology of sports as a direction of sociological science in our country and abroad seems to be important. The analysis of researchers' opinions on understanding the specifics of the categories "physical culture" and "sport" is presented.
Some theoretical and methodological approaches, such as institutionalism which substantiates the role of social institutions sports in the social practice of different groups of population; a historical approach that allows to analyze the transformation of meanings of terms "physical culture" and "sport"; a sociocultural concept that makes it possible to consider physical culture and sports as elements of a broader category of "culture", as well as the work of modern domestic and foreign scientists in the field of sociology of sports are presented in the article. The author uses the following research methods: analysis, synthesis, generalization, content analysis of documents; analysis of statistical data. The novelty of the research issue lies in the critical understanding of the current state of physical culture and sports as social institutions from the standpoint of theoretical and methodological sociological concepts, including the analysis of different points of view on the content of the terms "physical culture" and "sport".
The author comes to the conclusion about the absence of a unified approach and interpretation of concepts, their hierarchy: on the one hand, physical culture, considered as a derivative of the concept of "culture", which is basic and includes the concept of "sport"; on the other hand, despite the close semantic meaning, the terms are independent and have characteristic distinctive features. The current situation of instability, high risks caused by a conglomerate of political, economic, epidemiological and other problems affects all spheres of life, including the field of sports, which dictates the need for further sociological research to make motivated decisions at all levels of government in a nutshell and long term.

This article examines the political discourse on foreign-culture immigrants, that forms the agenda of the Danish government. The difficulties of integrating migrants increase with the influx of asylum seekers and family reunification, when the rate of their admission exceeds the rate of naturalisation (absorption) of diasporas, that Danes see as a threat to social cohesion. A "preventive" immigration policy has emerged, demonstrating significant restrictions that reduce the influx of refugees. The discourse of restrictive policy supported by the electorate determined the government's agenda based on agreements between the center-left Social Democratic Party, the center-right Liberal Party of Wenströ, and the far-right Danish National Party (DNP) with its anti-immigrant agenda. At the same time, the ruling parties, weakening the support of the extreme right-wing parties, "intercept" the provisions of the DNP programme.

Restrictions on the political agenda concern mainly foreign-culture immigrants: strict regulation of the admission of asylum seekers, granting a residence permit, family reunification, initial distribution to municipalities and resettlement of immigrant "ghettos". This is combined with the education of immigrants based on the values ​​of social cohesion, work for the welfare state, and the inclusion of immigrant children in educational institutions. The discourse also includes the issues of deportation of immigrants, including asylum seekers, who commit crimes, the detention of asylum seekers not in Denmark and the EU countries, but in third countries that the government intends to make special agreements with. Taking into account the difficulties of returning refugees to the countries of origin, even if life there has become safer, this option is considered the most optimum, and appropriate work is being carried out in this direction.

The EU leadership condemns such a policy, but in the conditions of the weakness of its immigration policy, legal collisions, as well as the weakening of the solidarity of the Union members, there is no political opportunity from the outside to forcibly adjust the Danish state policy. In other EU countries, Denmark's preventive restrictive policy can be perceived as a positive model for the reception and integration of refugees of other cultures. The Danish experience is also useful for Russia, where problems arise in working with foreign-culture diasporas. In addition, such restrictive policies are helping to strengthen mobilisation mechanisms to combat the COVID-19 pandemic.

Целью статьи является выявление и анализ факторов, способствовавших актуализации характерных для состояния «варварства» социальных практик, сопровождавших адаптивные эволюционные изменения остготского общества в условиях кризиса идентичности в первой половине VI столетия. В качестве таких факторов рассматривается дуализм унаследованной римской государственной модели и этнического принципа формирования политической элиты остготского королевства, стремившейся к сохранению культурной и политической автономии; кризис самой римской модели управления (необходимо учитывать, что формально Теодорих Амал правил в качестве римского наместника, хотя статус его королевства и порядок передачи власти в нем не был определен) и сопряженный с этим противоречивый характер публично-правовой системы, отраженный в эдикте Теодориха; кризис германской модели управления, связанной с эрозией габитуса и социальных практик остготской военной аристократии рассматриваемого периода; наконец конфессиональный кризис, связанный с системными противоречиями между арианскими и ортодоксальнымии церковными институтами, что препятствовало возможности проведения соборов для легитимации власти. В качестве основного триггера обращения остготской элиты к «варварскому» наследию рассматривается война с Византией, повлекшая общий упадок экономики и общественных связей в Италии.
The purpose of this article is to identify and analyze the factors that contributed to the actualization of the social practices belonging to the state of «barbarism» that accompanied the adaptive evolutionary changes of the Ostrogothic society in the context of the identity crisis in the first half of the 6th century. As such factors, the author considers the dualism of the inherited Roman state model and the ethnic principle of the formation of the political elite of the Ostrogothic kingdom, striving to preserve cultural and political autonomy; the crisis of the Roman model of government itself (formally Theodoric Amal ruled as a Roman governor, although the status of his kingdom and the procedure for transferring power in it was not determined) and the associated contradictory nature of the public law system, reflected in Theodoric's edict; the crisis of the Germanic model of leadership associated with the erosion of the habitus and social practices of the Ostrogothic military aristocracy of the period under review; finally, a confessional crisis associated with systemic contradictions between the Arian and Orthodox and ecclesiastical institutions, which hindered the possibility of holding councils to legitimize power. The war with Byzantium, which led to a general decline in the economy and public relations in Italy, is considered as the main trigger for the appeal of the Ostrogothic elite to the «barbarian» heritage.